3. Grammaticalized function words in Cantonese and Sixian Hakka
3.2 Invisible function words in Miaoli Sixian Hakka
3.2.2 Underapplication of T1 sandhi
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wellformedness rather than syntactic structure. With this analysis in mind, let us turn to what problem certain types of function words may cause to the tone sandhi.
3.2.2 Underapplication of T1 sandhi
As every utterance may contain a single phonological phrase, usually the a maximal one (Ф), one might predict that there is at least one reading for every utterance where T1 sandhi applies all the way to the penultimate syllable. However, this prediction turns out to fail when certain classes of function words are involved. That is, certain classes of function words, though having a full tone that serves as a proper trigger of T1 Sandhi, would always make T1 sandhi underapply to the preceding tone. Such underapplication occurs obligatorily when the trigger is sentence-final particles le1/lio1 which denotes the tense/aspect of “current state realization,” and ge4, which expresses assertiveness and certainty. When the trigger is the modifier marker ge4, on the other hand, the underapplication may occur optionally. Examples of each situation is given below, were B stands for a base tone of T1 and T for the trigger for T1 sandhi. These sentences show that the underapplication has nothing to do with the type or length of the phrase containing the target syllable.
(47) Obligatory underapplication a. Tien1gong1VP] TP] =le1/lio1
LowCP]
To.dawn SFP.PRF
B T
‘The day breaks.’
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A question that is raised here is about why only these two classes of function words are invisible to the sandhi processing and in what way underapplication occurs. The answer b. Mo2 dung1xi1NP/DP] VP] TP] =le1/lio1LowCP]
‘I’m telling you, I would have drunk it.’
a. A1go1NP/DP] =ge4 [xin1sang1DP/NP] DP] Elder.brother MOD teacher
B~S T
‘My brother’s teacher’
b. A1go1NP/DP] mai1VP] CP-root] =ge4 [fa1DP/NP] DP]
Elder.brother buy MOD flower
B~S T
‘The flower that my brother bought’
c. Mai1 [gie1tong1NP/DP] VP] CP-root] =ge4 [qien2DP/NP] DP]
Buy chicken.soup MOD money
B~S T
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is quite clear if we take a look at the position of these classes in the grammaticality scale, which is repeated again in (49). As we can see from the scale, these classes are on the top end, belonging to the categories that are the most grammaticalized of all. This reveals that the degree of grammaticality also plays an important role in this phenomenon, with such an implication: the higher degree of grammaticality a function word is, the more likely it is prosodically invisible. As an evidence, function words grouped in categories with lower grammaticality degree never result in underapplication. This is evidenced by examples in (50), where we can see that the experiential perfect aspect marker go4 (with degree 4) and the directional complement ha1loi2 (with degree 3), indeed serve as the trigger for T1 Sandhi expectedly.
(49) Extended grammaticality scale for Sixian Hakka (=34)
NUM PHA
(50) Function words lower grammaticalized: no underapplication
One might wonder whether and how the association of invisibility with grammaticality is motivated. In view of the analysis of sandhi domain we have seen in the last subsection, a a. Ng2 siid3 tang1-go4=mo2VP] LowCP]
You ever hear-PRF=SFP.FOR
S T
‘Have you ever heard this?’
b. Tai4ga1 kiung4ha4 co1-ha1-loi2VP] LowCP] Everybody together sit-DIR-DIR
S T
‘Everyone, let us sit down together.’
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reasonable inferenceor the invisibility is that those invisible function words (Fnc≥5) must immediately follow the right edge of a certain maximal phonological phrase, This ensures its preceding tone to be always in the final position of a maximal phrase (Ф), no matter whether the rule of T1 Sandhi is implemented in minimal phrase (φ) or maximal phrase (Ф). In other words, those indivisible function words are higher-level extrametrical for not being parsed in a (maximal) phonological phrase, a higher-level constituent compared to the one involved in the extrametricality in tonal neutralization. This idea can be schematically represented as follows, where B stands for base tone of T1. This configuration clearly shows that the trigger function word is outside any given domain for tone sandhi.
