Social Purpose: Content and Contestation

For my analysis of social purpose I derive from analytical framework of analyzing the content and contestation in two separate sections. Instead I combine them to a single section arguing that due to the differences between the different movements, and the colonial setting, the Taiwanese elites developed a common goal off improving the rights and opportunities for the Taiwanese.

The Social movements in Taiwan started with the Assimilation Society. The movement was initiated by Lin Hsien-tang and supported by the Japanese politician Itagaki Taisuke. In his 1914 speech Itagaki called for assimilation between Taiwanese and Japanese. He reprimanded the Japanese as perceiving Taiwanese as inferior to the Japanese and declared that racial assimilation was impossible without racial equality. In practice he proposed: equal economic opportunities, legalization of mixed marriage, propagation of Japanese language, more emigration from Japan, and the publication of a newspaper. The goals of the organization can be perceived in two categories. Itagaki called for the equal treatment of the Taiwanese and Japanese. Yet, equality of the people

72

was made contingent on the assimilation of Taiwanese to Japanese culture. The ideas of Itagaki still gained support from Taiwanese. In the first month the movement attracted 3,198 members. The members supported the society on the basis of equal rights. In the era of Japanese discrimination equal treatment was the best one could hope for. (Chen, 1972)

Where the Assimilation Society lacked a clear political platform and clear goals.

The New People's Society had an initial set of goals for their movement. At their first meeting the Society called for: 1) the development of a movement to change the

Governor General. 2) To publish a magazine to enlighten the Taiwanese and inform the Japanese about conditions on the island. 3) To solicit the support of the Chinese people.

Through their actions the movement focused more on the two first goals than the Chinese involvement. Their goal of enlighten the people was addressed trough the publication of the newspaper Taiwan Seinen. The paper became a popular independent newspaper for Taiwanese, eventually moving to Taiwan and evolved into a key voice for the suppressed Taiwanese. For their goals of changing the Governor-General the main battles were against Law no. 6.3. Removing the law was important on three premises. First the law gave legal grounds for discriminatory and unjust laws against Taiwanese. At the time the hoko law was still only valid for Taiwanese. Similar the banditry law gave death penalty to any crime committed by two or more people. Second the law would take power away from the Governor General and move it to the Japanese Diet. As the Japanese Diet was more positive responsive towards demands and complaints than from Taiwan than the governor, the members assumed that a transition of power would therefore increase the likelihood positive change. As the third goal, some members hoped that the removal of the law would make it more likely for Taiwan to elect their own members to the Japanese Diet. (Chen, 1972)

Within the society there were disagreement about the principles of the support of integration. The group led by Lin Cheng-lu was critical of the lack of distinction of Taiwanese culture and customs, arguing that Japanese laws would not be relevant for the Taiwanese people. The younger members of the movement were critical of the principles of the assimilation policies. In an article Tsai Pei-huo expressed his view on the

assimilation policy. Tsai saw the assimilation policy as enforced on the Taiwanese people.

73

In his opinion there were two types of assimilation policies, one where society naturally accepted the good parts of other another culture, and one where artificial imposed assimilation. In his opinion the policies in Taiwan was artificial and this likely to fail.

Tsai created four conditions for assimilation to succeed. One the assimilation needed to be a small population in a small territory. Two, the colonizer should respect the

particularities and accept the good aspects of the culture. Third, the policies should cover the laws of nature. And fourth the policies should not be called assimilation and instead follow natural trajectories. In his article it is evident that Tsai does not support the assimilation polices in Taiwan. Arguing that the assimilation polices continued to

discriminate Taiwanese and keep them away from education and higher positions. Further he analyzed that the Japanese policies were centered on elevating the Japanese and were likely to fail over time. In a series of debates in Tokyo, the young members of the society persuaded the society into giving up the idea of assimilation between Japanese and Taiwanese. They argued that the assimilation policies were meant for primitive cultures, and not suitable for people with distinct culture, customs and ways of thinking such as the people in Taiwan.(Song, 2009:99)

The League for the Establishment of a Taiwanese Parliament aimed at

establishing a Taiwanese parliament. In their vision all residents on the island, regardless of race, would elect the legislative body. The parliament would have the power to

legislate laws and pass the budget of the island. The parliament would stay within the Japanese constitution and in effect make Taiwan a part of a federation within the Japanese Empire. Their arguments concerning the establishment evolved around three feats. First, that the practices of the Governor General in performing both legislative and executive powers did not follow the Japanese constitution. Second, Due to the unique practices and customs in Taiwan, the island needed laws uniquely targeting the colony.

