6. Theoretical remarks on typology
6.3 Prosodic Well-formedness
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6.2 Prosodic Invisibility
Invisibility to normal tonal process is captured by various constraints and their interaction. Among them, phrase-level licensing constraints are remarkable ones that concern this study. The application of this constraint family in languages addressed in this dissertation is summarized below.
(3) Typology of prosodic invisibility
Languages High-ranked licensing constraint Invisible types Sixian Hakka ALIGN-R(Ф, Fnc≤5) ≫ ALIGN-R(XP, ϕ) SFP
Taiwanese ALIGN-R(ϕ, Fnc≤2) ≫ ALIGN-R(XP, ϕ) SFP, MOD, ASP, PRO, DIR
Shanghainese ALIGN-R(ι, Fnc≤6). ≫ ALIGN-R(ι, CLAUSE)
SFPAttC,(SFP, MOD)
What we can draw from this typology is that invisibility to tonal process at phrasal level usually involves highly grammaticalized function words, which is obvious in Sixian Hakka and Shanghainese. It implies that there is correlation between sentence-final positions, high degree of grammaticalization, and invisibility.
6.3 Prosodic well-formedness
As an opposing force to the licensing constraints addressed above, prosodic well-formedness also plays an important role in the current analysis. And their significance and influence differs from one language to another. Take two of them for example ― well-formedness of structural configuration and constituent size, as summarized in (4).
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(4) Structural preference: EQUALSISTERS
Languages Ranking Position of neutral tone
Taiwanese EQUSIS ≫ ALIGN-R(ω, Fnc≤2) Phrase-final only All else ALIGN-R(ω, Fnc≤n) ≫ EQUSIS Phrase-final or internal
(5) Size preference: σ-WITH-Σ (E) and FOOTBINARITY
Languages Ranking Target of neutralization
Shanghainese FTBIN ≫ σ-WITH-Σ (E) Not foot-initial, Lex or Fnc All else σ-WITH-Σ (E) ≫ FTBIN Fnc, outside ω
Taiwanese put more emphasis on prosodic coordination than the other languages, so neutral tones in Taiwanese are confined to phrase-final positions. On the other hand, Shanghainese prefers binary feet and therefore the application of neutral tone extends to non-initial positions in lexical categories.
The different application of neutral tones and relevant prosodizations across Chinese dialects may converge on promoted status under certain universal prosodic well-formedness, as illustrated in (6). This happens to, for example, the progressive markers (i.e. Mandarin zai4, Taiwanese teh4/leh4, Shanghainese lah5he2), which as an aspect marker (degree 4) are supposed to be neutral-toned. Yet, this type of function words is always full-toned due to its occurrence in initial positions.
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(6) Promotion of non-prominent function words Languages Phrase-initial Elsewhere
Standard Mandarin {(Fnc ω) (Lex ω) ϕ} {(Lex ω) (Fnc ω) … ϕ}, {(Lex ω) Fnc ϕ} Taiwanese {(Fnc ω) (Lex ω) ϕ} {(Lex ω) (Fnc ω) … ϕ}, {(Lex ω) Fnc ϕ} Shanghainese {(Fnc ω) (Lex ω) ϕ} {(Lex ω) (Fnc ω) … ϕ}, {(Lex ω) Fnc ϕ}
The promotion can be treated as forced by STRONGSTART, a prosodic markedness constraints, which disprefers prosodic constituents that begin with a sequence of two prosodic elements where the first is lower in the prosodic hierarchy than the immediately following prosodic element. Definition is as follows.
(7) STRONGSTART (after Selkirk 2011)
Assign one violation mark for every prosodic constituent whose leftmost daughter constituent is lower in the prosodic hierarchy than a sister constituent immediately to its right.
By dominating ALIGN-R(ϕ, Fnc≤1), this constraint STRONGSTART comes in effect when the function word is at initial positions of a prosodic phrase. This is shown in the following tableau. The prosodic markedness STRSTAR requires that lah5he2 as a preverbal progressive marker be promoted to the status of ω if it is phrase-initial. By contrast, lah5he2 as a postverbal continuant marker is prohibited from parsing into ω due to the prosodic licensing constraint ALIGN-R(ϕ, Fnc≤1), in which case STRONGSTART is irrelevant because the marker is not phrase-initial.
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The same rationale is applied to pronouns, and perhaps extends to the types of function words that are always at preverbal positions, such as object markers, modals, and so on.
6.4 Summary
This chapter summarizes the typology of the constraint ranking and offers some theoretical remarks. The factorial typology predicts grammars without non-prominent function words in terms of tonal neutralization and grammars where all the types of function words are neutralized, and yet did not find them attested under the scope of [Di3di3NP/DP] [lah5he2 doh5sy1VP/AspP]
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current inquiry. Also, it predicts a correlation between high grammaticalization degree, sentence-final positions, and the status of prosodic invisibility. As for typology of prosodic structure, these languages are found to have divergent response to some of the universal prosodic well-formedness requirements, such as the preference for structural coordination and binarity in size, but tend to conform to other principles, such as the domain initial prominence implemented by the constraint STRONGSTART, which seems to be high-ranked across the languages and thus brings about a promotion asymmetry: while non-prominent words can be promoted to ω at phrase-initial positions, they fail to do so elsewhere.
