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Ch4. The Self-identity of Young Taiwanese Muslims and Their Audiences in Taiwanese Mainstream Society
4.1 The Hybrid Identity of being a Taiwanese Muslim
In previous studies, Muslims in Taiwan have been categorized into several groups on the basis of their diasporic backgrounds (Yu, 2009; Hu& Ma, 2011; Chen, 2012). The diversity of their origins resulted in various forms of identities for Muslims living in Taiwan. However, these forms of identity are possibly being merged into a single identity—the Taiwanese Muslim (Lin, 2013; Pelletier, 2014). As discussed before the first and generation of Han-speaking Muslim who moved to Taiwan decades ago mostly identified themselves as ethnic minority “Hui”. Being a Hui means that you are simultaneously a Muslim. These old Hui tend to refer to their people who no longer practice Islam as “becoming a Han (漢人)” (Pillsbury, 1973; Pelletier, 2014).
However, studies show that the newly-formed identity as Taiwanese can be comprehended as two separate parts. The part of being Taiwanese is usually referred as an identity that is highly linked to the nationality of Taiwan (or R.O.C.) and the sentiments of belonging to the land of Taiwan. Thus, it could be viewed as an identity of localized citizenship. On the other hand, the identity of Muslim has become exclusively related to religious identity instead of strictly binding to ethnic identity.
The Han-speaking Muslims’ identity has shifted from the single identity as Hui to the
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hybrid identity that consists of nationality and religion.
The findings of this study confirm the arguments above. All of the interviewees firmly identified themselves as Taiwanese Muslim, thus hybridizing localized citizenship and religious identity. Most of the interviewees have lived outside Taiwan for at least four years. Five of them grew up in other countries including Saudi Arabia, Jordan and Myammar because of parents career and came back to Taiwan during or after the elementary school. They always knew about their Taiwan nationality because of family education and the experience that growing up as “cultural Chinese” or “the Asian kid”. Some of them even emphasized that the Asian look gave them more opportunities to talk about their homeland because most of people they have met, including westerners and foreign Muslims, did not realized that there is a born-Muslim population in East Asian countries and Taiwan. They always have to explain the history of Hui and Muslim in Taiwan to people they first met. Therefore, they are aware of the stages of how they gradually developed the Taiwanese identity during childhood and adolescence on accounts of overseas experience. Other four of interviewees have gone abroad for further education and the last two interviewees also have traveled abroad. They all have the experience of introducing themselves to foreigners. Almost all of my interviewees not only referred to the word “Taiwanese”
as their identity but added that “I grew up in Taiwan and have been educated in Taiwan therefore I am Taiwanese.” Through these narratives they explicitly indicate that the Taiwanese identity comes from collective life experience instead of ethnic or
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national origins. As Nadir said:
“I myself have been in Taiwan since junior high school. It took several phases for me to identify myself as Taiwanese. When I was a child, I knew that I was an ethnic Chinese living in Myanmar. Later, however, I came to identify myself as Taiwanese after spending years in Taiwan for my education and career. I grew up in Taiwan and had been educated in Taiwan.”
Some of the interviewees additionally laid stress on the possible confusion between Taiwanese and Chinese. As Jamil said:
“I may say that I am Taiwanese and Chinese. But the Chinese part is more like from cultural aspect, it does not mean that I am a citizen of China.
Usually I say that I am from Taiwan. ”
Nadir also expressed the same notion:
“I am not a Chinese citizen because I have never lived in China. I grew up and went to school in Taiwan.”
With a hybrid identity such as this, these young Taiwanese Muslims have their own
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forms of expressions for representing their Muslim identity in front of mass society.
When asked how they introduce themselves to people they are meeting for the first time in Taiwan, all of the interviewees said they refrain from mentioning religion at the first meeting. They consider the Muslim identity to be about religion, and for the most people in Taiwan religion is not a topic people would care enough to bring up when meeting someone for the first time. Some of the interviewees also cited other religions such as Christianity and Buddhism as examples to support the theory that it is uncommon for Taiwanese to talk about religion and beliefs even when they know each other well. Hazim explained why he does not discuss religion or beliefs when meeting new friends for the first time:
“People are just not interested [in religion]. Some Christians constantly talk about God during conversation, and that’s just weird. I wouldn’t do that.”
In the meantime, responses show that all of the interviewees have known they are Muslims since childhood on account of the unique lifestyle they learned from their family. The regulations on Muslim daily life in Islamic religion not only determine the lifestyles of Taiwanese Muslims but also enable them to be more conscious of the cultural boundaries between Muslims and other Taiwanese. Through being taught how to practice Islam by parents, they become aware that they observe cultural customs that are different from that which is practiced by the majority of society. The most prominent element of all is the taboo of food. Most interviewees said the first time
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they revealed their Muslim identity in front of newly made friends was when they needed to have a meal together. Usually, people understand that they might be Muslims when they say they are not allowed to eat pork. As Kareem said:
“When I was in school, my schoolmates would spot the difference between their eating habits and mine and become curious. Then I’d tell them that since I am a Muslim, I can’t order the same lunchbox as yours.”
All of my interviewees have experienced similar situations; mealtime was often the occasion on which they disclosed their Muslim identity.
In summary, my interviewees’ responses affirm that young Taiwanese Muslims identify themselves as Taiwanese who practice a relatively special religion. And despite their families’ diverse diasporic backgrounds ranging from the Hui/Chinese to Myammar, they embrace the Taiwanese identity because of the life experience they have had on this island. Yet, in the meantime, the Islamic regulations they receive through family education have enabled them to be aware of their religious identity from a very young age. Through these clearly unique cultural features, Taiwanese Muslims are able to understand the difference between themselves and the majority of Taiwanese society.
Judging from their responses, my interviewees embrace their identity as members of
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the Taiwanese society. Simultaneously, they are conscious of being a minority within society because of their distinctive religious customs. The identity construction of Taiwanese Muslims involves not only how they find their positions in the society but also how they perceive society itself. It is the awareness of what the mass society looks like and how others perceive them that give Taiwanese Muslims the basis for norms of behavior that allows them to display their identity and therefore to present ideal images in front of others, namely the audience as defined by Goffman.