(51) Extrametrical to T1 sandhi (… (…B φ) Ф) Fnc≥5
We now proceed to produce this desirable configuration under the OT framework. Let us begin with the simpler case, the obligatory underapplication with sentence-final particles (i.e. Fnc>5). A prosodic licensing constraint is proposed in (52), in the formulation of Alignment, which dictates that the right edge of any instance of maximal phonological phrase be licensed by the right edge of some lower-grammaticalized (i.e. more contentful) words. In other words, the right edge of highly grammaticalized function words such as sentence-final particles is not an eligible licenser for the right end of Ф.
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(52) Licensing at the phrase-level ALIGN-R(Ф, Fnc≤5):
Assign a violation mark for every maximal phonological phrase (Ф) which is not right-aligned with some prominent word, whose grammaticalization degree is lower than or equal to 5.
Since maximal phonological phrase is defined as immediately dominated by intonational phrase, there is also the need for a constraint demarcating intonational phrase. According to Selkirk (2011), the complement of the highest layer of complementizer phrase stands in correspondence with intonational phrase. This interface constraint is given in (53).
This clausal interface constraint is ranked above SP:MAX-XP, since the clause itself is a syntactic phrase by definition, and the clausal mapping takes precedence.
(53) SP:MAX-CLAUSE:
Assign one violation mark for every clause in the input syntactic representation S that does not have some correspondent intonational phrase (ι) in the output phonological representation P, where the clause is defined as the complement of highest layer of root C.
With this constraints, we can deal with the underapplication involving sentence-final particles. We can see that in the case with the sentential tense/aspect particle le1/lio1 (54a), the effect of the licensing constraint is obscured by the clausal interface constraint SP:MAX-CLAUSE because with high-ranking SP:MAX-CLAUSE these particles in root low
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C always follows the right edge of Ф based on their syntactic position. The crucial role of ALIGN-R(Ф, Fnc≤5) emerges in the case with non-root complementizer ge4, as shown in (54b). In this case, ge4 as a non-root C having a complement TP parsed as minimal phrase, so without the help of the high ranking ALIGN-R(Ф, Fnc≤5), it would not follow the right edge of the maximal phrase. In other words, the extrametricality of ge4 is in line with other highly grammaticalized dnction words, but they may have different syntactic positions. If we had only the syntactically grounded interface constraints, we cannot obtain the correct output.
(54) Extrametrical sentence-final particles
Constraint ranking: ALIGN-R(Ф, Fnc≤5) ≫ ALIGN-R(XP, ϕ)
While this prosodic licensing constraint is workable for sentence-final particles, it runs
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into problems applying to the case with the modifier marker ge4. The rationale behind the licensing constraint is that maximal phonological phrase right aligned with highly grammaticalized words is prohibited, thus the pressure for the right edge to move away for licensing. However, in the case with the modifier marker ge4, maximal phonological phrase is already well-licensed due to the syntactic configuration of the modifier construction. Therefore, I propose another licensing constrint to enforce the boundary to move, as defined in (55), which is in the form of cross Alignment.
(55) ALIGN(Fnc=5, L, Ф, R):
Assign a violation mark for every function word with grammaticality degree equal to 5 whose left edge is not aligned with the right edge of a maximal phonological phrase Ф.
