CHAPTER 4 OT ANALYSIS
4.8 Summary of Tonal Constraints
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For non-focal reading in (52), the IDENT-BOT constraint is inactive because there is no trisyllabic foot. In other words, IDENT-BOT does not play a crucial role in the evaluation of the disyllabic foot. For focal reading in (53), the occurrence of focus results in prosodic restructuring so the focused subject jui is isolated as a monosyllabic foot while the rest of syllables form a trisyllabic foot. The IDENT-BOT
constraint is needed to rule out candidate (53d). The base (wu wu) and its correspondence in the ouput ((wu wu) wu) is evaluated by IDENT-BOT. For candidate (53c), the second output tone (LH.LH) within ((LH.LH.)L) is not identical to the second tone in the base (LH.L). For candidate (53d), both output tones (L.LH) within ((L.LH.)L) are not identical to the base tones (LH.L). Candidate (53d) incurs one more violation than candidate (53c) in the IDENT-BOT constraint. As a consequence, the optimal output is (53c).
4.8 Summary of Tonal Constraints
The overall tonal constraint ranking for non-focal and focal readings are given in (54) and (55), respectively.
(54) Tonal Constraint Ranking for Mandarin Tone Sandhi (in regular speech):
IDENT-T-R, OCP-L >> IDENT-BOT >> IO-IDENT
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(55) Tonal Constraint Ranking for Mandarin Focal Tone Sandhi:
IDENT-T-R, OCP-L(ft) >> IDENT-BOT >> IO-IDENT
In sum, the occurrence of focus may result in prosodic restructuring, which yields different tone sandhi patterns. This section demonstrates that the focal tone sandhi pattern is determined by the interaction between tonal constraints.
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5.1 Summary of the Thesis
This thesis examines Mandarin focal tone sandhi among Taiwan youngsters.
Three types of sentences are under investigation in order to see whether youngsters’
intuition for focal tone sandhi varies when compared with that of earlier generalization.
Three types of sentences are as follows: Type A includes the focused auxiliary verbs and adverbs in a simple sentence, Type B the flat structure, and Type C the others. For Type A, the focused element is at the left edge of the focal phrase and foot formation starts at the focused element. The focused element then undergoes tone sandhi. For Type B, the focused element is at the right edge of the focal phrase and foot formation ends at the focused element. The focused element retains the base tone.
For Type C, two focal tone sandhi patterns are found. One is unmarked, and has the same grammar as Type A. The other is marked, and has the same grammar as Type B.
The generalizations in Chapter 3 show that the intuition of the informants in this study (i.e., people who were born in the 1990s) is different from that of older people observed in previous researches twenty years ago. The left-edge parameter proposed by Shih (1990) and Hsiao (1991, 1995) is unable to predict the occurrence of Type B
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and the marked Type C. Instead, a right-edge parameter is needed to account for these two types of sentences, as governed by the ALIGN-R constraints in Optimality Theory.
In addition, the size of the focal phrase in Mandarin is bigger than the phonological phrase, but it pertains to a special kind of intonational phrase.
Under the framework of Optimality Theory, prosodic constraints and tonal constraints are posited, respectively, in order to account for Mandarin focal tone sandhi, as shown below:
(1) Prosodic Constraint Ranking for Mandarin Tone Sandhi (in regular speech):
PARSE-σ, FTMIN >> FTMAX, ALIGN-L(IC, Ft), ALIGN-R(IC, Ft)
(2) Prosodic Constraint Ranking for Mandarin Focal Tone Sandhi:
a. Type A & unmarked Type C:
[FTMIN & NON-FINALITY] >> ALIGN-L(F, FP), ALIGN-L(FP, Ft), ALIGN-E(FP, IP) >> PARSE-σ, FTMIN >> FTMAX, ALIGN-L(IC, Ft), ALIGN-R(IC, Ft) >>
ALIGN-R(F, FP), ALIGN-R(FP, Ft) b. Type B & marked Type C:
[FTMIN & NON-FINALITY] >> ALIGN-R(F, FP), ALIGN-R(FP, Ft), ALIGN-E(FP, IP) >> PARSE-σ, FTMIN >> FTMAX, ALIGN-L(IC, Ft), ALIGN-R(IC, Ft) >>
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ALIGN-L(F, FP), ALIGN-L(FP, Ft)
Among the prosodic constraints, PARSE-σ, FTMIN, FTMAX, ALIGN-L(IC, Ft), and ALIGN-R(IC, Ft) are proposed to account for regular prosodic phrasing. PARSE-σ and FTMIN dominates FTMAX, ALIGN-L(IC, Ft), and ALIGN-R(IC, Ft) to ban unparsed syllables and monosyllabic feet, respectively. In focal phrasing, three kinds of alignment constraints are needed. The first kind, ALIGN-L(F, FP) and ALIGN-R(F, FP), is to align the edges of the focused element and the focal phrase. The second kind, ALIGN-L(FP, Ft) and ALIGN-R(FP, Ft), is to align the edges of the focal phrase and the foot. The third kind, ALIGN-E(IP, Ft), is to align the edges of the intonational phrase and the foot. The conjoined constraint, [FTMIN & NON-FINALITY], is undominated in order to prohibit a monosyllabic foot in sentence-final position in focal phrasing.