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l C h engchi U ni ve rs it y 7. Conclusions
This dissertation explores the grammaticalized function words in Chinese dialects in terms of neutral tone and prosodic invisibility. It has attained two major aims, one more empirical and the other more theoretical. First, it gave a broader scope of inquiry into the types of function words that are potential to be involved in the phenomena in question, and thereby provided a unified account for not only the operation of these phenomena per se but also the cross-linguistic patterns of distinct classes of function words. Second, it proposed a formalized model under the framework of Optimality Theory for different prosodizations across distinct (sub)classes of function words. The major claims are presented in (1). This summary provides an overview of the content in each chapter of the dissertation and reviews the main claims one by one.
(1) a. Function words do not form a monolithic and homogeneous group in prosody. They should be divided along the scale of grammaticalization degree into at least two prosodic classes: the prominent class, which is eligible for licensing the edge of prosodic constituents at either word level or phrase level, and the non-prominent class, which does not enjoy that licensing privilege and is therefore extraprosodic at either level, being vulnerable to tonal neutralization and/or prosodic invisibility. This distinction is formalized by the schemata of constraint ranking ALIGN-R(ω, Fnc≤n).≫ SP-MAX-X0 and ALIGN-R(Pcat, Fnc≤n) ≫ ALIGN-R(XP, Pcat).
(Chapter 2)
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b. Sixian Hakka and Cantonese have the least types of non-prominent function words ― only those with the highest degree of grammaticalization, namely sentence-final particles, are subject to tonal neutralization and/or prosodic invisibility. This is analyzed employing the constraint ranking ALIGN-R(ω, Fnc≤5).≫ SP-MAX-X0. Besides, a further division of sentence-final particles is suggested, by which attitude particles are argued to be more grammaticalized and thus more vulnerable to prosodic attrition than the other subtypes, due to their highly subjectified status. (Chapter 3)
c. Taiwanese and Standard Mandarin each contain a large range of non- prominent function words in tonal neutralization, with the threshold set on categories with degree of grammaticalization equal to 3, hence the constraint ranking ALIGN-R(ω, Fnc≤2).≫ SP-MAX-X0. In Taiwanese, non- prominent words undergo tonal neutralization and prosodic invisibility only at phrase-final positions. This is because of the interaction between EQUALSISTERS,ALIGN-R(ω, Fnc≤2) and ALIGN-R(ϕ, Fnc≤2). In Standard Mandarin, non-prominent function words can be further divided into two groups according to the presence/absence of optionality for tonal
neutralization ― relatively lower grammaticalized function words optionally bears neutral tone, while higher grammaticalized ones always appear with neutral tone. This division is parallel to the point in tone they are grammaticalized. (Chapter 4)
d. Shanghainese can be said to be phonologically highly attrited language in that the vast majority of function words are non-prominent in terms of tonal neutralization, and that the distinction between lexical and functional categories is obscured by the neutralization of non-initial tones of lexical
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words. Both can be analyzed as a result of stress assignment and prosodic licensing, captured by two sets of constraints ranking: ALIGN-R(ω, Fnc≤1).≫ SP-MAX-X0 and FTBIN ≫ σ-WITH-Σ (E). Besides, Shanghainese also exhibit prosodic invisibility in highly grammaticalized word, namely, sentence-final particles. This is attained through the constraint ranking ALIGN-R(ι, Fnc≤6) ≫ ALIGN-R(ι, CLAUSE). (Chapter 5)
e. The factorial typology predicts grammars without non-prominent function words in terms of tonal neutralization and grammars where all the types of function words are neutralized, and yet did not find them attested under the scope of current inquiry. Also, it predicts a correlation between high grammaticalization degree, sentence-final positions, and the status of prosodic invisibility. As for typology of prosodic structure, these languages are found to have divergent response to some of the universal prosodic well-formedness requirements, such as the preference for structural coordination and binarity in size, but tend to conform to other principles, such as the domain initial prominence implemented by the constraint STRONGSTART, which seems to be high-ranked across the languages and thus brings about a promotion asymmetry: while non-prominent words can be promoted to ω at phrase-initial positions, they fail to do so elsewhere. (Chapter 6)
Theoretically, this dissertation contributes to the syntax-phonology interface in two respects. First, it provides a principled way for ranked interface constraints to refer to specific types or even tokens of function words. Second, it instantiates that interface between syntax and semantics/pragmatics can shed light on interface between syntax and phonology. Given the limitation of this dissertation, the impact of this two-way
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interaction remains unclear and thus deserves further research to look whether it is applicable to other languages and other types of function words.
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