Chapter 4 Optimality Theory Analysis
4.6 Summary and Comparison with Previous Studies
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character.’ This non-phonological constraint should rank higher than the phonological constraints. If one candidate satisfies the constraint, it may become the optimal output.
Tableau (68) illustrates the ranking.
(68) ‘salon’ [sa.lɔ̃] 沙龍 [ʂa.loŋ] ‘a regular art exhibition’
(Adjusted from (34), with the addition of a non-phonological constraint)
Input: [sa] *INFRQ CHAR [*[-dis] & ID[(ant)]] fricative seg *[-distr] C ID[ant]
☞ a. ʂa * * *
b. sa *!
In (68), the non-phonological constraint *INFREQUENT CHARACTER succeeds in making candidate (a) the optimal output. The phonological constraints are below the cut-off line because the violations are not decisive in ruling out (a). Candidate (b) contains the low frequency character ‘撒’. It is not a possible output because it violates the non-phonological constraint.
The character issue only reflects one of the non-phonological factors (the other being semantic adaptation, orthography influences, etc. (Kang 2011)). Accordingly, the non-phonological issues are not attended to in the previous sections. The analysis focuses solely on the generalizations of phonological adaptations.
4.6 Summary and Comparison with Previous Studies
In the previous sections, an OT analysis is provided to account for the adaptations of French loanwords in Mandarin. We have observed that markedness constraints, faithfulness constraints, and prosody constraints are crucial for the selection of outputs.
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The Hasse diagram of relevant constraints is given in (69). It shows that a critical cut-off line divides the constraint set into two parts. Violations above the cut-off line are fatal, whereas violations below the cut-off line only lead to variations. There are three layers of the constraints in the ranking hierarchy, including two layers above the cut-off line, and one layer below the cut-off line.
The first layer has undominated constraints. These constraints set regulations on segment adaptations, segment combinations, and prosody preferences. In general, illicit segments are avoided in the adaptations. This is reflected in the Consonant Markedness Constraint and *Ṽ. There are two constraints focusing on onset segment adaptations: MAX ONSET and DEP [nasal] onset. For coda adaptations, three other constraints are at work. They are CODA CONDITION, MAX [nasal] coda, and CODA [s]
faithfulness. IDENT [back]-rime, Mandarin phonotactics, and *εN ensure licit segment combinations. Segments in the body position usually share the [high] feature when a non-back vowel appears. This is displayed in BODYSHARE [high] CV[-back]. On the other hand, regulations of specific segments/positions are demonstrated in
[*[-distributed] & IDENT ([anterior])] fricativesegment, *SHARE [+anterior] onset& coda, and IDENT [f]. Lastly, the prosodic preferences are shown in MAXμ2 and MINIMAL WORD.
Constraints in the second level are dominated by the constraints in the first layer.
Second-level constraints include a group of MAX constraints, a set of IDENT constraints, andDEP [continuant]. MAX [continuant] and MAX [back] disallow the deletion of [continuant] and [back] features. A non-nasal consonant tends to preserve the [coronal] feature. This is exhibited in MAX [coronal] [-nasal] C. Deleting the [high]
feature is disfavored. MAX [high]explains this linguistic phenomenon. On the other hand, the IDENT constraints demand the input-output identity of stridency, labialization, and nasality (IDENT [strident], IDENT [labial], and IDENT [nasal]). DEP
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[continuant] disallows the deletion of the [continuant] feature.
The constraints below the cut-off line consist of several markedness constraints and faithfulness constraints. There is a group of IDENT constraints (IDENT [lateral], IDENT [anterior], IDENT [aspirated], IDENT [voice], IDENT [distributed], IDENT [coronal], and IDENT [high]). Markedness constraints *[sonorant] and
*[-distributed]C as well as two faithfulness constraints DEP ([-consonantal]) and MAX CODA-[l]/[ʁ] are also included.
The thesis shows that variant forms in French loanwords are common in Mandarin. Such a phenomenon indicates that the adaptation of French loanwords is an ongoing process rather than fixed lexicalization. Comparison with previous loanword research is provided below in order to find out the similarities and differences between French loanwords and the loanwords from other languages.
In general, the analysis of this study conforms to Miao’s (2005) study of loanword adaptations. While manner features such as [continuant], [nasal], and [labial]
tend to be preserved, place features, [voice], and [spread glottis] features are prone to being deleted. Different from Miao’s (2005) observation in English, German, and Italian, French fricatives allow more than the faithful candidates in the actual outputs.