Given the variable status of the invisibility of this marker, I suggest that the ranking between ALIGN(Fnc=5, L, Ф, R) and ALIGN-R(XP, ϕ) is unfixed for Miaoli Sixian Hakka, in the spirit of Antilla’s (1997) multiple grammar approach. Some speakers have access to the ranking with the licensing constraint above ALIGN-R(XP, ϕ), as shown in (56a), others have access to the inversed ranking (56b), while still others may have access to either ranking, hence the occurrence of optionality and variation. Note that the S~B in CAND 1 does not represent dialectal or intra-speaker variation; it is rather like stylistic choice, also conditioned by prosodic factors such as speech rate (see Y. E. Hsiao 2008). Therefore, it is not on the par with the variation/optionality of underapplication that we are dealing with here; the latter, though remaining unclear yet, probably concerns dialectal or
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(56) Variation with the modifier marker
INPUT: [ A1go1NP/DP] mai1 VP] =ge4 [fa1DP/NP] DP] (=45b)
Sixian Hakka and Cantonese have the least types of non-prominent function words ― only those with the highest degree of grammaticalization, namely sentence-final particles, are subject to tonal neutralization and/or prosodic invisibility. This is analyzed employing the constraint ranking ALIGN-R(ω, Fnc≤5).≫ SP-MAX-X0. Besides, a further division of sentence-final particles is suggested, by which attitude particles are argued to be more grammaticalized and thus more vulnerable to prosodic attrition than the other subtypes, due to their highly subjectified status.
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Taiwanese and Standard Mandarin
4.0 Introduction
As is well-known, neutral tones in Min Chinese and Mandarin Chinese are among the richest of all the branches of Sinitic languages. In fact, the term “neutral tone” itself ― known in Chinese as qingsheng, literally meaning ‘light tone’ ― was originally introduced by Chao in the 1920s for the case of Beijing Mandarin, and was extended to describe the similar tonal phenomenon in Taiwanese Southern Min in as early as around 1970 (R. L. Cheng 1968, 1973). Besides, what is particular and relevant to this dissertation is that the occurrence of neutral tone in Min Chinese and Mandarin Chinese is more common and/or regular in grammatical words than in lexical words. It is this predominance of structural neutral tone that determines the grouping together of Min Chinese with Mandarin Chinese into the same chapter, excluding Wu Chinese, the picture of which is rather different in that lexical neutral tone is as prevalent as structural neutral tone (hence the arrangement of the case of Wu Chinese in the next chapter).
For the space limitation of the dissertation, only the representative of each family, that is, Taiwan Southern Min (which is very similar to the variety spoken in Amoy) and Standard Mandarin (including varieties in Taiwan and China), are addressed in this chapter. By surveying in those two languages the distribution of neutral tone across different types of function words, this chapter shows that most classes of function words are neutral-toned in the languages in question. Specifically, among all the classes of function words, only the relatively low grammaticalized classes, namely numerals,
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classifiers, and phasal complements, are immune to tonal neutralization. Such predominance of phonological attrition occurs in the application of tone sandhi in a parallel way. In the well-known positional paradigmatic tone sandhi in Taiwan Southern Min, all classes of function words but the relatively low grammaticalized ones are invisible, or extrametrical, to the processing. Clearly, both phenomena suggest the same tendency: function words with high or medium degree of grammaticality are more vulnerable to phonological attrition than those with low degree of grammaticality, and in this way, highly grammaticalized function words and medium grammaticalized ones are prosodically conflated, as far as certain processes of attrition are concerned.
(1) Predominant attrition of functional categories
NUM PHA/CL DIR/PRO ASP MOD SFP
Visible Invisible
Unneutralized Neutralized
This chapter is arranged as follows. §4.1 is dedicated to the case of Taiwan Southern Min, where neutral tone and invisibility to tone sandhi are in order. §4.2 deals with the distribution of neutral tone in Standard Mandarin, with a focus on the medium grammaticalized class, namely directional complements and object pronouns, which shows discrepancy both language-internally and language-externally. §4.3 ends the chapter with a summary. The data in each section is primarily from my own observation, personal communication and consultation with informants. Part of data are adapted from online disctionaries and previous studies (e.g. U. Ang’s 1996b, 1998f; E. Hsiao 1991, 1995 for Taiwanese; K. Huang 2018 for Taiwan Mandarin).
