以優選理論分析國語中的法語借字 - 政大學術集成

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(1)國立政治大學語言學研究所碩士學位論文 National Chengchi University Graduate Institute of Linguistics Master Thesis. 以優選理論分析國語中的法語借字. 治政 An OT Analysis of French Loanwords in 大Mandarin Chinese 立 ‧. ‧ 國. 學 y. sit. Nat. 指導教授：蕭宇超博士. n. al. er. io. Advisor: Dr. Yuchau E. Hsiao. Ch. engchi. 研究生：洪聖瑋. i n U. v. 撰. Student: Sheng-wei Hung. 中華民國一○三年十二月 December, 2014.

(2) 國立政治大學語言學研究所碩士學位論文 National Chengchi University Graduate Institute of Linguistics Master Thesis. 以優選理論分析國語中的法語借字. 治政 An OT Analysis of French Loanwords in 大Mandarin Chinese 立 ‧. ‧ 國. 學 y. sit. Nat. 指導教授：蕭宇超博士. n. al. er. io. Advisor: Dr. Yuchau E. Hsiao. Ch. engchi. 研究生：洪聖瑋. i n U. v. 撰. Student: Sheng-wei Hung. 中華民國一○三年十二月 December, 2014.

(3) An OT Analysis of French Loanwords in Mandarin Chinese. BY Sheng-wei Hung. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. al. sit. y. Nat A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate Institute of Linguistics in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts. Ch. engchi. December, 2014. i n U. v.

(4) 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. Copyright © 2014 Sheng-wei Hung All Rights Reserved. ii. i n U. v.

(5) Acknowledgements 致謝辭距離口試結束已有月餘，卸下論文重擔的此刻，也代表著即將離開學校，說實在的，還真有點捨不得。一路走來受到許多幫忙提攜，在此以簡短的謝辭聊表謝意。首先，要特別感謝我的指導教授蕭宇超老師。打從進入工作室開始，我就在老師的指導下慢慢熟悉音韻學。感謝老師總是不厭其煩地叮囑我論文進度，從論文計畫書到最後的完稿，都因為有老師的悉心指導才得以如期完成。在我茫然於論文方向與人生規劃之際，感謝老師不吝提供許多建議，並適時地推我一把，讓我能夠完成論文大事。在工作室的點點滴滴對我來說彌足珍貴。. 政治大感謝我的口試委員吳瑾瑋老師、林蕙珊老師、吳貞慧老師。感謝老師們在忙立碌的學期末與年底願意撥空閱讀論文並且前來口試，除了提供許多精闢的意見，. ‧ 國. 學. 也於信件中給我鼓勵，讓我不僅能更精進論文內容，也多了份安心。也要謝謝每位指導過我的老師：感謝萬依萍老師、何萬順老師、黃瓊之老師、徐嘉慧老師、. ‧. 賴惠玲老師、戴智偉(Rik De Busser)老師以及薩文蕙老師指導我語言學的相關知識。其中，特別感謝戴智偉老師在我擔任「語言與世界文明」助教期間提供的許多引導與幫助，使我在教學過程與人生態度上獲益良多！感謝助教惠鈴學姊給我的加油打氣，在所辦工讀的時光雖然短暫，卻讓我在待人處事方面學到不少。. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. v. n. 除此之外，也要謝謝外文中心李立林老師(Monique Li)帶領我重拾法語學習的興趣，並熱心地幫忙語料標註和回答我層出不窮的問題，若沒有老師的幫忙，這篇論文恐怕無法完成。感謝英文系胡錦媛老師在我忙於論文之際仍提醒我思考人生議題，雖然對文學不在行，但老師的課使我煩悶的論文生涯增色不少。由衷. Ch. engchi. i n U. 地感謝師培中心王素芸老師在我徬徨無助時提供「專業的聊天」諮詢，使我能釐清長久以來的疑慮，並相信個人的意志可以戰勝想像的恐懼。特別感謝台科大師培中心的傅木龍老師，謝謝老師課堂與課後的關心和照顧，讓我對於論文的焦慮可以稍稍寬心。在音韻理論工作室的大家亦是支持我繼續下去的來源之一。謝謝明昌以及子權在寫作過程中所提出的建議，感謝綠茜總是熱心地回答我的問題，謝謝旺楨的貼心與鼓勵，以及在論文寫作後期所提供的行政協助。特別感謝威洋幫忙語料標註和幽默的加油打氣，也要謝謝威洋媽願意提供語感測試，讓論文在撰寫初期得以順利。謝謝工作室的大家：雯婷、旻欣、Johnny，以及總是翻山越嶺來上課的代侖，你們的存在讓我的生活充滿了許多歡笑與樂趣。 iii.

(6) 感謝一路陪伴我的 100 級全體同學們：具有獨到見解的宇彤，每每都能懂我的幽默並且提出非常中肯的建議；一起在課堂上並肩作戰的高真，總是能讓我開懷大笑、暢所欲言；同為教程人的郁萱和孝晨，跟妳們在一起總有聊不完的酸甜苦辣；感謝同為助教的怡婷和一起度過歡樂錄音時光的心怡，很開心能有這個緣分和妳們相遇。感謝和我一樣愛捲頭髮的孟璋，每次和你見面總是驚奇連連；感謝賈彬、柏亨、家昱，你們的存在讓我的研究生涯豐富許多，這樣的緣分會永遠存在我的心裡。在這裡要向摯友 Echo 表達謝意，聚少離多之下我們的友情絲毫沒有改變，謝謝妳在我最低潮的時刻總是十分感人地陪我去走一走，我很開心能有這樣的知己好友。我想，認識妳的這幾年就是真友情吧！謝謝一起陪我度過留學歲月的王百合(Clare Gates)，經過這些年友誼依舊！感謝 Gates 一家人總不吝惜給予我讚美、鼓勵與支持，多少個春去秋來都有你們關懷，讓我得以繼續研究生涯，能夠認識地球另一端的你們真是件幸福的事情。教程的你們我也衷心的感謝，不論是政大或台科教程的夥伴們都對我相當關照，真的讓我感到非常窩心。謝謝你們陪伴我一同奮鬥、體諒我的狀況並且總是照顧我，在教程的路上我並不孤單。. 立. 政治大. ‧ 國. 學. 最後，感謝永遠不離不棄的家人。謝謝一路栽培我至今的母親，總是鼓勵我. ‧. 追尋夢想，並且願意包容我做的決定。謝謝妹妹總是聽我分享心事，給予我許多精神上的支持。謹將這篇論文獻給我最親愛的家人。. y. Nat. sit. n. al. er. io. 此刻的心情除了感謝還是感謝，這篇「一把辛酸淚」的論文終於完成。一路走來不容易，若是多年後回想起這段時光，我想記憶裡會充滿著笑聲與溫暖。. Ch. engchi. iv. i n U. v.

(7) TABLE OF CONTENTS. Acknowledgements…………………………………………………………..iii-iv Table of Contents……………………………………………………………..v-vii Chinese Abstract……………………………………………………………….viii English Abstract………………………………………………………………….ix. Chapter 1 Introduction .........................................................................................1. 政治大 1.2 The Sound System of French and Mandarin.......................................................... 2 立 1.1 Research Issue........................................................................................................ 1. ‧ 國. 學. Chapter 2 Literature Review ........................................................................... 11 2.1 Optimality Theory................................................................................................ 11. ‧. 2.1.1 Basic Tenets of OT.......................................................................................... 11. y. Nat. io. sit. 2.1.2 Rank-Ordering Model of EVAL (ROE) .......................................................... 14. n. al. er. 2.2 Bases of Mandarin and French Phonology .......................................................... 17. i n U. v. 2.2.1 Mandarin ......................................................................................................... 17. Ch. engchi. 2.2.2 French ............................................................................................................. 18 2.3 Previous Studies on Loanwords in Mandarin ...................................................... 20 2.4 Research on French Loanwords ........................................................................... 21. Chapter 3 Corpus ................................................................................................ 24 3.1 The Corpus ........................................................................................................... 24 3.2 Statistical Analysis-Onset Adaptations ................................................................ 26 3.2.1 Alveo-Dental Lateral [l] and Uvular Fricative [ʁ] .......................................... 26 3.2.2 Voiceless Stops ................................................................................................ 27 v.

(8) 3.2.3 Voiced Stops .................................................................................................... 28 3.2.4 Voiceless Fricatives ......................................................................................... 30 3.2.5 Voiced Fricatives ............................................................................................. 31 3.2.6 Nasals .............................................................................................................. 33 3.3 Statistical Analysis-Coda and Nasal Vowel Adaptations ..................................... 34 3.3.1 Alveo-Dental Lateral [l] and Uvular Fricative [ʁ] .......................................... 35 3.3.2 Nasals .............................................................................................................. 36 3.3.3 Voiceless Fricatives ......................................................................................... 39. 政治大 3.3.5 Voiceless Stops ................................................................................................ 43 立 3.3.4 Voiced Fricatives ............................................................................................. 41. 3.3.6 Voiced Stops .................................................................................................... 45. ‧ 國. 學. 3.3.7 Affricates ......................................................................................................... 47. ‧. 3.3.8 Nasal Vowels ................................................................................................... 47. sit. y. Nat. 3.4 Summary and Comparison with Miao’s (2005) Analysis .................................... 48. n. al. er. io. Chapter 4 Optimality Theory Analysis ........................................................ 54. i n U. v. 4.1 Adaptation of Onset Consonants.......................................................................... 54. Ch. engchi. 4.1.1 Illicit Onset Consonants .................................................................................. 55 4.1.2 Adaptation of Shared Segments ...................................................................... 72 4.2 Adaptation of Coda Consonants .......................................................................... 76 4.3 Adaptation of Nasal Vowels ................................................................................. 92 4.4 Minimal Word and Mora Deletion ....................................................................... 94 4.5 Non-phonological Factors.................................................................................... 96 4.6 Summary and Comparison with Previous Studies ............................................... 97. Chapter 5 Conclusion ....................................................................................... 102 vi.