And last the fact that Taiwan was economically independent should make the island responsible for its own budgets. In a series of articles in Taiwan Youth Lin Cheng-lu elaborated the basis of establishing a separate Taiwanese parliament. Lin argued that there was a possibility for a third option of governance in-between the authoritarian system based on law 6.3 and the ideas of assimilation leading to equality. Given their set

74

of specific origin, history, specific customs, culture, traditions, and mind set the three and a half million Taiwanese could not be assimilated into Japanese. (Song, 2009:102)

The Taiwan Cultural Association started as an organization promoting local culture. In its first years the movement focused on spreading and preserving local Chinese customs. The members offered Chinese language and literature classes, Chinese history, as well as classes in geography, sociology and journalism. In addition they did classes on public heath and European philosophy. The Association also supported Chinese operas in local dialects. During the 1920s the movement changed focus. It started fighting for workers right supporting and creating labor unions. The group organized events for the youth, athletes, artist and women. Over time the organization called for a class movement, mobilizing the peasantry against the Japanese. (Chen, 1972)

The Popular Party original platform had three goals: establishment of Democracy, development of a fair economic system and the elimination of social inequalities. As a step towards democracy the movement was petitioning for changes and reforms

promoting local autonomy. The movement also took part in the labor movement taking a role as a counterweight to the leftist principles of the Cultural Association. The

movement helped organize labor unions and succeeded in uniting 27 unions into one large union. The movement organized strikes against Japanese corporations and was eventually shut down. In the late 1920s the League of Attainment of Local autonomy split from the Popular Party and solely argued for increased local autonomy on Taiwan. The league wanted to extend the Japanese model for local legislature to Taiwan. (Chen, 1972)

As seen by the different ideas and goals of the movement there was differences between them. The movements mainly differentiated between two dimensions.

Ideologically the groups differed in influences from liberal and Marxist ideology.

Politically the groups differed concerning their perspective between the future of Taiwan, either as part of China or Japan. In addition to the ideological and political dimensions, the colonial context is important in understanding the social movements. The Japanese government was an authoritarian regime. In the years of assimilation the movements went against the policies of the state in developing an anticolonial discourse, due to the

75

authoritarian environment as a police state, there was always the threat of suppression from the Japanese colonizers.

The groups influenced by liberal ideas opted for a gradual reform within the legal framework. The movement argued that the people had rights of self-determination in addition to social and legal equality. The groups influenced by Marxist philosophies adopted the principles of class struggle and of the Taiwanese as an oppressed people, arguing that revolution was the only way to break free from the colonial oppression. With Marxist elements and visions of revolutions, the Marxists were oppressed and imprisoned by the colonial government. In comparison the liberal movements stayed within the legal framework of Japan. Thus the movements were to a large degree accepted by the colonial government. On the political dimension, there was a divide within the liberal movement over the willingness to work within the existing Japanese framework. Some movements accepted the future of Taiwan within the Japanese state, while other members hoped for a return to China. (Ching, 2001:54)

The colonial context is important in understanding the social movements.

Analyzing the Assimilation Society the colonial context is clear. Lin Hsien-tang needed support from a prominent Japanese politician in order to advocate change. At the time any action without the support of a prominent Japanese politician was unthinkable. In the ideological sense the movement is advocating the liberal ideas of equality. However politically the movement advocated further assimilation between the Taiwanese and Japanese. In the colonial context the members supported the society on the basis of equal rights, in the era of Japanese discrimination, equal treatment was the best one could hope for.

Similar, The New People`s Society were also influences by liberal ideas. They opted for the retrieval of Law 6.3 thus gaining more rights and social equality. Yet on the political dimension, the reprisal of the law would not change the colonial structure.

Taiwan would still be within the Japanese Empire. Bringing Japanese laws to Taiwan would bring Taiwan further towards the Japan and increase the likelihood of assimilation on the island.