4.1 Tonal neutralization in Taiwan Southern Min
Taiwan Southern Min, more commonly referred to as Taiwanese (the language will be
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approximately 70% of the population in Taiwan. Like Amoy, it is a koineized variety on the basis of the time-honored Southern Min dialects spoken in Zhangzhou and Quanzhou. Taiwanese is traditionally described to have seven categories of lexical tones, and each has two variants: one base tone and one sandhi tone. Roughly speaking, the former occurs in the final position of a certain domain, while the latter occurs non-finally (the details of the domain is addressed in §4.1.3). Table (2) gives a paradigm example of the tonal categories.(2) The categories of lexical tone in Taiwanese (adapted from Myers & Tsay 2008)
Categories Base Tone Sandhi Tone
T1 55 si1 ‘poetry’ 33 si1bun2 ‘poetry and prose’
While syllables in Taiwanese normally bear a lexical tone that belongs to one of those seven categories, be it in base form or sandhi form, certain types of grammatical words/morphemes may occur in the form of neutral tones, which are characteristic of loss of lexical contrast, domain-finality and invisibility to tone sandhi. These properties are undoubtedly symptoms of phonological attrition of grammaticalized elements, in the sense that they help destress the contentless elements, allowing emphasis to fall on the preceding syllable that remains with its full lexical tone. The remaining of this section addresses these properties of neutral tone with the focus on which types of grammatical words have the potential to be neutral-toned and how is that related to the degree of grammaticality.
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4.1.1 Predominant occurrence of tonal neutralization
Based on dictionaries and the attested surface form in citation or non-final positions, all types of grammatical words in Taiwanese are underlyingly associated with a lexical tone (although the predominant T4 in sentence-final particles is probably just a dummy which is derived from default low). Table (3) lays out the citation tone of the classes of function words that are usually attached to the right of its host/base and thus have potential to get neutral-toned.
(3) Citation tones of function words in Taiwanese a. Sentence-final particles
ah4 Realization of state
looh4 Realization of state, noteworthiness bo5 Interrogative, unsed in yes or no questions
m7 Used in (echo-)questions to emphasize the interrogativity ah4 Smooth-alert, adhortative
oh4 Smooth-alert, adhortative lah4 Smooth-alert, adhortative mah4 Smooth-alert, adhortative
leh4 Intensifier, to express contempt
neh4 Intensifier, to express praise or satisfaction
b. Modifier marker
e5 (Adjectival) modifier marker, possessive marker c. Aspect markers
leh4 Continuous marker
kue3 Experiential perfect marker d. Directional complements
lai5 ‘towards the speaker’
khi3 ‘away from the speaker’
loh8 ‘downward’
tshut4 ‘outward’
jip8 ‘inward’
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tioh8 ‘at, attached, acquired, ’ kau3 ‘at, to’
diao7 ‘finished, lost’
g. Classifiers
e5 generic classifier
pun2 for books
pang1 for a flight, train or bus at a particular time tai5 for vehicle
te3 for a clump or blob of thing that usually has some weight tiau5 for long, soft piece of thing; for songs
lui2 for flowers
In the final position of a certain domain, most of these classes of grammatical words become neutral-toned. This neutralization, by definition, can be identified based on loss
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of tonal contrast. In derivational terms, a neutral-toned syllable first undergo tone loss and then are realized as either (i) a “constant low neutral tone,” or (ii) a tonal variable as a function of the preceding lexical tone. The former is derived by an association with a default low, while the latter is derived by spreading rightward the offset of the full tone carried by the preceding syllable (Y. E. Hsiao 1995; S. Ou & Y. E. Hsiao 1997).
The two strategies are schematized in (4), where neutral-toned syllables are marked with a superscripted 0. In (4a), the sequential directional complements -tshut4 ‘out’ and -khi3 ‘away from the speaker’ acquire a default low, whereas in (4b), the object pronoun li2 ‘you’ shares the end-pitch of the melody of the preceding syllable. In consequence, though the preceding full tone is identical, the neutral-toned function words in (4a) vs.
