Related Issues of Prevocalic Glides [i] and [y] in Retroflex Diminutive Formation

Whether prevocalic glides [i] and [y] are deleted or kept in the formation of retroflex diminutives further brings about two noteworthy issues. The first issue is interrelated to phonetic enhancement. According to Stevens, Keyser, and Kawasaki (1986) and Stevens and Keyser (1989), certain combinations of features (or segments) are more natural than others and will maximize perceptual distinctiveness, for they can phonetically enhance each other. For illustration, front and back vowels cross-linguistically tend to be unrounded and rounded respectively. This is because

these pairings will, perceptually, make the vowels distinctive from each other (Flemming 2001, 2002, 2005; Liljencrants and Lindblom 1972).²¹ This concept can also be extended to the present study. Precisely, prevocalic glides [i] and [y] and retroflexion are restricted to co-occur in the formation of retroflex diminutives in the Nanjing dialect.²² When [i] and [y] are articulated, the blade of the tongue is raised toward the hard palate. However, this articulation is disfavored by retroflexed vowels [A^r] and [o^r] or [ə^r], all of which are produced by bending the tongue tip backwards to contact the post-alveolar area, and, as a corollary, the tongue blade will be lowered.²³ This incompatibility explains why prevocalic glides [i, y] are deleted in retroflex diminutives, like [lien → lə^r] ‘face’

and [sye → sə^r] ‘dust’. On the contrary, [t, t^h, ] provide a protective basis to prevocalic glides [i] and [y], for articulating [t], [t^h], and [] gets involved with a raise of the tongue blade toward the hard palate.²⁴ Specifically, the tongue position of [t], [t^h], and [] and [i] and [y] are high, so the co-articulatory effect from the former (i.e., the onset-rime transition) contributes to the phonetic maintenance of the latter in the formation of retroflex diminutives in the Nanjing dialect.

The second issue is relevant to “linguistic typology” between the afore-mentioned phonetic enhancement (PE) and diminutive retroflexion (DR) in retroflex diminutive formation. The interaction between the two forces can be classified into three types: (1) PE dominates DR, (2) PE equals DR, and (3) DR dominates PE. Actually, this issue deserves further deep research, but this study just briefly introduces the three types. The support for the first type (i.e., PE > DR) comes from the retroflex diminutives in the Nanjing dialect, because prevocalic glides [i] and [y] phonetically enhanced by [t], [t^h], and [] directly proceed to the following retroflex vowels or [ə^r], without any

21 Acoustically, [i] and [u] have high and low F2 values respectively, and lip rounding will further lower F2

value of [u]. The effect of lip rounding on F2 values can also be observed in the [i-y] pairing. Both [i] and [y] are front, but [i] has a slightly higher F2 value than [y] (Ladefoged 2001).

22 Generally speaking, front vowels (and also glides [i, y] for the articulatory similarity) and retroflex segments (or retroflexion) are restricted to co-occur. Cross-linguistically, when both classes of sounds coexist, a number of avoidance strategies will be used, like de-retroflexion (e.g., [it] → [it]), retraction, lowering or rounding of the vowels (e.g., [iʈ] → [ɨʈ] or [ɯʈ], [εʈ] → [Qʈ], and [iʈ] → [yʈ]), and so forth. For more details, please refer to Hamann (2003, 94-111).

23 According to Hamann (2003), the class of retroflexes displays large articulatory variation, and not all sounds traditionally described as retroflexes involve the gesture of bending the tongue tip backwards. For properly defining retroflexes, he proposes four defining properties (i.e., apicality, posteriority, sublingual cavity and retraction). Please refer to Hamann (2003, 11-51) for discussion on the parameters of articulatory variation (e.g., speaker dependency, vowel context, speech rate and manner dependency) and the four defining properties of retroflexes.

24 According to Clements (1991) who argues for the similarity between consonantal and vocalic place features, vowels and consonants could be defined by the same set of articulators. In the present case, [t], [t^h], and []

and [i] and [y] can both be featurally represented as [+high]. For more discussion about the synthesis of V-Place and C-Place features, please see Kenstowicz (1994).

transitional segments inserted. For the second type (i.e., PE = DR), the examples in Table 32 coming from three Mandarin dialects give empirical support to the tie between PE and DR.