Following Cophonolgy, this thesis proposes two subgrammars to account for focal phrasing in different types of sentences. Subgrammar A (Align-L(F, FP), Align-L(FP, Ft) >> Align-R(F, FP), Align-R(FP, Ft)) accounts for focal tone sandhi of Type A and the unmarked Type C. Subgrammar B (Align-R(F, FP), Align-R(FP, FP)
>> Align-L(F, FP), Align-L(FP, Ft)) deals with the focal tone sandhi of Type B and the marked Type C. Both subgrammars of the alignment constraints relating the focused elements interact with other foot form constraints so that various prosodic phrasing
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phenomena will be included.
(3) Tonal Constraint Ranking for Mandarin Tone Sandhi (in regular speech):
IDENT-T-R, OCP-L >> IDENT-BOT >> IO-IDENT
(4) Tonal Constraint Ranking for Mandarin Focal Tone Sandhi:
IDENT-T-R, OCP-L(ft) >> IDENT-BOT >> IO-IDENT
As for tonal constraints, IDENT-BOT is adopted to deal with the tri-tonal strings such as (σ(σσ)) and ((σσ)σ) in non-focal and focal readings. This constraint requires that corresponding tones in the prosodically related bases and outputs remain identical.
In addition, the general OCP-L constraint is modified as OCP-L(ft) in focal reading,
which prohibits adjacent L tones in the same foot. In other words, OCP-L(ft) assures that adjacent L tones can appear in different feet.
In sum, the occurrence of focus results in prosodic restructuring, which yields different tone sandhi domains and tone sandhi patterns. This study shows that the phrasing of focal domain is determined by the interaction between alignment and foot form constraints, and the focal tone pattern is determined by the interaction between tonal constraints.
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5.2 Further Issues
There are some issues which are not discussed in this thesis. The first issue is the case of multiple foci. Nagahara (1994) investigated the phonological phrasing in Japanese. One of Nagahara’s findings is that when a sentence has multiple focused constituents, the focal phrasing starts at the first focused constituent and ends at the second focused constituent. There is no intermediate phrase boundary intervening between the second focused constituent and the end of the sentence. The following is a schematic representation of the phrasing pattern for multiple foci:
(5) Multiple Foci
……… focusl ... focus2…… ]s
[i1 [i2 ]i No intervening [i between [i2 and ]i
Hence, the issue of multiple foci could be taken into consideration and see how focal phrasing operates in Mandarin in the future study. The second issue is the correlation between Mandarin focal tone sandhi and the tempos in speech. Take the sentence ma
hen shao hou ‘Horses rarely roar.’ for example. Two readings, (L)((LH.LH.)L) and
(LH.LH.LH.L), are acceptable. In actual speech, the first reading occurs in unmarked
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moderate speed, while the second reading occurs in marked presto speed. Hence, the investigation of the interaction between speed and focal phrasing can be incorporated with the framework of the present study in the future research. Finally, Taiwanese is a language that its tone sandhi pattern is not affected by the tempos in speech. Thus, a cross-dialectal comparison of the focal phrasing in Mandarin and Taiwanese can also be pursued in the future so as to reveal the specific and shared properties among the Chinese languages.
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VITA
Education M.A. in Linguistics, July 2012
National Chengchi University B.A. in English, June 2009National Kaohsiung Normal University
Grants and Scholarships
2012 The member of the Phi Tau Phi Scholastic Honor Society of the Republic of China
2011-2012 Teaching assistant for Language and World Civilization
2011 National Science Council Travel Grant for attending the 61st Annual Conference of CLS
Project No. NSC-100-2922-I-004-086
2011 Teaching assistant for An Introduction to Linguistics in Center for Teaching and Learning Development
2010 National Chengchi University Travel Grant for attending the 43rd International Conference on Sino-Tibetan Languages and Linguistics
2010-2012 Phonological Theory Laboratory Assistantship National Chengchi University
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Publication
Shu-Hao Shih. 2012. Focal Tone Sandhi in the Mandarin Dialect of Taiwan Youngsters. Poster presented at the 13th National Conference on Linguistics in 2012.
Tainan, Taiwan: Southern Taiwan University, May 23.
Shu-Hao Shih. 2011. 台 灣 華語焦 點 變調範疇 的劃分 (The Focal Phrasing in Mandarin). Paper presented at the 61st Annual Conference of CLS. Matsuyama, Japan, Matsuyama University, October 30.
Shu-Hao Shih. 2011. Vowel Duration in Hai-Lu Hakka. Poster presented at the 12th National Conference on Linguistics in 2011. Kaohsiung, Taiwan: National Sun Yat-sen University, September 23.
Shu-Hao Shih. 2010. Monophthongization in the Hualien Accent of Mandarin. Paper presented at the 43rd International Conference on Sino-Tibetan Languages and Linguistics. Lund, Sweden: Lund University, October 18.
Shu-Hao Shih. 2010. Focal Tone Sandhi in Mandarin—Reanalysis. Paper presented at 2010 年「華語教與學」國際學術研討會 (2010 International Symposium of Mandarin Teaching and Learning). Taipei, Taiwan: National Taiwan Normal University, September 20.