(9) 5.1 Thesis Summary................................................................................................. 102 5.2 Further Issues ..................................................................................................... 105. References ............................................................................................................. 107. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. vii. i n U. v.

(10) 國立政治大學語言學研究所碩士論文提要研究所別：語言學研究所論文名稱：以優選理論分析國語中的法語借字指導教授：蕭宇超博士研究生：洪聖瑋論文提要內容：(共一冊，二萬三千七百五十二字，分五章). 政治大. 本論文探討法語借詞進入國語音韻系統時所採取的音韻調整策略，並從優選. 立. 理論和語料庫的角度來分析借詞現象，主軸為法語子音和鼻母音的調整模式。. ‧ 國. 學. 本研究建置一個法語借詞語料庫，並統計音段保留、替代、或刪除的趨向。. ‧. 研究發現，音段保留與調整為主要的轉譯策略，唯有韻尾子音[ʁ]傾向於刪除。數據分析顯示法語借詞中的語言變異(variation)極為普遍，此現象說明國語中的. y. Nat. io. sit. 法語借詞尚未完全詞彙化 (lexicalization)，而是仍在持續進行。因此本論文採用. n. al. er. ROE 模型 (rank-ordering model of EVAL, Coetzee 2006)來解釋法語借詞轉譯的變異現象。. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. 法語音段的調整現象和變異情形可訴諸於制約的排序與互動。根據 ROE 模型，制約係以中界線(cut-off line)加以區隔，違反中界線以上的候選值會直接淘汰，而僅違反中界線以下的候選值皆可成為優選值。本研究發現，中界線以上的制約包含結構制約、信實制約、以及聯合制約(conjoined constraint);中界線以下的制約則多為信實制約。音韻表徵(phonological features)如[labial]與[nasal]在轉譯的過程中必須保留，而是否違反[voice]與[spread glottis]等表徵僅會造成語言變異。制約的交錯排序、互動，以及中界線的位置對於法語借詞的現象提出了解釋。借詞音韻並非自成一個系統，而是反映了借入語和普遍語法皆存在的制約。. viii.

(11) Abstract. This thesis investigates the phonological adaptations of French loanwords in Mandarin. The focus is on the loanword adjustment of French consonants and nasal vowels. A loanword corpus is established. Based on the statistical analysis, the adaptation pattern of each foreign segment is provided. The thesis observes that preservation and adaptation are the major strategies in loanword adaptation. The only exception is [ʁ] in the coda position, which has segment deletion as the major substitute. Variant substitutes are common in French loanwords, which suggest that. 政治大. the loanword adaptation of French is an ongoing process in Mandarin.. 立. Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky 1993/2004) is the major framework in. ‧ 國. 學. this thesis. To account for variations, Coetzee’s (2006) rank-ordering model of EVAL (ROE) is also used for analysis. A critical cut-off line divides the constraints into two. ‧. parts: constraints above the cut-off line, and constraints below the cut-off line.. y. Nat. io. sit. Violations of the former are fatal, while violations of the latter lead to variations. The. n. al. er. fatal constraints place restrictions on illicit segments, segment combinations, and. i n U. v. prosodic preferences. These crucial constraints include markedness constraints,. Ch. engchi. faithfulness constraints, or even the conjunction of the two. Constraints below the cut-off line are mostly IDENT constraints. Violations of IDENT features such as [voice] and [spread glottis] bring only variations. This is contrary to the violations of IDENT [nasal] and IDENT [labial], which result in ill-formedness. Based on the constraint ranking and the position of the cut-off line, the thesis shows that loanword phonology does not form an idiosyncratic grammar. Instead, it includes the constraints that are latent in L1 and reflects universal grammar.. ix.

(12) 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. v.

(13) Chapter 1 Introduction. 1.1 Research Issue This thesis investigates the loanword adaptations of French in Taiwan Mandarin. The focus is on the adaptations of consonant segments and nasal vowels. Many studies of Mandarin loanword phonology are concerned with the adaptations of. 政治大. English (Miao 2005, Lu 2006, Wu 2006, Wu 2008, Lin and Huang 2013, Lu 2013, to. 立. name just a few). There are not many studies on French loanwords in Mandarin, but. ‧ 國. 學. some French loans are observed in Japanese (Shinohara 2001), Fon (Kenstowicz 2003), Fula and Kinyarwanda (Rose 1999); Fula, Lingala, and Kinyarwanda (Paradis. ‧. and Prunet 2000), etc. French loanwords in Mandarin show that the adapted forms. y. Nat. sit. should conform to Mandarin phonotactics and be as similar to the input as possible.. n. al. er. io. This raises some questions as to degrees of variation: Given a foreign segment (e.g.. i n U. v. [z]), to what extent does Mandarin phonology allow variation? How does the. Ch. engchi. variation in French differ from that in other lending languages? The present thesis provides an analysis of French loanword adaptation. Variation patterns are given particular attention. Shinohara (2001) defines adaptation as ‘the process whereby native speakers of L1 adjust foreign words (L2) in such a way that the resulting forms are acceptable as L1 sound sequences’. Kenstowicz (2003) describes ‘loanwords’ in a similar way, and treats loanwords as the lexical items that are already part of the native system and can be used by speakers of the borrowing language. This thesis mainly discusses the Mandarin substitutes of French loanwords that are acceptable in Mandarin phonology. 1.

(14) According to Broselow (2006), the phonological constraints in loanword substitutions do not necessarily come from the borrowing language. The reason is that the alternations may be absent or lack obvious data in native phonology. Kenstowicz (2003) indicates that perceptual minimal change is the key factor of loanword substitutions. The present analysis aims to suggest that loanword adaptations do not form a separate grammar from the universal one. Instead, the loanword grammar is based on the constraints that are latent in the native language. This thesis establishes a French loanword corpus. It contains 719 loanwords. The. 政治大 1993/2004). The rank ordering model of EVAL (henceforth ROE, Coetzee 2006) is 立. present analysis uses the framework of Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky. used to account for the variant forms. This thesis focuses on the segmental adaptations. ‧ 國. 學. of French consonants and nasal vowels, and aims to argue for a unitary constraint. ‧. system.. sit. y. Nat. The rest of the thesis is organized as follows. Chapter 2 provides a review of the. io. er. literature, including (a) the theoretical framework provided by Optimality Theory (OT) and the rank ordering model of EVAL, (b) the relevant phonological bases in French. al. n. v i n C hstudies of loanword and Mandarin, and (c) the previous phonology that relate to this engchi U. thesis. Chapter 3 establishes a French loanword corpus. Segmental substitutes are coded in the corpus. Chapter 4 is an OT analysis of the segmental substitutes and gives an OT account of the variant adapted forms. Chapter 5 summarizes and concludes the thesis.. 1.2 The Sound System of French and Mandarin The sound inventories of French and Mandarin are listed in tables (2)-(4) and (7). French is a language of many varieties (e.g. Belgian French, Canadian French, Swiss 2.

(15) French, etc.). I focus on the French spoken in France and choose Parisian French as the standard for transcription. French has an oral-nasal contrast in the vowel system. Table (2) shows there are fifteen oral vowels in French. According to Fagyal et al. (2006), the vowels [ɪ, ʏ, ʊ] are used by speakers of Canadian French and French spoken in Louisiana. The [ɑ] vowel is present only in Belgian French, Swiss French, and French spoken in the rural areas of France. These vowels are marked in parentheses and they are not used for transcription.. 政治大 (2) French oral vowels (adapted from Fagyal et al. 2006) 立 1. ‧. ‧ 國. 學 er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. n. v i n C h[ɛ,̃ ɔ̃, ɑ̃] in French.UFagyal et al. (2006) indicates There are three nasal vowels engchi. that [œ̃] is only used in Quebec French and French spoken in the southern part of France. Therefore, it is not included in the present research.. Mandarin does not have oral-nasal contrast in the vowel system. Lin (2007) suggests that Mandarin has five vowel phonemes [i, y, u, a, ə]. Other vowels occur in specific contexts. Table (3) lists ten vowels that are proposed by Lin. The apical vowel [ɨ] is not included and will be discussed in Chapter 2.. 1. The vowels in parentheses are not used in Parisian French, and are therefore excluded in the transcription. 3.

(16) (3) Mandarin vowels (based on Lin 2007). y. ɤ ɛ. 政治大 French voiceless stops [p, 立 t, k] are unaspirated in syllable-initial position, and medial. The consonants of French are illustrated in (4). According to Valdman (1976),. ‧ 國. 學. position with a stressed vowel. The voiceless stops stay unaspirated after [s] segment. It is possible to have aspirated voiceless stops in syllable-final position. However,. ‧. some scholars hold that all French voiceless stops are unaspirated (Fagyal et al. 2006).. sit. y. Nat. Such phonetic variations are not the major focus in this study. Therefore,. al. er. io. syllable-final stops are coded unaspirated in the corpus. The velar nasal [ŋ] occurs. v. n. only in English loanwords such as ‘camping’ and ‘parking’. Hence it is not included. Ch. engchi. i n U. in the present study. Fagyal et al. (2006) suggests that rhotics for French include the apical [r], uvular trill [R], uvular fricative [ʁ], velar approximant [ɰ], and voiceless uvular fricative [χ]. The detailed classifications show that immediate phonetic environment is pivotal in Fagyal’s analysis. Such phonetic variations are not present in Mandarin. Thus this thesis adopts Rose’s (1999) description of French consonant inventory, and only the uvular fricative [ʁ] is used to represent the rhotic segment in French. There are four affricates [ts, dz, tʃ, dʒ] in French. Only [ts] is observed in the corpus. The remaining affricates are marked in parentheses and excluded from the discussion. 4.

