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Based on the research done by Paul O’Connor about Islam in Hong Kong, he captured some characteristics and pattern of Indonesian female Muslim workers. The largest gathering of Indonesian Muslims worker in Hong Kong occurs in Victoria Park, not in Kowloon Mosque (Connor, 2012; p. 45). It also happened in Taiwan, in which the largest gathering spot is in Taipei Main Station area not in Taipei Grand Mosque or Taipei Culture Mosque.
They use this public space to gather with their Indonesian workers fellow. Many of the women do not dress in Islamic way (wear headscarves), instead, they follow Taiwanese fashion and style. During daylight time in Ramadan, many Indonesian Muslim women do not do their fasting. Most of them said that it is too hot to do fasting in summer time and some not practicing Islamic traditions anymore.
3.2 Social and Ethnic Adaptation of Indonesian Muslim in Taiwan
Imam Amrusi Jailani (2008) in his writing titled Pemahaman Islam dan Sentuhan Budaya Lokal (Understanding of Islam and the Touch of Local Culture), argued that Islam has contact with local teachings (traditions), thus it form a new formulation of local Islam called
“local Islamic culture”. Woodward exemplifies this phenomenon with Javanese mystical texts. This is the result of interaction of Islam with the local culture.
Jailani also mentioned, a ritual in a sociological context, is a manifestation of social solidarity and also as tools strengthen social solidarity through performance and dedication.
In a paternalistic society like in Indonesia, especially Java, the adhesive and powerful social solidarity are through ritual ceremonies, such as tahlilan, istighatsah, tabligh akbar and so on (Jailani, 2008; pp. 50).
People are on the move, and so are their faith (The Pew Research Center’s Forum on Religion & Public Life, 2012). And not only faith, but culture, habit and tradition also brought together with them. According to functional theory, religion and its function can be assumed to have relevance that applied through worship (ritual). Every ritual in religion, according to this theory, have theological significance, both from the social and psychological dimensions. To fulfil their religious needs in Taiwan, they have some Islamic activities but still with the Indonesian characteristics.
Phillip Carey Connor (2010) mentioned that religion and religious institutions can positively assist immigrants in their incorporation into the host society, and religion helps
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immigrants economically, politically, and psychologically in their adaptation in new environment. Immigrant religious adaptation can consist of three distinct movements; 1) The change in religious practice from origin to host country, 2) The subsequent adjustments made to religious practice in the host country, and 3) The integration into the host society through religious practice.
3.2.1 Indonesian Muslim Activities in Taiwan a. Yasinan and Tahlilan
Yasin is one of the surah names in the Koran, precisely the 36th surah. Yasinan is a term in Indonesian language that indicates “doing activity”, so that Yasinan means doing or reading surah Yasin. This ritual is the most common activities that can be found among Indonesian Muslim communities, especially workers from Java.
In Indonesia, usually Yasinan is held on Thursday night in order to start or close an Islamic learning activity, or as the commemoration of a person's death, or another important event.
They read it either individual or in a group. Most of the people who read surah Yasin believes that for those whom read this surah will get enormous rewards from the God. And the reward of reading this surah can be sent to people who have died, to accompany a person who is in critical illness (headed in a state of death) in order to make him or her heal faster or easier.
Most of the time, Yasinan always fused with tahlilan. In terms of etymology, the word of tahlil has a meaning “to say laa ilaaha illallah” (no god, but only Allah). Tahlil is often cognate with the word of Tahmid – Alhamdulillah (to thank God), Tasbih – SubhanAllah (Glorious is God), and Hamdalah – Alhamdulillah (Thanks and Praise to God). In further development, the term of tahlilan27 then be understood in Indonesian society as part of the ritual of dzikr especially when there is a Muslim who died. Recitation of yasinan for the dead implemented from the first day until the seventh day to the next the 40th day, the 100th day, the first death anniversary, 2nd death anniversary, to 1000th day of death.
According to A. Bekki (in Jailani, 2008), this reality reflect the local culture, especially Java, which is syncretic. Syncretism can be seen in the religious life of Java. This may be due to the flexibility attitude of Javanese people towards “outside religion”. Animism has
27 Timothy Daniels (2009) defines tahlilan as ritualized recitation of dzikr and prayers. While dzikr means reciting or chanting praises, glorifying and remembering God (p. 170-171)
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rooted since ancient times of Java, and later on the Javanese accept Hinduism, Buddhism, Islam, and Christianity, which then being transformed, naturalized or being “Javanized”.