To account for this, specific constraints are proposed to allow variant forms in the adaptation. For example, the conjoined constraint [*[-distributed] & IDENT ([anterior])] fricative segment allows the foreign input [ʒi] to have alveolo-palatals [tɕ, tɕʰ, ɕ] and post-alveolars [tʂ, tʂʰ, ʂ, ʐ] as possible onset outputs. The same conjoined constraint could also explain that the foreign onset in [zɑ̃] can only have the dental fricatives [s] and [ts] in the output.
The study also observes different patterns of coda adaptation from Wu’s (2008) analysis. In Wu’s research, English simplex codas may be preserved or deleted, depending on the number of syllables. Coda consonant clusters are mostly deleted.
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However, the present research observes a similar adaptation pattern for simplex codas and complex codas. The French coda segments tend to be retained when they enter Mandarin, except for the adaptation of [Vʁ], which has null adaptation as the major substitute.
According to Shinohara (2001), emergent patterns in loanword adaptation reflect universal grammar. This thesis shows aspects of universal grammar in both native phonology and loanword phonology. For example, the alveolo-palatals [tɕ, tɕʰ,ɕ] in Mandarin can only be followed by high front vowels or glides. When the French syllable [ʃi] enters Mandarin phonology, it is mostly adapted as [ɕi]. Such a phenomenon shows that loanword phonology does not have an idiosyncratic set of grammar, but reflects universal grammar with the same set of constraints. In this case, a constraint showing the palatalization process is observed in the native language and the loanword phonology. In the study of French loanwords in Fon, Kenstowicz (2003) points out that the minimal saliency between the input and the output is also important.
The thesis shows that minimal saliency is demonstrated in the adaptation of nasal segments and strident segments. For example, the [nasal] feature in nasal onsets, codas, and vowels need to be retained instead of being removed. Strident segments such as [s, z, ʃ, ʒ] are substituted by Mandarin strident consonants like [s], [ʂ], [ʐ], and [ɕ].
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(69) Hasse diagram
cut-off
Consonant Markedness Constraint, *Ṽ, IDENT [back]-rime,*εN, MAXμ2, MINIMAL WORD MAX ONSET, DEP [nasal]onset Mandarin phonotactics,
CODA CONDITION, MAX [nasal] coda, CODA [s] faithfulness BODYSHARE [high] CV[-back],
IDENT [f] [*[-distributed] & IDENT ([anterior])] fricativesegment, *SHARE [+anterior] onset & coda,
MAX [continuant], MAX [back], MAX [coronal] [-nasal] C, MAX [high], IDENT [strident], IDENT [labial], IDENT [nasal], DEP [continuant]
IDENT [lateral], IDENT [anterior], IDENT [aspirated], IDENT [voice], IDENT [distributed], IDENT [coronal], IDENT [high]
*[sonorant], *[-distributed] C, DEP [-consonantal], MAX CODA-[l]/[ʁ]
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Chapter 5 Conclusion
5.1 Thesis Summary
This thesis investigates French loanwords in Mandarin. A corpus is established; it has 719 French loanwords. The focus is to obtain the patterns of consonant and nasal vowel adaptations. The statistical analysis of the loanword adaptations show that segment preservation is the major strategy. Only the coda consonant [ʁ] is prone to being deleted. The corpus also provides evidence of variations in segment adaptations.
For example, the coda nasal [ɲ] has two variants [njɛ] and [ni]. Features like [continuant] and [nasal] tend to be retained, while features such as [spread glottis] and [voice] are likely to be changed. Mandarin phonotactics also has influence on the adaptations. For example, the illicit syllable [si] is replaced by [ɕi], [tɕi], or [tɕhi]
instead of being faithfully preserved.
Apart from segment substitutions, this thesis also observes the size of the loanwords. In general, a loanword must have at least two syllables. Loanwords adapted from multisyllabic inputs cannot delete more than one mora from the foreign inputs.
The substitutions of French consonants and nasal vowels are analyzed within the framework of Optimality Theory. Rank Ordering Model of EVAL, a sub-theory of OT, is used to account for the loanword variations. ROE divides the constraints into two parts with the addition of a cut-off line. The cut-off line decides whether a constraint is decisive in eliminating outputs.
The undominated constraints focus on the restrictions of segment adaptations.
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Illicit onset segments such as [b] and [d] are adapted as [p] and [t] but not faithfully retained. CODA CONDITION prohibits segments other than [n], [ŋ], and [ɹ] from filling the coda position. Features such as [nasal] and [continuant] stay identical in both onset and coda positions.
The highest-ranked constraints also regulate the segment combinations of possible outputs. An onset consonant and the following non-back vowel should share the same [high] feature (BODYSHARE [high] CV[-back]). Therefore, syllables such as [sɨ]
and [tsɨ] cannot replace the input [zi], but [ɕi] and [tɕi] are possible substitutes.
*SHARE [+anterior] onset& coda disallows onset and coda from being anterior segments.