Table 32 Three Mandarin Dialects Supporting for the Type of “PE = DF”

(a) Shangqiu

[tiEn] → [ti}E^r] “piece” [tyEn] → [ty}E^r] “roll”

[t^hiau] → [t^hi}au^r] “bridge” [t^hyn] → [t^hy}ə^r] “cloud”

[iE] → [i}E^r] “shoe” [yo] → [y}o^r] “boot”

(b) Yanggu

[tiE] → [tilE^r] “street” [tyau] → [tylE^r] “roll”

[t^hiu] → [t^hilu^r] “ball” [t^hyə] → [t^hylə^r] “lack”

[iE] → [ilE^r] “shoe” [yə] → [ylə^r] “boot”

(c) Jiaonan

[tiə)] → [tiRə^r] “strong/powerful” [tyə] → [tyRə^r] “main actor”

[t^hi] → [t^hiRə^r] “Chinese chess” [t^hya)] → [t^hyRE^r] “circle”

[i] → [iRe^r] “war” [yə] → [yRə^r] “boot”

Source: Ke-Shao Dong, Yanggu fangyan yanjiu (Study of the Yanggy Dialect) (Jinan, China: Qilu, 2005), 53; Xing-Jie Li, “Jiaonan fangyan de erhua wentri” (The [er] Suffixation in Jiaonan), Journal of Teachers College Qingdao University, 14.3 (1997), 28; Shu-Min Xie, “Shangqiu fang yan de erhua yinbian” (The er Suffixation in Shangqiu Dialect), Journal of Shangqiu Teachers College, 20.3 (2004): 159-160.

In Table 32, because of the PE coming from [t], [t^h], and [], prevocalic glides [i] and [y]

can coexist with DR. Yet, different from the first type, linking segments (i.e., [}], [l], [], and [R]) are inserted into the stems (right after the glides [i] and [y]).²⁵ In fact, due to the incompatibility between

25 Most of the inserted segments in the construction of retroflex diminutives function to smooth the transition between [i, y] and the following retroflexed rimes, but special attention should be paid to the Pingding dialect, where diminutives are formed by inserting a retroflex lateral [--] between the onsets and the rimes, such as [t^hu→t^hu] “rabbit”

and [kuQ )] → [kuɐ] “shop” (Xu 1981, Wang 1994). Since the [C-] onset cluster is not attested in Chinese dialects, [--]

infixation in Pingding inspires a great deal of discussion. For instance, Sargart (1999) regards [--] as a relic coming from the infix [-r-] in ancient Chinese. Xu (2003) claims that, in addition to rime change (i.e., retroflexed rimes), some dialects may make use of onset change, like [--] infixation, to create diminutives. He further states that the inserted segments should phonologically behave like glides, and should be treated as a structural relic from ancient Chinese.

Yet, disagreeing with the historical viewpoint, Sun (2005) argues that [--] infixation is simply a segment insertion. Yu (2004) claims that [--] originates from rhotic metathesis (Blevins and Garrett 1998). Following Ohala (1981, 1993a, 1993b, 1996, 2005), Yu (2004, 54) states that “the emergence of [] is due to the possibility of a listener’s being unable to recover the historically more accurate position of the rhotic.”

[i] and [y] and retroflexion, these inserted segments function to smooth the transition and thus solve the conflict between the two forces.²⁶ The last type (i.e., DR > PE) is well illustrated by the examples in Table 33 from the Shouguang dialect.

Table 33　Shouguang ²⁷

tia → tʂ^r “Zhang” t^hiə → tʂ^h^r “car”

t ^hiə →tʂ^h^r “city” iQ) → ʂə^r “fan”

Source: Shu-Zheng Zhang, “Shandong shouguang beibu fangyan de erhua” (Retroflex Diminutives in the Northem Shouguang Dialect in Shandong Province), Fangyan (Dialect), 4 (1996): 301.

In Table 33, stems contain sound sequences of [t], [t^h], and [] plus [i] and [y]. However, in the formation of retroflex diminutives, instead of being phonetically enhanced by [t], [t^h], and [], prevocalic glides [i] and [y] in the stems get omitted. What’s worse, palatal onsets [t], [t^h], and []

are further changed to retroflex onsets [tʂ], [tʂ^h], and [ʂ]. This change of non-retroflex onsets into retroflex ones is also extensively observable in retroflex diminutives in Mandarin dialects, such as Jimo (Qian 2001), Anqiu and Jiaonan (Li 1997) in Table 34, where [tS], [tS^h], [S], and [l] are shifted to [tʂ], [tʂ^h], [ʂ], and [] respectively.