Geertz categorized this group of people as “Wong Abangan”28.
(Source: Personal Documentation, Yasinan and Tahlilan in Masjid At-Taqwa, Dayuan) Yasinan and tahlilan is the most common and frequent religious activities for Indonesian Muslim workers communities in Taiwan. They recite the surah Yasin together. Due to their limited time and day off, this practice is conducted in weekend; mostly Saturday night or on Sunday afternoon, and conducted in Mosque, Mushola/ prayer room, or in one of the room in Indonesian store (as practiced in some Indonesian Muslim workers communities in Kaohsiung and Tamsui).
As it is mentioned before, yasinan and tahlilal are the form of social solidarity activities for paternalistic Indonesian society, even if they are in Taiwan. So that, it gives Indonesian workers to gather together and at the same time, to fulfill their religious needs.
28 From the long assimilation process, contemporary Javanese Muslim society categorized by Clifford Geertz into Wong Abangan, Santri and Priyayi. In his book titled The Religion of Java (1976), Geertz defined “Wong Abangan” as those who still focuses on the animistic elements in Javanese syncretism and usually related to farmers group. He also mentioned about “Santri” or students who study in religious school, who emphasize the element of Islamic syncretism and closely related to merchant and certain farmer group. While “Priyayi”
are those who are focuses on the elements of Hinduism and closely related to bureaucrats.
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b. Tabligh akbar
Tabligh literally means to deliver or to convey. In da’wa term, tabligh can means to calling, inviting the people to the way of the God by giving advices and Islamic teaching through dialogue or oral preaching. Akbar means massive, great or grand, so that Tabligh akbar has the meaning of a religious activity to delivering God’s message and Islamic preaching with a big number of people gathered in one place.
Beside of Yasinan and tahlilan, Indonesian Muslim workers communities hold Tabligh akbar. Similar to yasinan and tahlilan, this massive event is very important for Indonesian Muslim to maintain their social solidarity and fulfill their religious needs. Since the size of the event is quite big, it cost a lot of money, need a big number of people to organize, and need a long time for preparation.
(Source: Hadziq Fabroyir. Tabligh akbar in Chungli, held by FOSMIT in year 2010)
c. Islamic Art Activities (Rebana)
Rebana is a small round shaped – tambourine that mostly used for accompanying religious song. In terms of Islamic art, it is said that Rebana originally coming from Middle Eastern culture, then together with the spread of Islam in South East Asia, this musical instrument also become popular among Muslim in this region.
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Rebana often used and performed by Indonesian Muslim in various religious activities and events in Taiwan. Usually, before the tabligh akbar started, a group of people will played Rebana and singing the shalawat and dzikr. Some of the Indonesian Muslim communities have their own Rebana group, and practice regularly every month.
d. Advocacy for Religious Need
Some of the Muslim organizations, not only providing Islamic-related activities but also advocacy service. Based on the data from IETO in 2010, it is mentioned that the most frequent problems faced by Indonesian workers in Taiwan are unpaid wages, working not according to contract, illness during working, violence by the employers, and unilateral threats by agency or employers (Setyaningsih, 2011; p. 42). Generally, Indonesian domestic workers are considered to be pliant to the demands of their employers (Connor, 2012: p.
49).
One of the examples is FOSMIT Chungli that try to advocate a special day-off for Indonesian Muslim workers during big-Islamic holiday, such as Eid. Most of the workers cannot participate and enjoy the Islamic celebration because of their working shift. While PCI NU Taiwan also advocates the Indonesian workers’ rights and often make a visitation to the workers who are hospitalized because of accident at their workplace or domestic violence by the employer.
e. Skills Development
Despite of religious activities and advocacy, the programs or activities of Indonesian Muslim communities are skills development, e.g. computer skills, Basic English language, Basic Chinese language, and entrepreneurship. For this programs, Indonesian Muslim students take an important part.
FORMMIT, as the only Indonesian Muslim students’ organization in Taiwan, has a special department named Community Service Department, which aims to help the Indonesian workers on advocacy, education and skills development. In every area division, as described in previous chapter, they conduct classes to teach these workers on weekend.
They use the room in Masjid or organization’s basecamp to give free classes on Sunday afternoon, once or twice in every month. The teachers mainly are Muslim students who studied nearby the mosque and join do this voluntarily activities.
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