76

The League for Establishing a Taiwanese Parliament based itself on a liberal dimension. They argued that because of the cultural and socio-economic differences between Taiwan and Japan, Taiwanese should have self-rule for issues regarding the island. Thus the movement aimed for self-determination and self-rule. On the political dimension the movement still opted to stay in Japanese Empire within the Japanese constitution. However the focus on the uniqueness of Taiwanese culture and the need of a separate parliament clearly indicates a break between the group and the Japanese state.

Tsai Pei-huo’s article against assimilation further indicates the opposition towards the Japanese. However in colonial context, a break from the Japanese state seemed unthinkable, therefor the movement had to operate within the Japanese Empire.

The League for Attainment of Local Autonomy advocated for local autonomy in Taiwan. Thus the league can be seen in relation to the liberal thoughts. On the political dimension, it is clear that the movement accepted a life in the Japanese Empire. The league wanted local autonomy based on the Japanese model, further consolidating Taiwanese within the Japanese state.

On the political dimension it is clear that The Cultural Association were against the Japanese rulers. The movement focused on preserving Taiwanese culture. Given that the traditional culture in Taiwan derived from traditional Chinese culture, one can argue that the movement was indeed advocating the Chinese aspects of the culture. Politically the movement looked upon Taiwan as part of China and focused on preserving the Chinese cultures against the Japanese assimilation policies. In its first years the movement did not have an ideological platform. However in the late 1920s the Association changed towards a more leftist ideology. As the movement focused on workers rights, the Association also developed closer ties with the Japanese labor parties and other leftist Japanese groups and people. Analyzing the ideological changes in the social movements, members of the popular party were arrested once the movement changed to a more Marxist approach of class movements

After breaking away from the Cultural Association the Popular Party developed a combination of liberal approach with the Marxist influences. The party advocated self rule, but also workers rights. On the political dimension the party applied for change

77

within the existing structure. However the Popular party was also influenced by Chinese ideas. As an admirer of Sun Yat-sen, Chiang was inspired by the nationalist social movement in China. In June 1929, Chiang sent two members of the party to Nanjing in a ceremony at his grave. In addition he adopted a flag for the Popular party with a white star on a blue and red background, similar to the KMT flag. The actions of the leaders show a clear positive attitude towards China. Based on their logo and visits to China one can assume that the movement was positive to reunification with China. However in the colonial context there are few evidences that the movement advocated reunification. It is important to note that the social movements happened within the colonial Japanese police state at a time where the Japanese tried to convert the Taiwanese into Japanese subjects.

Given the historical context one can assume that advocating reunification with China would lead to suppression of the organization or possible imprisonment for the leaders.

The colonial context makes it difficult to analyze the real political motivations of the movements. Thus it is hard to make any conclusion whether or not the members of the social movements wished unification with China or not. A Japanese police report from concluded:

They do not have much expectation for the future China. Instead they emphasize the islanders independent existence. If the return to China results in more

repressive rule than today there is nothing to gain from it. Therefore they do not reject Japan outright, and only plan for the betterment of the interest and the well being of Taiwan for the sake of Taiwanese. (Ching, 2001:61)

The report further concludes that this might only be temporary, and that in the future there might be more wishes to join China. In the colonial context it is hard to make an outright conclusion about their nationalistic views and attitudes towards China. (Ching, 2001:61)

It is evident that the different movements were divided politically and

ideologically. Some of the leaders such as Tsai Pei-huo openly argued that Taiwan was a separate Han identity. While other leaders such as Chiang Wei-shu were more inspired by Chinese ideas. In addition members of the League For Attainments of Local Autonomy

78

completely accepted Japanese rule on the island. Based on the different political opinions of the leaders I am not able to conclude about any consensus on the political dimension.

However asChing have pointed out “The importance of these anti colonial struggles lies in the articulation of Taiwanese as a distinctive and autonomous ethos, either within the Japanese Empire or within the Han Chinese ethnology” (Ching, 2001:53) I will argue that the common notion between all the movements was to increase right and opportunities for Taiwanese. Even if it was through gradual change within the existing framework of the Japanese Empire, or as revolution leading to independence, the main goal of the social movements and civil society at the time was to improve the liberal rights and

opportunities for the Taiwanese.