(17) (4) French consonants (based on Fagyal et al. 2006)2 bilabial. alveodental. palatoalveolar. palatal. velar. ɲ. (ŋ). p. t. k. +vcd b. d. g. +oral. -vcd. -voiced. f. s. ʃ. (χ). +voiced. v. z. ʒ. ʁ. -voiced. ts. (tʃ). +voiced. (dz). (dʒ). ‧ 國. lateral. (ʀ) (ɰ). l. w ɥ. j. ɥ. ‧. glide. 立. central. 政 (r) 治大. 學. approximant. trill. stop. n. fricative. m. uvular. affricate. +nasal. labialdental. Nat. io. sit. y. w. n. al. er. To understand how feature changes influence the adaptation of loanwords, the. Ch. i n U. v. feature specification of French consonants is provided in (5) and (6). The former is a. engchi. matrix of obstruents, and the latter is a matrix of sonorants. Only the segments that are present in the corpus are included in the matrixes.. 2. The segments in parentheses are not included in the present study due to limited usage or allophonic nature. 5.

(18) (5) Feature specifications of French obstruents3 p. t. k. f. s. ʃ. ts. --. b. d. g. v. z. ʒ. --. ʁ. [sonorant]. -. -. -. -. -. -. -. -. [continuant]. -. -. -. +. +. +. +. +. [nasal]. -. -. -. -. -. -. -. -. [lateral]. -. -. -. -. -. -. -. -. [spread glottis]. -. -. -. -. -. -. -. -. [strident]. -. -. -. -. +. +. -. [voice]. -/+. -/+. -/+. -. +. [labial]. √. -. 3. √. +. +. -. +. -. -. +. y. -. sit. [high]. √. -. +. -. -. +. -. +. a- l. +. -. -. -. -. n. -. io. [back]. √. er. ‧ 國 Nat. [distributed]. √. ‧. [anterior]. √. 學. [coronal]. 立. + 治政 -/+ -/+ -/+大. Ch. n U engchi. -. iv. The affricate segment [ts] carries [-continuant] and [+continuant] features on the same autosegmental tier. This is indicated by ‘+’, meaning that both features are present. There is a slash between ‘-’and ‘+’ in the [voice] specification of stops and fricatives. This shows that one of the segments is [-voiced] and the other is [+voiced]. 6.

(19) (6) Feature specifications of French sonorants m. n. ɲ. l. j. w. ɥ. +. +. +. +. +. +. +. [continuant] -. -. -. +. +. +. +. [nasal]. +. +. +. -. -. -. -. [lateral]. -. -. -. +. -. -. -. [labial]. √. √. √. [sonorant]. √. √. √. [anterior]. +. -. +. [distributed]. -. +. -. [high]. -. -. 立+. -. +. √. 治政- + 大 -. -. +. -. +. +. -. 學. [back]. +. ‧. ‧ 國. [coronal]. Table (7) lists the consonant inventory in Mandarin Chinese. Many French. y. Nat. er. io. sit. consonants are absent in Mandarin consonant inventory. As a result, consonant substitution occurs in loanword adaptations. Lin (2007) uses [ɹ] to refer to the. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. syllable-initial retroflex and the rhotacized vowel [əɹ]. However, a voicing contrast in. engchi. the retroflexed fricatives [ʂ, ʐ] is observed in Taiwan Mandarin (Wan 2000). In order to capture this two-way contrast, the present research distinguishes the onset retroflex fricative [ʐ] from the coda segment [ɹ].. 7.

(20) (7) Mandarin consonants (based on Lin 2007). stop. +vcd. fricative. +vcd. affricate. -vcd. nasal. +vcd m. approximant. bilabial. central. -vcd. p. labialdental dental. ph. t. postalveolar. alveolopalatal. palatal. th. velar. k. kh. ʐ4. -vcd. f. ʂ. s. ts. tsh. tʂ. ɕ. tʂh. x. tɕh. tɕ. ŋ. n. w ɥ. 立l. lateral. 政 ɹ治大. j. ɥ. w. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. The feature specification of each Mandarin consonant is offered in (8) and (9).. y. Nat. sit. The former is a matrix of obstruents, and the latter is a matrix of sonorants. Segment. n. al. er. io. substitutes are better accounted for with such matrixes. Doing so also shows the. i n U. v. feature similarity and disparity between Mandarin and French.. 4. Ch. engchi. The table has a slight modification of the consonant chart in Lin (2007). While Lin uses the approximant [ɹ] for both onset and coda segments, we treat [ɹ] as the coda retroflex and [ʐ] as the onset retroflex. 8.

(21) (8) Feature specifications of Mandarin obstruents p. t. k. f. s. ʂ. ɕ. ts. tʂ. tɕ. x. ph. th. kh. --. --. ʐ. --. tsh. tʂh. tɕh. --. -. -. -. -. -. -. -. -. -. -. -. [continuant] -. -. -. +. +. +. +. +. +. +. +. [nasal]. -. -. -. -. -. -. -. -. -. -. -. [lateral]. -. -. -. -. -. -. -. -. -. -. -. [spread. -/+. -/+. -/+. -. -. -. -. -/+. -/+. -/+. -. -. 治政 + + + 大. +. +. +. -. -. -. -. -. -. √. √. -. -. glottis] -. [voice]. -. -. [labial]. √. [distributed]. -. √. √. √. √. √. +. +. -. -. +. -. -. +. -. +. +. -. +. +. -. +. +. +. -. -. +. +. ‧ 國. -/+. y. √. -. io. -. -. [high]. -. -. +. al. n. [back]. ‧. [anterior]. -. 學. [coronal]. 立 -. er. -. Nat. [strident]. +. -. C h-. sit. [sonorant]. +n U engchi -. -. 9. iv.

(22) (9) Feature specifications of Mandarin sonorants m. n. ŋ. l. ɹ. j. w. ɥ. +. +. +. +. +. +. +. +. [continuant] -. -. -. +. +. +. +. +. [nasal]. +. +. +. -. -. -. -. -. [lateral]. -. -. -. +. -. -. -. -. [labial]. √. √. √. +. -. +. +. √. [anterior]. +. [distributed]. -. -. √. 政 + 治+ 大+. 立. -. +. -. -. -. -. +. -. -. +. ‧. Nat. y. [high]. √. io. sit. -. √. 學. [back]. ‧ 國. [coronal]. n. al. er. [sonorant]. Ch. engchi. 10. i n U. v.

(23) Chapter 2 Literature Review. 2.1 Optimality Theory This section introduces the concepts of Optimality Theory (OT). Rank-ordering model of EVAL (ROE), a sub-theory of OT, is also discussed.. 政治大 The theory of OT was立 proposed by Prince and Smolensky (1993/2004). Instead. 2.1.1 Basic Tenets of OT. ‧ 國. 學. of using transformational rules, OT suggests a set of violable constraints to account for Universal Grammar (UG). All languages share the same set of constraints. The. ‧. systematic differences between languages are explained by the language-specific. sit. y. Nat. rankings of universal constraints.. n. al. er. io. In OT, language forms are not generated by the continuous applications of. v. transformation rules. Instead, a given input has an infinite number of possible outputs. Ch. engchi. i n U. supplied by GENERATOR (GEN). These diverse outputs (the ‘candidates’) compete with each other to produce an optimal output. All possible outputs are evaluated by the language-specific constraint ranking that is contained in EVALUATOR (EVAL).Through the operation of EVAL, the winner candidate is obtained. The input-output mechanism in OT is not a serial process. All candidates go through GEN at the same time and they are simultaneously evaluated by EVAL. The condition of becoming an optimal candidate is minimal violation. A candidate becomes an optimal output if it only violates the lower-ranked constraints or has minimum violations. Let’s say there are two constraints Con1 and Con2. The 11.

(24) ranking relation between them is that Con1 ranks higher than Con2. Two candidates (a) and (b) compete with each other for becoming an optimal output. If candidate (a) violates Con1, it will be ruled out immediately. It does not matter whether candidate (a) violates Con2. However, if candidate (b) incurs violations of Con2 but satisfies Con1, it becomes the optimal candidate because of minimal violation. The major categories of OT constraints are markedness constraints and faithfulness constraints. A markedness constraint requires the well-formedness of an output form. An output is well-formed if it conforms to the restrictions on. 政治大 prohibits more than one segment in the onset position. A faithfulness constraint 立. phonological structures. For example, the markedness constraint *COMPLEX ONSET. demands the similarity between the input and the output. Any input-output disparity. ‧ 國. 學. will result in violations. For instance, MAX-segment forbids segment deletion in the. sit. y. Nat. output.. ‧. output. A violation occurs if an input segment fails to find its correspondent in the. io. n. al. er. A graphic representation of OT is provided in (1):. (1) The operation of OT. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. /input/ GEN. candidate a, candidate b, candidate c… EVAL {Constraint 1>>Constraint 2>> Constraint3…} [optimal candidate] {[loser 1], [loser 2], [loser 3]…} 12.