Table 34　Three Mandarin Dialects Suppoarting for Changing Non-retroflex Onsets to Retroflex Ones in Retroflex Diminutives

(a) Jimo

[tS] → tʂer “niece” [tSH] → [tʂHer] “ruler”

[Su] → ʂu^r “uncle” [liA] → [A)r] “cool”

(b) Anqiu

[tSu] → tʂu^r “pig” [tSHə] → [tʂə^r] “car”

[SQ)] → [ʂE^r] “fan”

26 Diminutives formed with segments inserted into the stems are widely observed from the dialects in Shandong, Henan and Shanxi Provinces. The reasonable account for this widespread distribution exists in the historical immigration in the Ming Dynasty (Pei 1988). Additionally, diminutives with infixed segments have been explored under different theoretical frameworks, such as infixation (Lin 2008; Xu 1981; Yu 2004), retroflex feature spreading (Y.-C. Chen 1992; Duammu 1990; Wang 1994, 1999), prosodic licensing (Yip 1992) and articulatory phonology (Ma 2007, 152-204).

27 The change of the rimes in these retroflex diminutives is not of our concern here.

(c) Jiaonan

[tS] → [tʂer] “juice” [tSə)] → [tʂer] “a moment”

[tS^huə] → [tʂHer] “sink” [tSH] → [tʂHer] “eat”

[Sa)] → [ʂer] “fan” [S] → [ʂer] “food”

[lu] → [ur] “road” [la)] → [Er] “basket”

Source: Xing-Jie Li, “Jiaonan fang yan de erhua wenti” (The [er] Suffixation in Jiaonan), Journal of Teachers College Qingdao University, 14.3 (1997): 27; Zeng-Yi Qian, Shandong fangyan yanjiu (Study of the Dialects in Shandong Province) (Jinan, China: Qilu, 2001), 19-20; Guang-Zhi Zhao,

“Shandong angiu fangyan de erhua xianxiang” (The Phenomena of Retroflex Diminutives in the Angiu Dialect), Journal of Weifang University, 2.1(2005): 117-120.

To sum up, the types resulting from the interaction between PE and DR are quite interesting.

Nonetheless, the data above are only descriptive, how can they be framed into linguistic theories, say OT, still awaits further research endeavors. This study just provides a start.

7. Conclusion

Retroflex diminutives in Mandarin dialects, Beijing Mandarin in particular, have been extensively investigated, but those in the Nanjing dialect are still waiting for further endeavors, either descriptive or theoretical. Undoubtedly, this study makes a contribution to this goal. This study not only frames retroflex diminutives in the Nanjing dialect by OT, but presents that these retroflex diminutives can be well captured by a set of ranked constraints: M^AX[r], A^NCHOR-SD(L), A^NCHOR-r(R), *r/, *r/N, *r/V^H/F >> C^ONTIGITY-Final^σ-IO, OK^Final, O^NS[palatal]V^[H,F] >> M^AX-SD, D^EP-SD, I^DENT-SD[^r]. Most important of all, this study discovers the mechanism that underlies the formation of retroflex diminutives in the Nanjing dialect, establishes a connection between language descriptions and linguistic theories, and provides analyses that are comparable to those for retroflex diminutives in Beijing Mandarin or other Mandarin dialects. This study contributes greatly to the understanding of how the diminutives in the Nanjing dialect are generated and what kind of processes exists in the brains of the native speakers of the Nanjing dialect in forming retroflex diminutives.

Table 34　Continued

Acknowledgements

Earlier version of this study was presented in the Nineteenth Annual Conference of the International Association of Chinese Linguistics (IACL-19), held in Nankai University in Tianjin, China (June 11-13, 2011). I thank Prof. Ping Jiang and Prof. Qiu-Wu Ma for helpful suggestions.

Gratitude also goes to two anonymous reviewers for their constructive suggestions and comments for this article. This study was financially sponsored by National Science Council, Taiwan (NSC 98-2410-H-239-010).

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通訊作者：鄭明中，Email: [email protected]

收稿日期：2013/10/18；修正日期：2013/12/07；接受日期：2013/12/08。

doi: 10.6210/JNTNULL.2014.59(2).06

南京方言兒化詞之優選理論探索

鄭明中

國立聯合大學 客家語言與傳播研究所

副教授

不論描寫或理論層面，南京方言兒化詞鮮少受到學界關注。有鑑於此，本文首先回顧 南京方言兒化詞的形成方式，緊接著透過優選理論為架構進行分析。分析結果顯示，南京

不論描寫或理論層面，南京方言兒化詞鮮少受到學界關注。有鑑於此，本文首先回顧 南京方言兒化詞的形成方式，緊接著透過優選理論為架構進行分析。分析結果顯示，南京

在文檔中 南京方言兒化詞之優選理論探索 (頁 24-37)