the ideological spaces of local power—abstract forms of power that regulate social behavior in the „malakas‟ power structure. Some of the development studies literature explains such discursive accounts of power in a context of Foucault's theory on disciplinary practices. The notion of doxa—aspects of tradition and culture which are so taken-for-granted that they have become ‗naturalized‘—has a procedural linkage with Foucault's theory of the normalizing forms of power discourse which I have applied to the power discourse of sexual morality in Philippines society. The linkage can be found at the intersection of the two notions, where the normalizing discourse of power contributes to the congruence of ‗the subjective assessments of social actors‘ (people's subjective accounts) with the routine practices of daily life that are embedded in the taken-for-granted socio-cultural norms and values. Stated differently, while Foucault's notion of power refers to a process where disciplinary practices have effects on the construction of subjectivities, Kabeer's notion of doxa refers to the stage where the power of discourse construction takes more static forms as the ‗naturalized‘ socio-cultural order, ruling out the availability of culturally different ways of ‗being and doing‘ as alternative modes.
Thus, the linkage between these two forms of discursive power accounts for the ways in which the discourse of gendered sexual morality penetrates into the subjectivities of Filipinos and leads to the naturalization of the socially marginalized status of women.
Maria Clara ideals, characterized by modesty, demureness, and the repression of physical attraction with men, which was a prescribed norm in 19th century Philippines, is still
considered by traditional parents to be ideal womanly behavior. Posing for lad magazines is not considered ‗standard‘ female behavior and work. Female celebrity models‘ words, despite their boldness, show how inferior they are viewed within the rigid moral religious framework of conservative Philippines society, reflecting the burden of social stigma attached to their work in the sex industry. It appears in turn that female celebrity models‘ devalued status in the long run makes it difficult to recognize their labour rights, as well as other basic human rights, in the face of discriminatory norms and values imposed by morality and religion.
I can briefly summarize the findings for each theme to show the degree of female celebrity models‘ voluntary engagement with the gendering discourse of malakas power. The four themes were drawn from the interviews published in FHM Magazine. They demonstrate the extent to which the female celebrity models submit themselves to the gendering discourse in the malakas power structure: 1) conceptualizations of power and their relevance to female celebrity models‘ positionalities in the operation of the sex industry; 2) women's subjective accounts of power, particularly in their strategies of self-defense, self-control, and self-worth, decision-making and goal orientation; 3) women's demands for basic needs and rights; and 4) understandings of feminism and access to feminist programs. In short, each theme poses an analytical problem relating to the power discourse and construction of women's subjectivities.
How do female celebrity models view and locate themselves in the power dynamics of the Philippine sex trade? How do they exercise power within such dynamic relations? How much do women's demands for basic needs and rights underlie their subjective relations? Finally, do these women have gender consciousness and awareness of the malakas power discourse?
Female celebrity models in lad magazines must contend and negotiate within four forces of power in show business to be able to decide on what courses of actions to take—the idolizing power of the public, the network producer, manager, and the ‗gossip/infotainment‘
press. They have the god-like power to make and unmake a star. The first theme showed that all female celebrity models are conscious of ‗power over‘ manifestation by these four forces in show business. They impose rules and norms that female celebrity models are supposed to follow. Women celebrities are embedded agents in these power relationships and appear to struggle with the self-internalization of their inferior status as „pangit‟ woman, both within and outside the malakas power structures of the sex industry.
The second theme depicts such women's struggle with inferior internalization in the forms of self-defense and self-control against these four forces. Celebrity models are able to assert their maganda power in various ways that resist lowerizing themselves to the pangit category. Celebrity models‘ assertions of maganda power reflect the level of their self-esteem
on future goals. Accordingly, women without means to assert the power of maganda grow desperate because they do not want to become a ‗has-been‘. For has-been stars, they privately drown their inferior feelings in drugs and alcohol while adopting defiant attitudes against the social stigma. The restoration of maganda power for these pangit women can only be made by staging a comeback otherwise it is a long, dark, lonely future for them.
From the female celebrity models‘ interviews, one should also point out that female celebrity models‘ positionalities in show business are generally better than those of women in the sex trade business—prostitution and pornography. They do not feel less exploited by the system (showbiz), either by people in power, such as TV station owners, movie producers, talent managers, media and the magazine itself. However, it must be pointed out that there are evidently certain limits on the ability of female celebrity models to negotiate with these powerful actors in the sex industry, because they are vulnerable to the threat of social and economic harassment that contribute to their expulsion from the industry as has-been stars.
The third theme shows that these female celebrity models‘ subjective accounts are often buttressed by their demands for basic human rights. It is obvious that these celebrity models have no demand for any special job-related rights that they enjoy as citizen or worker, except to demand flexibility and tolerance in their pursuit of creative and work opportunities.
Celebrity models call for their rights to be respected, even if they engage in ‗not-so proper, sexy forms of work,' the need to protect themselves from involvement in 'loose' activities, the obligation to be 'dutiful' to their parents, and the right to gain malakas recognition for their maganda artistic and creative work/performance. In short, what they actually demand from society is basic decency and common courtesy, freedom from bigotry, stigmatization and unjust labeling in the pursuit of their creative and professional endeavors.