(25) As (1) indicates, OT generates the optimal output through a process of candidate selection. A given input has an infinite number of outputs produced by GENERATOR. These outputs are evaluated by EVALUATION, where a set of universal constraints are ranked. The evaluation is performed in a parallel manner. The optimal output is chosen by having minimal violation of the constraints. In OT, the ranking of constraints and the evaluation of candidates are demonstrated in a ‘tableau’. A sample of OT tableau is given in (2).. 政治大 Ranking: Constraint 1>>Constraint 2, Constraint 3>>Constraint 4 立 (2) Sample OT tableau. Constraint 1. Constraint 2. Constraint 3. 學. ‧ 國. /input/. ☞ a. candidate (a). y. sit. io. *!. al. *!. n. e. candidate (e). *. Ch. engchi. er. d. candidate (d). *!. Nat. c. candidate (c). *!. *. ‧. b. candidate (b). Constraint 4. i n U. v. An OT tableau has one row for constraints and one column for candidates. Constraints are listed in the first row. The leftmost constraint ranks the highest, followed by constraints that are ranked lower. The lowest-ranked constraint is placed in the rightmost column. If two constraints are mutually unranked, a dotted line is placed between the two constraint columns. This is shown in the ranking of Constraint 2 and Constraint 3. The candidates are displayed in the leftmost column. The first candidate is the optimal output, indicated by the symbol of a right-pointing hand ‘☞’. Constraint violations are shown with asterisks. The exclamation marks show the fatal 13.

(26) violations incurred by the loser candidates. Shading accounts for the violations that do not affect the outcome. In tableau (2), candidates (b) and (c) violate Constraint 1, and they are both ruled out. The violation of Constraint 3 in (c) is no longer relevant. Its violation of Constraint 1 already decides the elimination. Candidates (d) and (e) violate Constraint 2 and Constraint 3, respectively. They are defeated in the competition. Candidate (a) incurs a violation of the lowest-ranked Constraint 4. It is selected as the optimal candidate. Its violation of Constraint 4 is shaded in gray because the null violations of the top-three constraints make it the winner.. 政治大 2.1.2 Rank-Ordering Model of EVAL (ROE) 立. ‧ 國. 學. Coetzee (2006) indicates that language phenomena are more than categorical. Therefore, generative phonology has difficulty explaining the variant linguistic forms.. ‧. Classical OT treats one of the possible outputs as the actual output and leaves the rest. sit. y. Nat. undiscussed. Instead of discarding the non-optimal candidates, Coetzee argues that. al. er. io. they could be ranked in terms of well-formedness. The ‘more well-formed’. v. n. non-optimal candidates are more likely to be the best candidates than the ‘less well-formed’ counterparts.. Ch. engchi. i n U. There are three major tenets in Coetzee’s model. First, all candidates are evaluated by EVAL. Therefore, every constraint could evaluate every candidate. Second, EVAL contains a ranking hierarchy to account for the well-formedness of the candidate set. Language users have knowledge of this ranking, and their linguistic performance is influenced by the knowledge of the ranking hierarchy. Third, apart from the best candidate, other candidates are within the language users’ access. The position in the ranking hierarchy decides whether a candidate is selected as the output. A higher-ranked candidate is more likely to be the output. The more well-formed 14.

(27) candidate tends to be selected. It also has higher frequency than the less well-formed candidates. To account for variations, Coetzee modifies the ranking of the constraint set in classical OT. A critical cut-off line divides the constraint set into two parts: constraints above the cut-off line and constraints below the cut-off line. The cut-off line is placed in a position that meets two requirements. None of the variant forms violates the constraints above the cut-off line. The loser candidates are eliminated due to the violations above the cut-off. Violation above the cut-off line leads to candidate. 政治大 candidates. An example is given in (3). 立. 學. (3) A sample tableau with cut-off line DEP [-high]. c. ũ. io. *!. al. *. n. *!. *. y. b. ∅. d. other Ṽ. *. Nat. ☞2. *σ̃/{i, u}. MAX(segment). sit. ☞1 a. ĩ. DEP [+back]. er. /i/. ‧. ‧ 國. elimination, while violation below the cut-off only determines the frequency of the. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. In (3), the input /i/ has two variants [ĩ] and null adaptation. The constraints *σ̃/{i, u} and MAX (segment) are placed below the cut-off line so that [ĩ] and vowel deletion are harmonic. The ranking below the cut-off line is MAX (segment)>>*σ̃/{i, u}. Candidate (a) violates the lower-ranked *σ̃/{i, u} so that it is the first optimal candidate. It has a higher frequency than the second optimal candidate. There are two loser candidates, [ũ] and other non-nigh vowels. The constraints DEP [-high] and DEP [+back] are positioned above the cut-off line so that the two candidates will not be the optimal outputs. In general, fatal constraints are placed above the cut-off line, while non-fatal constraints are violable and located below the cut-off line. 15.

(28) There are three possible situations when the critical cut-off line divides the constraint set. Each of the scenarios is presented schematically in (4).. (4) Tableaux of the critical cut-off line (based on Coetzee 2006) (4a) Variation. 立. (4b) No variation I. 政治大 (4c) No variation II. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. In (4), there are three possible situations.. engchi. v i n (4a) U shows. that more than one. candidate is selected as the output. Cand 1 and cand 2 only incur violations of the non-fatal constraints, and variations occur. The first candidate has a higher frequency than the second candidate. (4b) suggests that only the first candidate is harmonic. The reason is that it violates only a single constraint below the cut-off line. (4c) differs from (4b) in the violation below the cut-off. Both candidates in (4c) violate the constraints above the cut-off line. No violation below the cut-off line is observed. Therefore, the more well-formed candidate of the two is chosen as the optimal output.. 16.

(29) 2.2 Bases of Mandarin and French Phonology This section presents the phonological bases in Mandarin and French that are relevant to this research.. 2.2.1 Mandarin In Mandarin, the maximal syllable structure is CGVX (Lin 2007). The X segment in the coda can be a consonant or a vowel. The coda consonant can only be filled by the alveolar nasal [n], the velar nasal [ŋ], or [ɹ] in a rhotacized rime. The. 政治大 provides some examples of立 segment combination in Mandarin rime.. rime segments must be identical in the features of [back] and [round]. Table (5). ‧ 國. 學. (5) Examples of Mandarin rime (based on Lin 2007). ‧. [an]. [+back] [-round]/ [+back] [-round]. [ɑŋ]. [+back][+round]/[-back] [-round]. *[un]. Ch. engchi. sit. er. n. al. [-back][+round]/[+back] [-round]. y. [-back] [-round]/ [-back] [-round]. io. Illicit rime. Examples. Nat. Licit rime. Features. v. *[yŋ]. i n U. In (5), rime segments sharing the same [back] and [round] features are licit forms, such as [an] and [ɑŋ]. Disparity of the two features will lead to illicit rime combinations, such as [un] and [yŋ]. Mandarin places restrictions on the syllable containing an [f] segment. Wan and Jaeger (2003) list several possible co-occurrences of onset [f] and rimes. Limited segment combinations are observed. The onset [f] can only be followed by [u], [ej], [ən], [oŋ], [ow], [a], [an], and [ɑŋ]. The combination of *[fi], *[fɨ], *[fy], *[fɛ], *[fɔ], and *[fɤ] are disallowed in Mandarin. According to Lin (2007), Mandarin labial 17.

(30) consonants cannot precede a mid-vowel in a CV syllable. That is why *[fɛ], *[fɔ], and *[fɤ] are illicit. However, [f] can co-occur with [ɔ] if the labio-velar glide [w] appears between [f] and [ɔ], making a legitimate syllable [fwɔ]. Mandarin has restrictions on the syllable structure of coronal fricatives and affricates. Alveolo-palatals [tɕ, tɕʰ, ɕ] can only be followed by a high front vowel or glide. For example, syllable [tɕi] and [tɕy] are possible in Mandarin, while *[tɕo] and *[tɕe] are not. By contrast, dental affricates/fricative [ts, tsh, s], post-alveolar affricates/fricative [tʂ, tʂʰ, ʂ, ʐ], and velars [k, kh, x] cannot appear before a high front. 政治大 and *[ky] are not. Such restrictions show the palatalization constraint. 立. vowel or glide. For instance, [ku] and [kən] are licit syllables in Mandarin, yet *[ki]. Lin (2007) proposes that only five vowels [i, y, u, a, ə] are phonemic in. ‧ 國. 學. Mandarin. Other vowels are allophonic because they only occur in specific contexts.. ‧. In Lin’s analysis, the three high vowels [i, y, u] are phonemes. The two high vowels [ı]. y. Nat. and [ɩ] have limited distribution. The apical vowel [ı] can only be preceded by the. er. io. sit. dental affricates [ts]/ [tsh] and the dental fricative [s]. The other apical vowel [ɩ] follows only after post-alveolar consonants [tʂ , tʂʰ, ʂ] and [ʐ]. Cheng (1973) proposes. al. n. v i n a high unrounded central vowelC [ɨ] to cover the two apical h e n g c h i U vowels. He treats [ı] and [ɩ] as two variants of the high vowel [ɨ]. As phonetic details of [ı] and [ɩ] are not the. major focus in this study, we follow Cheng’s classification and use [ɨ] to refer both apical vowels. According to Lin (2007), the mid vowel [ə] has four allophones [ə, e, o, ɤ]. The low vowel [a] has three allophones [a, ɑ, ɛ]. Based on these classifications, the present research uses eleven vowels in the transcription: [i, y, u, ɨ, a, ɑ, ɛ, ə, e, o, ɤ].. 2.2.2 French In French, the onset position and the coda position maximally allow three 18.