A syllable like [tin] could not be an actual output of [tin]. A conjoined constraint [*[-distributed] & IDENT ([anterior])] fricativesegment shows that an output fricative must have an identical [anterior] feature with its input and cannot become a [-distributed]
segment. Given the input [zɑ̃], the syllable [tʂɑŋ] violates the two conditions while [tsɑŋ] does not.
The undominated constraints include the restrictions of Mandarin phonotactics.
For example, IDENT [back]-rime and*εN prohibit syllables like [sεŋ] and [sεn] from being substitutes of the input [sεn].
Constraints other than consonant/syllable regulations are also found in the undominated level. Nasal vowels are ‘unpacked’ into an oral vowel followed by a nasal segment (*Ṽ). Prosody preferences show that the minimal syllable size is two syllables (MINIMAL WORD). If a loanword adapts from a multisyllabic input, it cannot delete more than one mora from its input (MAXμ2).
The second level above the cut-off line includes a group of MAX constraints, a set of IDENT constraints, and DEP [continuant]. MAX [continuant] and MAX [back]
disfavor the deletion of [continuant] and [back]. Therefore, the syllable [ti] cannot be
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substituted for [ʃi]. Deleting the [coronal] feature of a non-nasal consonant is dispreferred (MAX [coronal] [-nasal] C). For example, the input [si] could not be adapted as [xi]. The [high] feature should also be preserved (MAX [high]). That is why [koŋ]
fails to replace [kɔɲ]. The IDENT constraints require the input-output identity of [strident], [labial], and [nasal]. Any disparity of the features will result in elimination.
Finally, the constraints below the cut-off line include another set of IDENT constraints (IDENT [lateral], [anterior], [aspirated], [voice], [distributed], [coronal], [high]). These constraints determine the markedness of the outputs. For example, the syllable [ba] has two variants: [pa] and [pha]. The former has a higher frequency because its [voice] and [aspirated] features match those of the input. Other constraints include *[sonorant], *[-distributed] C, MAX CODA-[l]/[ʁ], and DEP [-consonantal].
Some sonorant segments like [m] and [l] are allowed in Mandarin onsets. Hence
*[sonorant] is below the cut-off line. Segments with the [-distributed] feature, such as [t] and [ʂ] are licit segments in Mandarin. Therefore, *[-distributed] C is located below the cut-off line. MAX CODA-[l]/[ʁ] allows the deletion of lateral segments.
DEP [-consonantal] ensures that necessary insertion of vowels and glides will not result in output elimination.
In sum, the cut-off line explains the variations in French loanword adaptations.
The cut-off line separates fatal constraints from non-fatal ones. Constraints above the cut-off line place restrictions on individual segments, segment combinations, and prosodic preferences. Constraints below the cut-off line mostly require the input-output identity of less prominent features. Violations above the cut-off line lead to elimination, while violations below the cut-off result in variation. The adaptations of French segments in Mandarin are accounted for by the constraint ranking as well as the position of the cut-off line.
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5.2 Further Issues
There are some issues worthy of further investigation but not the focus of the present thesis.
First, the corpus has shown variant adaptations in French loanwords. Instead of analyzing every variation form, this thesis places emphasis upon the major substitutes.
This leaves the minor adaptations unattended. Therefore, future research could provide an OT analysis of every deviant form to supplement the generalizations of French loanword adaptations.
Second, the constraint ranking in this thesis predicts several forms that are not found in the corpus. The reason may be the limited number of loanwords for some types of segments. For future investigation, more loanwords could be gathered in order to attest the predicted forms in actual outputs.
Third, the adaptation of preposition syllables is not dealt with in this thesis.
Examples like these are present but not common in the current corpus. The noun phrase ‘Côte d'Albâtre’ [kot.də.al.batʁ] (the coast of Albâtre) has two variants in Mandarin. One is ‘達爾巴特’[ta.əɹ.pa.tʰɤ], and the other is ‘阿爾巴特’[a.əɹ.pa.tʰɤ].
The former adaptation is sensitive to the preposition syllable ‘de’ (abbreviated as d’
before a vowel), while the latter does not pay attention to it. The two variant forms reflect different understandings of French phonology and morphology. How the sensitivity of preposition syllables affects loanword adaptation thus deserves further study.
Finally, apart from gathering more actual outputs, acceptability judgment tasks may supplement our understanding of French loanwords. As Itô and Mester (2001) suggest, a [generative] grammar must also be capable of explaining the judgments of novel loanwords, which demonstrates the ‘phonological ability of competent
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speakers’. This thesis provides an analysis based on corpus work. More data from judgment tasks may complement the lack of certain segment combinations in the current corpus. Thus, different aspects of loanword phonology could be shown and facilitate our understanding of loanword grammar.
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