(4b) are realized differently, that is, -tshut0-khi0 surfacing as [21-11] while li0 as [33].
Nonetheless, in either case, the original tonal contrast of the function words is lost altogether.
(4) Realization of neutral tone a. Default low docking
b. Rightward offset spreading
According to U. Ang’s (1996b, 1998f) exhaustively descriptive works, members of the classes (3a-e) ― namely, sentence-final particles, adjectival modifier marker (note
1 3 L
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particularly that e5 as possessive marker cannot be neutral-toned, which is addressed in the next subsection), aspect markers, directional complements, and object pronouns ― undergo tonal neutralization and surface in the way of either (4a) or (4b), as long as they are situated domain-finally. The array of example utterances in (5-9) illustrates such positional neutralization in those classes of grammatical words.
(5) Neutralization of sentence-final particles
(6) Neutralization of the modifier marker
(7) Neutralization of aspect markers a. Li2 u7sin1=ah0 si7=m0
You pregnant=SFP right=SFP
‘You are pregnant, right?’
b. Tshia1 lai5=ah0=lah0 Vehicle come=SFP=SFP
‘Look! Here comes the bus.’
c. Si7 an2 tsuann2=le0
COP how=SFP ‘What is wrong?’
a. Tse1 si7 tsin1=e0 This COP real=MOD
‘This is for real.’
b. Gua2 tsu2=e0 khah4=ho2tsiah8
I cook=mod comp=yummy
‘My cooking is better.’
a. Tua7mng5 kuainn1=leh0 Door close= CONT
‘The door is close.’
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(8) Neutralization of directional complements
(9) Neutralization of object pronouns
On the other hand, the majority of members of the other classes (3f-h), namely, phasal complements, classifiers, and numerals preserve the full lexical tones even in the final position, as exemplified in (10-12). There exist a few exceptions that seem to undermine b. Gua5 u7=khi3-kue0
COP who want=look.for=him/her
‘Who wanted to see him?’
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the validity of the classification based on grammaticality degree, however. For example, the phasal complement tioh8, non-possesive attributive marker e5, and the numerals denoting little degree or small quantity, rather than the concept of cardinal number, all of which being neutral-toned domain-finally, just like the non-prominent classes in (5-9), and therefore form exceptions. These are addressed in the next subsection.
(10) No neutralization for phasal complements
(11) No neutralization for classifiers a. Png7 tsiah8-liau2=ah0
Meal to.eat-PHA=SFP
‘(They) have finished dinner.’
b. Gong1-kho3 sia2-ho2=ah0
You words say-PHA immediately want.to=go.back=DIR
‘She is leaving upon saying those words.’
a. Gua2 beh4=be2 tse2=nng7-e5
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(12) No neutralization for numerals
With the discussion so far, we have attained the picture of tonal neutralization in Taiwanese. That is, among the grammatical categories that have potential to carry a neutral tone in the final positions, only numerals, classifiers, and phasal complements resist this type of reduction, thereby being as prominent as ordinary lexical words in this regards. Given the grammaticality scale established in Chapter 2 (as repeated in (13), where the number denotes the degree of grammaticalization, in the sense that the greater the number, the more grammaticalized the category), this asymmetry of prominence between sentence-final particles and the other classes of grammatical words in Taiwanese can be translated as follows: function words with the degree of grammaticalization higher than 4 (i.e. Fnc≥3) are all prosodically prominent enough to retain their lexical tones, showing no likelihood of tonal neutralization. The distinction between the highly grammaticalized categories, and the highly grammaticalized categories and the medium grammaticalized category are all conflated, as depicted in (14). Consequently, we may say that all categories other than low grammaticalized ones are prosodically on the par with each other, all being neutral-toned.
d. Sann1 tsit8nia2 gua7tse7 Clothes one-CL how.much
‘The dress, how much is it for one?’
‘The dress, how much is it for one?’