(31) segments, such as ‘strident’ [stʁidɑ̃] (shrill) and ‘aster’ [astʁ] (star). The nucleus can be filled by a diphthong or a glide-vowel sequence (Fagyal et al. 2006). Figure (6) presents a simple illustration of the syllable structure in French.. (6) Simple and branching syllable structures in French (based on Fagyal et al. 2006) Syllable Onset. (p). est. ‘is’. ère. ‘era’. père. ‘father’. C. prêtre. ‘priest’. C. être. ‘to be’. ɛ. (t). (i). (ʁ). V 治政 V 大. C. 立. ‧ 國. Coda. C. [pɛ] [ɛ]. V. C. [ɛʁ]. V. C. [pɛʁ]. V. C. C. V. C. C. [ɛtʁ]. [pʁɛtʁ]. Nat. y. ‧. ‘peace’. (ʁ). Nucleus. 學. paix. Rime. io. sit. The syllabification of French follows the Maximal Onset Principle. For example,. n. al. er. given a group of segments [ɛkstʁɛ], the syllabification should be [ɛk.stʁɛ] instead of. i n U. v. [ɛks.tʁɛ]. This is because the Maximal Onset Principle tends to maximize the number. Ch. engchi. of onset segments. As mentioned earlier, French has at most three segments in the onset position. Therefore, the onset segment is [stʁ] rather than [tʁ]. French spelling has a set of systematic correspondences between the phonemes and a group of letters. Some relevant phonological rules are listed here. According to Valdman (1976), single letters a, i, u, p, b, d, f, y, m, n, l represent the phonemes [a, i, y, p, b, d, f, j, m, n, l], respectively. Letter combinations ch and gn stand for the phoneme [ʃ] and [ɲ]. The letter c is pronounced as [s] when it occurs before the letters i and e; the pronunciation of c becomes [k] when it is followed by the letters a, o, and u. For instance, the word ‘cinéma’ (‘movie’) is realized as [si.ne.ma], while ‘cou’ 19.

(32) (‘neck’) is pronounced as [ku]. Similar patterns can be observed in the spelling of g, which has two pronunciations [ʒ] and [g]. The word ‘gifle’ (‘cheek’) has a pronunciation of [ʒifl], while ‘gamin’ (‘youngster’) is realized as [ga.mẽ]. The glide [j] has five spellings, i, il, ile, ill(e),and y. Examples include ‘iode’ (‘iodine’) [jɔd], ‘seuil’ (‘threshold’) [sœj], ‘sillon’ (‘furrow’) [sijõ], ‘fille’ (‘daughter’) [fij], and ‘voyons’ (‘see-first person plural’) [vwa.jɔ̃].. 2.3 Previous Studies on Loanwords in Mandarin. 政治大 substitutions of English loanwords 立 in Mandarin.. This section discusses some studies on Mandarin loanwords, mostly the segment. ‧ 國. 學. Miao (2005) investigates the Mandarin loanwords borrowed from English, German, and Italian. The focus is on consonant substitutions. Miao suggests that the. ‧. foreign forms need to fulfill two tasks when they enter Mandarin phonology. First, the. sit. y. Nat. loans need to find the closest phoneme in the borrowing language. Second, the loans. al. er. io. need to adjust the phonological structure to become licit forms in the native. v. n. phonology. Miao adopts Steriade’s (2002) Perceptibility-map (P-map) hypothesis. She. Ch. engchi. i n U. suggests that the perceptual salience of the segment features decides if the segment is preserved. Manner features are perceptibly more salient, so they tend to be retained. Place features and [voice]/ [spread glottis] features tend to be sacrificed because they are less distinct. Miao proposes the ranking hierarchy in terms of feature identity between the input and the output. IDENT ([manner]) ranks higher than IDENT ([place]), which dominates IDENT ([voice]) and IDENT ([aspirated]). Obstruent adaptations tend to preserve manner of articulations. Most obstruent loans are faithfully retained, and deviations in voicing/aspiration are allowed. Nasals tend to be faithfully preserved. Change of place feature is sometimes observed in the coda 20.

(33) position. As for sonorants and glides, they tend to be faithfully adapted. Deviations of features such as [lateral] and [sonorant] are found. In sum, Miao suggests that perceptual similarity is the key factor of phoneme substitutions. Wu (2008) discusses the phonological adaptations of English loanwords in Mandarin. The focus is on consonant substitutions. The analysis shows that the adaptation patterns are influenced by the positions of consonant segments. Consonants in word-initial and word-medial positions tend to be retained or adapted. On the contrary, consonants in word-final position are mostly deleted. In terms of. 政治大 Therefore, onset segments tend to be preserved. Some salient segments like [s] are 立. perceptual saliency, onset consonants are more prominent than the coda counterparts.. bound to be preserved in both onset and coda positions. Similar to Miao’s (2005). ‧ 國. 學. analysis, Wu stresses the perceptual factors in loanword adaptation.. ‧ sit. y. Nat. 2.4 Research on French Loanwords. n. al. er. io. This section reviews some studies of French loanwords in different languages, including German, Japanese, and Fon.. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. Itô and Mester (2001) propose a type of stratum-specific faithfulness constraints to account for French loanwords in German. They argue that markedness constraints are fixed in the ranking hierarchy. By putting faithfulness constraints in different places of the ranking hierarchy, sublexicons (i.e. variations) appear. These sublexicons differ in the degree of nativization. For example, both [ʒ] and nasal vowels are absent in German inventory. Long lax vowels and coda [ʀ] segment are also non-native in German. When the French word ‘jongleur’ [ʒɔ̃glœ:ʀ] (juggler) is borrowed, there are only five forms allowed. The reason is that the fixed ranking *Ṽ>>*LaxLong>>*Coda [ʀ]>>*[ʒ] could only provide five places for inserting the 21.

(34) faithfulness constraints5. Through the insertion of faithfulness constraints, loanword variations are accounted for in terms of nativization degree and entailment relationship. Shinohara (2001) argues that the emergent patterns in loanword adaptation reflect universal grammar. By examining the loanwords, one could observe some aspects of UG. For example, in Japanese, segments [t] and [d] tend to become affricates when they precede high vowels, such as /tuki/ [tsuki] (moon) and /kaNduki/ [kandzuki] (cold mouth). In Japanese, voiced affricates [dz] are. 政治大 ranking explains the dispreference of affricates, and voiceless affricates are more 立. dispreferred. Shinohara proposes the ranking *[dz]>>*[ts] in the native lexicon6. Such. favored than the voiced counterparts. The ranking is also active when French. ‧ 國. 學. loanwords enter Japanese. For example, the loanword ‘Toulouse’ [tuluz] (place name). ‧. is substituted by [tsuuruuzu]. ‘Pompidou’ [pɔ̃pidu] (person name) is adapted as. sit. y. Nat. [poNpidoo] rather than [poNpidzu]. The native lexicon and the loanwords both. io. er. exhibit the markedness of voiced affricates, which is shown in the ranking *[dz]>>*[ts]. Shinohara shows that a part of Universal Grammar is observed in. al. n. v i n C h rankings are likely loanword adaptations. The constraint to be ‘inherited from the engchi U initial state of UG and remain latent in L1’.. Kenstowicz (2003) provides a perceptual account of French loanwords in Fon, a language spoken in West Africa. In Kenstowicz’s analysis, an adapted form is chosen if it has minimal change in perception. For example, segments [m] and [b] are in complementary distribution in Fon, and nasal vowel [ĩ] is present in Fon inventory. 5. Each position of the faithfulness constraints is indicated by a vertical line:. |*Ṽ >>|*LaxLong>>|*Coda [ʀ]>>|*[ʒ] |). There are five vertical lines in total. Hence five variants occur. 6. The constraint *[dz] show that voiced affricates are disfavored. ‘*[ts]’ means that voiceless affricates. are dispreferred. 22.

(35) When the French word ‘ministre’ [ministʁ] (minister) is borrowed, the first syllable is adapted as [mĩ] instead of [bi]. Kenstowicz suggests that changing the nasality of consonant is perceptually more salient than the alternation of vowel nasality. Therefore, the form [bi] is disfavored and [mĩ] is chosen. Apart from the restrictions of native phonology, the principle ‘Minimal Saliency’ is important when French words enter Fon phonology.. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. 23. i n U. v.

(36) Chapter 3 Corpus. This chapter builds a corpus of French loanwords in Mandarin. There are 719 words in the corpus. Based on the data, segmental substitution of each French loanword is calculated. This statistical analysis provides the tendency of segment substitutions. Adaptation patterns can be derived based on this evidence.. 立. 3.1 The Corpus. 政治大. ‧ 國. 學. This thesis focuses on the discussions of consonant substitutions and nasal vowel adaptations. The French loanwords were collected from a loanword dictionary (A. ‧. Loanword Dictionary published by Guo Yu Ri Bao, 國語日報外來語辭典), academic. y. Nat. sit. journals, France-related books, and websites containing information of tourism in. n. al. er. io. France. The loanwords were transcribed with the help of two native speakers of. i n U. v. French, who are experienced teachers of French in Taiwan. The transcription follows. Ch. engchi. the IPA system. Adaptation variants were obtained through Google. The corpus contains 719 loanwords. If a loanword has two variants, the shared adapted form between them is only counted once. Take the substitutes of ‘Rennes’ ([ʁɛn]) as an example. It has two parts for loanword adaptation, the onset segment [ʁ] and the coda [n]. There are two substitutes in Mandarin: ‘雷恩’ ([lej.ən]) and ‘漢恩’ ([xan.ən]). Since the two variants both adapt the nasal coda [n] as [ən], the preservation of nasal coda is only counted once. However, the onset segment [ʁ] has two variations [lej] and [xan]. Therefore, two different types of adaptations are counted. 24.