The fourth theme demonstrates that women submit themselves to the maganda/pangit dichotomy without much critical awareness of the gendering construction of subjectivities.
While some women are critical of their unequal positionalities within the malakas power structure, nobody seems to question the gendered aspects of their subjectivities constructed through such power positionalities, because they already have internalized maganda ideals and pangit inferiority, both in thought and practice.
The impediments to the empowering exercise of female celebrity models‘ decision-making agency do not solely lie in the external power inequality underlying the sex industry but rest implicitly in women's subjectivities that are constructed through their unequal power positionalities in the malakas power structures governing the sex industry and power relations within the sex industry. Underlying female celebrity models‘ unequal positionalities in both
structural and relational terms, there is a more powerful modality of power that penetrates and constructs people's knowledge and discourse—the ideological spaces of local power, i.e.
doxa. These abstract forms of power that regulate behavior in the malakas power structure pose a greater impediment to the exercise of female celebrity models‘ decision-making. The dichotomous notions of maganda/pangit reflect the discrepancy between women's ‗socially unacceptable behavior‘ in the sex industry and their rationale in doing so. Accordingly, these women's struggles are indicative of the double notions of discipline and resistance: on the one hand, ‗being a conformist‘ to gendering disciplinary practices and on the other hand engaging in acts of resistance that go against the malakas standard of feminine behavior.
When there is power inequality between people and institutions, empowerment tends to be ―constructed on a „power over‟ basis.‖137 Yet, empowerment will only become a zero-sum game, when the conceptualization of power is made through a dualistic understanding of
„malakas/mahina, strong/weak, or powerful/powerless‟. If empowerment is drawn from a zero-sum form of power, then those in a less powerful position will inherently compete or struggle to be ‗empowered‘ to participate within the existing power structures, in order to gain control in terms of political and economic decision-making. Those in positions of power on the other hand will lose her/his control over the other, who still remains constrained by it.
Empowerment in this regard ―does not involve structural change in power relations.‖138
For alternative conceptualizations to the „power-over‟ construction of empowerment, I have relied on Rowlands' „three dimensions of empowerment,‟ as exercised through the interrelated forms of ‗power-within‘, ‗power-to‘, and ‗power-with‘.139 ―Power-within refers to a personal level of empowerment: developing a sense of self and individual confidence and capacity, and undoing the effects of internalized oppression.‖140 One can thus argue that female celebrity models‘ seemingly veiled inferior internalization will dissipate, if and when they develop their sense of self that is not predicated upon the malakas standard of feminine behavior. ―Power-to refers to a relational level of empowerment: developing the ability to negotiate and influence the nature of a relationship and decisions made within it.141‖ Female celebrity models‘ decision-making strategies can be enhanced by such productive and
137 Jo Rowlands, Questioning Empowerment: Working With Women in Honduras. Oxford: Oxfam Publications, 1887, 11.
138 Rowlands, 1997, 12.
139 Rowlands, 1997, 15.
140 Ibid.
141 Ibid.
generative power, which does not necessarily require them to assert and/or restore maganda power in relation to men. Power-with refers to a collective level of empowerment: ―where individuals work together to achieve a more extensive impact than each could have had alone—collective actions or co-operation rather than competition.‖142 This can be a counter-measure against maganda/pangit dichotomy; women can exercise their power cooperatively with other women without competing with each other to gain maganda power. Their exercise of power need not be through struggle or competition with the power and prestige of malakas.
In conclusion, the construction of women's decision-making agency reflects their voluntary engagement with the normalizing tendencies of this gendered power discourse, which not only perpetuates the external power inequality in the Philippine sex industry but internally impedes their abilities to exercise choice with empowerment potential. Thus, ―the power to give voice to one's aspiration to be heard is not so much the removal of an external impediment as the beginning of an internal empowerment‖143 that addresses women's
„power-within‟. This requires transformation of their internal impediment to exercise choice, which has significant ramifications for empowerment. Ultimately, it is necessary to regard the impact of women's internalization of the maganda/pangit dichotomy as a kind of resistance, which in turn becomes the potential for empowerment.
Implications for Further Research
The literature on lad magazines has provoked conflicting positions about their value and the role of women in them. Instead of just being degrading to women, a threat to children and an assault on readers' insecurities, I argue that they also create a space for these women to challenge existing rules of conduct and allow them to emerge victorious by gaining celebrity status. Such magazines are not exclusive to the Philippines thus can be viewed as a problem that is generally relevant to many societies, albeit invoking different kinds of considerations for culture, power and gender. Their use and potential as a progressive force must ultimately follow from the way we understand these underlying dynamics at various levels and between different agents or institutions. Although it would be seductive to offer recommendations in this regard, I think that it is something perhaps left for other scholars and activists to make.
142 Ibid.
143 Virginia Held, "Freedom and Feminism," paper presented to the conference 'The Intellectual Legacy of C. B.
Macpherson," University of Toronto, 4-6 October 1989, 8, 12, cited in Monique Deveaux, 1996. 'Feminism and Empowerment: A Critical Reading of Foucault," in Susan Hekman, ed., Feminist Interpretations of Michel Foucault. Pennsylvania: Pennsylvania University Press, 1996, 224.
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