(37) Several factors lead to the adaptations of French loanwords. Because this thesis only deals with phonologically adapted forms, loanwords influenced by non-phonological factors will not be analyzed. For example, orthography plays a part in translating ‘Aisne’ ([ɛn]). The Mandarin adaptation is 埃斯內 ([aj.sɨ.nej]). The fricative segment [s] is absent in the input form but present in the adaptation. The [sɨ] adaptation is likely to be influenced by orthography. Syllable like this will not be included in the corpus. Variant forms are common in the present corpus. Sometimes the adaptation. 政治大 uneven distribution between the dominant output and the other possible outputs are 立. percentages between dominant outputs and deviations are very close. However, the. also observed. This raises a question: Why is one variant form counted as a possible. ‧ 國. 學. output, while another variant form is left out? In general, a variant form is counted as. ‧. a possible output if its percentage in the corpus is close to that of the dominant output.. sit. y. Nat. For example, the foreign onset [p] has two adaptations [ph] and [p]. The former. io. er. occupies 57.65% of the data, and the latter accounts for 42.35% in the corpus. There is no huge discrepancy between the two percentages, thus both variant forms are. al. n. v i n possible outputs. If one variantCform presents a greatUpercentage gap between itself hengchi. and the dominant form, it could still be counted as a possible output if it occurs in a different phonological environment from the dominant output. For example, the foreign onset [g] has two adaptations [k] and [tɕ]. The former occupies 64.58% in the corpus, while the latter accounts for 31.25% of the data. Both forms are possible outputs because [tɕ] substitutes for syllables [ga], [gi], and [gy], whereas the adaptation [k] replaces other syllable types.. 25.

(38) 3.2 Statistical Analysis-Onset Adaptations This section discusses the adaptation of French onsets in Mandarin. The onset segments in the corpus include consonants [p, t, k, b, d, g, s, f, ʃ, z, v, ʒ, m, n, ɲ, l, ʁ]. Onset segments that constitute the major portion of the data will be presented first, followed by the segments of fewer occurrences.. 3.2.1 Alveo-Dental Lateral [l] and Uvular Fricative [ʁ] Segments [l] and [ʁ] are of the majority in the corpus. As (1) shows, [l] segments. 政治大 relatively uncommon, only 立occupying 5% in the data. Mandarin speakers tend to. are faithfully adapted most of the time (95%). Onset deletion or other adaptations are. ‧ 國. 學. replace [ʁ] with [l] or [x] (59.69% and 24.69%, respectively). Occasionally, Mandarin speakers delete an onset [ʁ] segment. The fricative [ʁ] may be replaced by [ɕ], [ʐ], or. ‧. other segments. The substitutions of [ɕ], [ʐ], and other segments are very limited in. sit. y. Nat. the corpus. They are considered the minority and excluded from the discussion.. n. al. er. io. Examples are provided in (2).. Ch. engchi. 26. i n U. v.

(39) (1) Statistics of lateral substitutions7 French onset structure. Mandarin structure. Number. Total. Percentage. lV. l_. 190. 200. 95%. deletion. 6. 3%. others8. 4. 2%. l_. 191. x_. 79. 24.69%. deletion. 26. 8.13%. ɕ_. 13. 4.06%. ʐ_. 9. 2.81%. others9. 2. 0.62%. 320. 政治大. (2) Examples of [l, ʁ] substitutions10  a. Louvre [luvʁ]. 立. 拉普斯. [la.pʰu.sɨ]. ‘name of a mathematician’. [pa.ʁi]. . 巴黎. [pa.li]. ‘place name’. [(lə).ma.ʁɛ] [mɔ.̃ maʁ.tʁə] [tu.ʁi] [ma.za.ʁɛ]̃.    . 瑪黑(區) 蒙馬特突喜馬札然. [ma.xej.(tɕʰy)] [məŋ.ma.tʰɤ]. ‘place name’ ‘place name’ ‘place name’ ‘name of a politician’. n 3.2.2 Voiceless Stops. y. [tʰu.ɕi] [ma.tʂa.ʐan]. er. io. al. ‧. Le Marais Montmartre Thoury Mazarin. ‘name of a museum’. . Nat. d. e. f. g.. [lwɔ.fu]. [la.plas]. ‧ 國. c. Paris. 羅浮. 學. b. Laplace. 59.69%. sit. ʁV. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. Three onset segments [p, t, k] are discussed in this part. Mandarin has two kinds of voiceless stops, the unaspirated stops and the aspirated counterparts. In (3), the aspirated stops are favored over the unaspirated counterparts. In the case of [p] substitution, [pʰ] and [p] are the only possibilities. The most frequent substitutions of [t] are [tʰ] and [t]. Other adaptations are also possible. Mandarin speakers may substitute [t] with segments [tsʰ], [tʂʰ], [s], [ɕ], [tɕ], or even deletion. Yet the chances 7. As the adaptations of simplex and complex onsets are similar, there is no category for complex onsets. 8 ‘Others’ refers to tokens numbering less than three, including [i, ɥ, n]. 9 ‘Others’ refers to tokens numbering less than three, including [n, əɹ]. 10 The minor adaptations are shaded in gray. 27.

(40) are relatively small (5.30% in total), and they are excluded in the generalizations. Apart from the adaptations of [kh] and [k], [tɕ] may also replace [k]. Since there is only one example of [k] deletion, it is excluded from the discussion. Examples of voiceless stops are given in (4). (3) Statistics of voiceless stops substitutions11 French onset. Mandarin structure. Number Total. Percentage. pʰ_. 49. 57.65%. p_. 36. structure pV. 42.35%. tʰ_. 94 151 治政 t_ 49 大 others(tsʰ, tʂʰ, deletion, s, ɕ, tɕ) 8 立 k_. 16. 11.35%. tɕ_. 11. 7.8%. deletion. 1. 0.71%. ‧ 國. 80.14%. y. Nat. b. Picardy. [pi.kaʁ.di] . n. g. Calais. al. [ɑ̃.kɔʁ] [ni.kɔ.tin] [ka.lɛ]. 皮卡底. sit. io. [pi.kaʁ.di] . c. montage [mɔ.̃ taʒ] d. nicotine [ni.kɔ.tin]. ‧. 141. a. Picardy. nicotine. 5.30%. 113. (4) Examples of [p, t, k] substitutions. e. encore. 32.45%. 學. kʰ_. kV. 62.25%. [pʰi.kʰa.ti]. ‘place name’. er. tV. f.. 85. v name’ ‘place i n C蒙太奇 h e n g[məŋ.tʰaj.tɕʰi] i U ‘a technique in film editing’ h c 尼古丁 [ni.ku.tiŋ] ‘a type of drug’ 庇卡底. [pi.kʰa.ti]. . 安可. [an.kʰɤ]. ‘again’.  . 尼古丁加萊. [ni.ku.tiŋ] [tɕja.laj]. ‘a type of drug’.  . ‘place name’. 3.2.3 Voiced Stops There are three voiced stops in French: [b], [d], and [g]. There are no voiced stops in Mandarin. Hence, it is natural for Mandarin speakers to replace the voiced. 11. As the adaptations of simplex and complex onsets are similar, there is no category for complex onsets. 28.

(41) stops with the voiceless counterparts. This is evidenced in the computation of (5). Every category of voiced stops is substituted by the voiceless stops. There are only two possibilities of [b] adaptation: [p] and [pʰ]. The former is the dominant substitute (98.36%). Such pattern is similar to the adaptation of [d]. The voiceless [t] is the majority (95.41%), while the remaining substitutes are very few in number. The situation is more complicated in [g] adaptation. Besides the adapted form [k], the segment [g] could also be replaced with the affricate [tɕ]. The two variant forms occupy 64.58% and 31.25% of the corpus, respectively. However, the aspirated. 政治大. adaptation [kʰ] has limited occurrences. Examples of voiced stops are provided in (6).. 立. Total. p_. 120. 122. pʰ_. 2 2. tɕʰ_ gV. al. n. tɕ_. 1.64% 109. k_ tɕ_. 15. kʰ_. 2. 31. 95.41% 1.83%. 2 1 C h. y. tʰ_. 98.36%. sit. 104. io. t_. Percentage. er. Nat. dV. Number. ‧. bV. Mandarin structure. 學. French onset structure. ‧ 國. (5) Statistics of voiced stops substitutions. 1.83%. n U e n g 48 chi. i v0.93% 64.58% 31.25% 4.17%. 29.

(42) (6) Examples of [b, d, g] substitutions  a. ballet [ba.lε]. 芭蕾. [pa.lej]. ‘a type of dance’. b. Bidault. [bi.do]. . 皮杜爾. [pʰi.tu.əɹ]. ‘name of a politician’. c. Dassault. [da.so]. . 達梭. [ta.swɔ]. d. Villandry e. Duras f. Dreyfus. [vi.lɑ̃.dʁi] [dy.ʁas] [dʁɛ.fys].   . 維濃提莒哈絲區里弗斯. [wej.noŋ.tʰi] [tɕy.xa.sɨ] [tɕʰy.li.fu.sɨ]. ‘name of a company’ ‘place name’ ‘name of a writer’ ‘name of a captain’. g. Hugo h. La Garonne i. Gainsbourg. [y.go] [(la).ɡa.ʁɔn] [ɡɛs̃ .buʁ].   . 雨果加隆(河) 坎斯伯. [y.kwɔ] [tɕja.loŋ.(xɤ)] [kʰan.sɨ.pwɔ]. ‘name of a writer’ ‘name of a river’ ‘name of a singer’. 立. 3.2.4 Voiceless Fricatives. 政治大. ‧ 國. 學. French has three voiceless fricatives [f, s, ∫]. First, consider the adaptations of [f]. The computation in (7) shows that 95.74% of the adaptations are faithful, while the. ‧. velar fricative [x] has few occurrences.. Nat. sit. y. Compared with [f] substitution, more variants are observed in the adaptation of. n. al. er. io. [s] and [∫]. As (7) indicates, [s] is faithfully preserved most of the time (56.83% of the. i n U. v. data). The consonants [ʂ] and [ɕ] have lower frequency in the adaptation (25.18% and. Ch. engchi. 15.83%, respectively). Here we observe that the feature [continuant] is preserved, even though the place of articulation may alter. Because the substitute [tɕʰ] only occupies 2.16% of the data, it is excluded from the analysis. The palato-alveolar fricative [∫] is mostly replaced by the alveolo-palatal fricative [ɕ] in Mandarin (70.15% of the occurrences). The post-alveolar fricative [ʂ], though more deviant from [∫], is the second-most adapted form (22.39%). Other substitutes, such as [s], [ts], and [tʂʰ] are very rare in the data. They are treated as minorities in the corpus and excluded from the discussion. Examples of each category can be found in (8). 30.

(43) (7) Statistics of voiceless fricatives substitutions French onset structure. Mandarin structure. Number. Total. Percentage. fV. f_. 45. 47. 95.74%. x_. 2. s_. 79. ʂ_. 35. 25.18%. ɕ_. 22. 15.83%. tɕʰ_. 3. 2.16%. ɕ_. 47. ʂ_. 15. 22.39%. s_. 3. 4.48%. ts_. 1. tʂʰ_. 1. 立. 139. 56.83%. 67. 70.15%. 政治大 . 嗎啡. [ma.fej]. [ʁɔk.fɔʁ]. . 侯克霍. [xow.kʰɤ.xwɔ] ‘name of a cheese’. [∫ɑ̃.sɔ̃] [sa.lɔ̃].  . 香頌沙龍. [ɕjɑŋ.soŋ] [ʂa.loŋ].  . 魯西永梅迪奇 (文學獎). [lu.ɕi.ɥoŋ] [mej.ti.tɕʰi]. 曦農比沙. [ɕi.noŋ] [pi.ʂa]. ‘place name’ ‘name of a scientist’. 瑟堡. [sɤ.pɑw]. ‘place name’. io. e. Roussillon f. Prix Médicis. [ʁu.si.jɔ]̃ [me.di.sis]. g. Chinon h. Bichat. [ʃi.nɔ̃] [bi.ʃa].  . i.. [ʃɛʁ.buʁ]. . n. Cherbourg. al. Ch. ‘name of a drug’. engchi. i n U. ‘song’ ‘a regular art exhibition’ ‘place name’ ‘name of a literary award’. y. er. Nat. c. chanson d. salon. [mɔʁ.fin]. ‧. b. Roquefort. 1.49%. 學. (8) Examples of [f, s, ∫] substitutions a. morphine. 1.49%. sit. ∫V. ‧ 國. sV. 4.26%. v. 3.2.5 Voiced Fricatives Variant substitutes are observed in the adaptations of [v], [z], and [ʒ]. First, consider the substitutions of [v]. Mandarin speakers tend to replace [v] with the labio-velar fricative [w]. Sometimes they may devoice the [v] segment to obtain [f], which occupies 31.07% of the occurrences. Rarely do Mandarin speakers delete the 31.

(44) onset [v] segments. For the adaptations of [z] and [ʒ], at least four different variants could be observed. In the case of [z], the segment [s] is most favored (27.66%), followed by the dental affricate [ts] and the alveolo-palatal fricative [ɕ]. The latter two substitutes both occupy 14.89% of the data. Occasionally, [tɕʰ] replaces [z], which accounts for 10.64% of all occurrences. The segments [tɕ, tʂ, tsʰ, ʐ, ʂ] and deletion are minor substitutes. None of them appears more than three times. Therefore, they are excluded from the analysis.. 政治大 for 34.21% of all occurrences. The second-most adapted form is the fricative [ʐ]. It 立. The alveolo-palatal affricate [tɕ] is dominant in the adaptations of [ʒ]. It accounts. occupies 26.32% of the data. The percentages of [ʐ] and [tɕ] are very close. The. ‧ 國. 學. third-most chosen substitute is the post-alveolar affricate [tʂ] (14.47%). It is followed. ‧. by the post-alveolar fricative [ʂ] (7.89%). Other segments [tɕʰ, ts, j, l, ɕ, ɥ] and onset. sit. y. Nat. deletion have limited occurrences (17.11% in total). They are excluded from the. io. n. al. er. discussion. Examples of dominant adaptations are listed in (10).. Ch. engchi. 32. i n U. v.

(45) (9) Statistics of voiced fricatives substitutions French onset structure. Mandarin structure. Number. Total. Percentage. vV. w_. 68. 103. 66.02%. f_. 32. 31.07%. deletion. 3. 2.91%. s_. 13. ts_. 7. 14.89%. ɕ_. 7. 14.89%. 5. 10.64%. 15. 31.92%. zV. tɕʰ_ others ʒV. 12. tɕ_. 26. ʐ_. 20. 47. 27.66%. 76. 34.21%. 治政 11 大. tʂ_. 26.32% 14.47%. 立6. ʂ_ others13. 7.89%. ‧ 國. 17.11%. 學. 13. 亞維儂. [ja.wej.noŋ]. ‘place name’. . 凡爾賽. [fan.əɹ.saj]. ‘place name’.    . 柏桑松利穆贊莫(瓦)希薩科齊. [pwɔ.sɑŋ.soŋ] [li.mu.tsan] [mwɔ.(wa).ɕi] [sa.kʰɤ.tɕʰi] [tɕi.tɤ]. ‘name of a writer’. [tɕy.nej] [ʐɤ.nej] [tʂu.nej]. ‘name of a director’ ‘name of a director’. al. Ch. engchi. g. Gide. [ʒid]. . 紀德. h. Jeunet i. Jeunet. [ʒœ.nɛ] [ʒœ.nɛ] [ʒœ.nɛ].   . 居內惹內朱內. j.. Jeunet. sit. y. . ‘place name’ ‘place name’ ‘name of a politician’ ‘name of a president’. er. [bə.zɑ̃.sɔ]̃ [li.mu.zɛ]̃ [mwa.zi] [saʁ.kɔ.zi]. n. Besançon Limousin Moïsi Sarkozy. io. c. d. e. f.. Nat. [a.vi.ɲɔ̃] b. Versailles [vɛʁ.sɑj] a. Avignon. ‧. (10) Examples of [v, z, ʒ] substitutions. i n U. v. ‘name of a director’. 3.2.6 Nasals The nasal segments [m, n, ɲ] present a rather consistent pattern in the adaptation. They are mostly faithfully preserved. As shown in (11), both [m] and [n] have faithful 12 13. ‘Others’ refers to tokens numbering less than three, including [tɕ, tʂ, tsʰ, ʐ, ʂ] and deletion. ‘Others’ refers to tokens numbering less than five, including [tɕʰ, ts, j, l, ɕ, ɥ] and deletion 33.

(46) adaptations. This may result from the shared segments [m] and [n] in Mandarin. The nasal [ɲ] is replaced by the closest substitute [n]. The number of [ɲ] adaptation is not very huge, yet the tendency of [n] substitution (75%) is observed. Examples are listed in (12).. (11) Statistics of nasals substitutions French onset structure. Mandarin structure. Number. Total. Percentage. mV. m_. 154. 154. 100%. nV. n_. 104. 92.04%. deletion. 5. 4.42%. others14. 立4. ɲV. 6. w_. 8. 3.54% 75%. 學. ‧ 國. n_. 113 治政大. 2. 25%. ‧. (12) Examples of [m, n, ɲ] substitutions . 馬殺雞. [ma.ʂa.tɕi]. b. nicotine c. Côte Chalonnaise d. Avignon e. Hôtel Matignon. [ni.kɔ.tin] [ʃɑ.lɔ.nɛz].  . 尼古丁夏隆(丘). ‘a type of drug’ [ni.ku.tiŋ] [ɕja.loŋ.(tɕʰjow)] ‘place name’. n. [a.vi.ɲɔ]̃ [ma.ti.ɲɔ̃]. C h 亞維儂 engchi  馬提翁 (宮). sit. ‘massage’. er. io. al. y. [ma.saʒ]. Nat. a. massage. iv n [ja.wej.noŋ] U. [ma.tʰi.woŋ. (koŋ)]. ‘place name’ ‘name of the prime minister residence’. 3.3 Statistical Analysis-Coda and Nasal Vowel Adaptations This section discusses the adaptations of French codas and nasal vowels. The coda segments in the corpus include consonants [p, t, k, b, d, g, s, f, ʃ, z, v, ʒ, ts, m, n, ɲ, l, ʁ]. The nasal vowels include [ɛ,̃ ɔ,̃ ɑ̃]. Segments that constitute the major portion. 14. ‘Others’ refers to tokens numbering less than three, including [l, an, ən]. 34.

(47) will be presented first, followed by the segments of fewer occurrences.. 3.3.1 Alveo-Dental Lateral [l] and Uvular Fricative [ʁ] Mandarin speakers tend to replace coda [l] with [əɹ], null adaptation, or [lɤ]. The syllable [əɹ] is the most dominant substitute (46.21%). Coda deletion is the second-most adopted form (28.03%), followed by the substitute of [lɤ] (23.48%). Other adapted forms [lwɔ] and [li] have limited occurrences (2.28%). They are excluded from the discussion.. 政治大 and [əɹ] replacement are the 立major substitutes. The former occupies 58.68% of the. Similar substitution patterns can be found in the adaptations of [ʁ]. Coda deletion. ‧ 國. 學. data, and the latter accounts for 34.38% of all occurrences. Sometimes Mandarin speakers replace [Vʁ] with [xɤ], [lɤ], or [lin]. Yet these substitutions are minor in the. ‧. corpus (6.94%). Therefore, they will not be included in the discussion. Examples are. al. er. io. sit. y. Nat. provided in (2).. n. (1) Statistics of [l, ʁ] substitutions. Ch. e nNumber gchi. iv n UTotal. French coda structure. Mandarin structure. Vl15. əɹ. 61. deletion. 37. 28.03%. lɤ. 31. 23.48%. others (lwɔ, li). 3. 2.28%. deletion. 169. əɹ. 99. 34.38%. others (xɤ, lɤ, lin). 20. 6.94%. Vʁ16. 15. 132. 288. Percentage 46.21%. 58.68%. Complex codas containing [l] tend to be preserved rather than deleted (6 cases of the former; 2 cases of the latter). 16 No huge discrepancy is observed in complex codas of [ʁ] (adaptation: 20 cases; deletion: 21 cases), therefore they are treated as the same. 35.

(48) (2) Examples of [l, ʁ] substitutions [al.bi] [baʁ.tɔl.di] [də.ɡol] [pɔl.mɛ.jəʁ].    . e. É mile Loubet. [e.mil.lu.bɛ]. . f.. Quimper. [kɛ.̃ pɛʁ]. g. h. i. j.. Quimper Eure Nièvre Bourges. [kɛ.̃ pɛʁ] [œʁ] [njɛvʁ] [buʁʒ]. a. b. c. d.. Albi Bartholdi De Gaulle Paul Meyer. [a.əɹ.pi] [pa.tʰɑw.ti]. [aj.mi.li.lu.pej]. ‘name of a president’. . 坎培. [kʰan.pʰej]. ‘place name’.    . 坎佩爾額荷(河) 涅夫勒布林日. [kʰan.pʰej.əɹ] [ɤ.xɤ.(xɤ)] [njɛ.fu.lɤ] [pu.lin.ʐɨ]. ‘place name’ ‘name of a river’ ‘place name’ ‘place name’. 政治大. 立. ‧ 國. 學. 3.3.2 Nasals. ‘place name’ ‘name of a sculptor’ ‘name of a politician’ [taj.kɑw.lɤ] [pɑw.lwɔ.mej.jɛ] ‘name of a clarinetist’. 阿爾比巴陶第戴高樂保羅梅耶艾米利盧貝. Three nasal consonants [m, n, ɲ] are observed in the corpus. Of the three nasals,. ‧. only [m] and [n] are present in Mandarin, and [ɲ] is a foreign segment. As indicated in. Nat. sit. y. (3), coda [m] is mostly adapted as [mu] (61.53% of all occurrences). The remaining. n. al. er. io. substitutions include [Vŋ], [ən], [mej], and deletion. There is a huge discrepancy. i n U. v. between the percentage of [mu] adaptation and that of other substitutes. Therefore,. Ch. engchi. only [mu] is included in the discussion. Examples of each substitution type are presented in (4).. (3) Statistics of [m] substitutions French coda structure. Mandarin structure. Number. Total. Percentage. Vm. mu. 8. 13. 61.53%. Vŋ. 2. 15.38%. ən. 1. 7.69%. mej. 1. 7.69%. deletion. 1. 7.69%. 36.

(49) (4) Examples of [m] substitutions a. b. c. d. e.. Nîmes Vendôme Bir-Hakeim Clamecy Lancôme. [nim] [vɑ̃.dom] [biʁ.a.kɛm] [klam.si] [lɑ̃.kom].     . 尼姆凡登/芳登畢哈肯克拉梅西蘭蔻. [ni.mu] [fan.təŋ]/[fɑŋ.təŋ] [pi.xa.kʰən] [kʰɤ.la.mej.ɕi] [lan.kʰow]. ‘place name’ ‘place name’ ‘name of a bridge’ ‘place name’ ‘brand name of a cosmetics product’. In (5), the top three adaptations of coda [n] are [Vn] (50.82%), [Vŋ] (24.59%), and [na] (19.67%). Deletion and [nej] substitutes have limited occurrences. They are. 政治大 tends to be preserved. Both the alveolar nasal and the velar nasal are licit codas in 立 excluded from the discussion. The substitution pattern reveals that the nasal feature. Examples of each substitution type are provided in (6).. 學. ‧ 國. Mandarin. That is why Mandarin speakers tend to choose [n] and [ŋ] in the adaptation.. ‧. (5) Statistics of [n] substitutions Number. Total. Percentage. Vn17. Vn. 31. 61. 50.82%. Vŋ. 15. n. 12. Ch. deletion nej. 17. 2 e n g c h1 i U. sit. er. io. al. na. y. Mandarin structure. Nat. French coda structure. v ni. 24.59% 19.67% 3.28% 1.64%. No category of consonant cluster is singled out, as all [n] segments in coda are preserved: ‘La Liane’ [(la).ljan] [li.an.(xɤ)] 里安(河) ‘Cézanne’ [se.zan] [saj.ʂɑŋ] 塞尚 ‘Marne’ [maʁn] [ma.ən.(xɤ)]] 馬恩(河) ‘Lanzmann’ [lanz.man][lan/lɑŋ.tsɨ.man] 蘭茲曼/朗茲曼 37.

(50) (6) Examples of [n] substitutions a. Guillotine [ɡi.jɔ.tin]. . 吉約丹. [tɕi.ɥɛ.tan]. b.. Guillotine. [ɡi.jɔ.tin]. . 基路丁. [tɕi.lu.tiŋ]. c.. La Seine. [(la).sεn]. . 塞納(河). [saj.na.(xɤ)]. d.. Tarte Alsacienne. [al.za.sjɛn]. . 亞爾薩斯(塔). [ja.əɹ.sa.sɨ.(tʰa)]. e.. VosneRomanée. [von.ʁɔ.ma.ne]. . 馮內侯瑪內. [foŋ.nej.xow.ma.nej]. ‘name of an inventor’ ‘name of an inventor’ ‘name of a river ‘name of a dessert’ ‘place name’. 政治大 second-most adopted form立 is [ni] (25%). The substitute [Vn] and coda deletion only. As indicated in (7), the major adaptation of [ɲ] is [njɛ] (58.33%). The. ‧ 國. 學. have one occurrence. They are excluded from the discussion. The adaptation of [njɛ] and [ni] suggests that [nasal] and [high] features are preserved in the adaptation of [ɲ].. ‧. Examples of each substitution are shown in (8).. sit. y. Nat. io. French coda structure. Mandarin structure. al. n. Vɲ. njɛ ni. Ch. _n. Number 7. e n g c h3 i. deletion. Total. er. (7) Statistics of [ɲ] substitutions. v i 12 n U. Percentage 58.33% 25.00%. 1. 8.33%. 1. 8.33%. (8) Examples of [ɲ] substitutions a. b. c. d.. Gascogne Bretagne Charlemagne Chassagne. [ɡas.kɔɲ] [bʁə.taɲ] [ʃaʁ.lə.maɲ] [ʃɑ.sɑɲ].    . 加斯科涅布列塔尼查理曼夏沙. 38. [tɕja.sɨ.kʰɤ.njɛ] [pu.ljɛ.tʰa.ni] [tʂʰa.li.man] [ɕja.ʂa]. ‘place name’ ‘place name’ ‘name of a king’ ‘place name’.

(51) 3.3.3 Voiceless Fricatives Three consonants [s, f, ʃ] are discussed in this section. First, consider the adaptation of [s]. In (9), the dominant substitution of [Vs] is [sɨ]. Other substitutes include [s] deletion, [ʂɨ], [saj], and [ɕi]. They only account for a minor part of the corpus, so they are excluded from the discussion. Examples of each substitution type are provided in (10).. (9) Statistics of [s] substitutions French coda structure. Mandarin structure. Number Total 治政 49 61 大 12. Percentage. Vs18. sɨ. 80.33%. 立. others (deletion, ʂɨ, saj, ɕi). ‧ 國. 學. n. Ch. engchi. [ni.sɨ] [ɤ.tɤ]. y. 尼斯厄徳巴士底埃普瓦塞塞呂西耶. [pa.ʂɨ.ti] [aj.pʰu.wa.saj] [saj.ly.ɕi.jɛ]. sit. io. al.     . er. [nis] [ø.dɛs] [bas.tij] [e.pwas] [se.ʁys.je]. Nat. Nice Eudes Bastille É poisses Sérusier. ‧. (10) Examples of [s] substitutions a. b. c. d. e.. 19.67%. i n U. v. ‘place name’ ‘name of a king’ ‘place name’ ‘name of a cheese’ ‘name of a painter’. Next, consider the adaptation of [Vf] structure. As indicated in (11) and (12), there are only two occurrences of coda [f]. The only adaptation form is [fu].. (11) Statistics of [f] substitutions French coda structure. Mandarin structure. Number. Total. Percentage. Vf. fu. 2. 2. 100%. 18. No category of consonant cluster is provided, as their behavior is similar to that of simplex coda: ‘Île-d'Aix’ [il.dɛks] [aj.kʰɤ.sɨ.(tɑw)] 埃克斯/艾克斯(島) ‘Manuel Valls’ [ma.ny.ɛl.vals] [wa.əɹ.(sɨ)] 瓦爾(斯)總理 39.