CHAPTER 4 : Optimality Theory Analysis
4.2 Adaptations in Violation of Mandarin Phonotactics
4.3.1 Theoretical Implication
rounded vowel violates IDENT-V[round] so that ‘vowel lowering >> vowel rounding’ is generated.
For marked phonology which is in violation of Mandarin phonotactics, three constraints above the cut-off line are proposed: namely IDENT[strident]ONSET, MAX[+high]ONSET and *[y]. IDENT[strident]ONSET functions to rule out [kj]-to-[tɕj]
mapping, which is highly ranked in Mandarin phonotactics. Since the velar stop /k/ and the alveolar affricate /tɕ/ are different in the [strident] feature, IDENT[strident]ONSET can delete the mapping. Also, IDENT-V[-low] and IDENT-V[-high]are used to preserve /o, ʌ/
and to prevent [nʌ]-to-[na] or [nʌ]-to-[nu] mapping. *[y] is activated in the adaptation following Korean phonology since Mandarin vowel /y/ is illicit in Korean phonotactics.
Lastly, *C[e] and *C[o] are dominated below the cut-off line since the marked phonology allows the vowels /o, e/ to solely occur and allows [+high, -back] vowels after a [+high, +back] consonant. The Hasse diagram of the two types of adaptations is presented in (52).
4.3.1 Theoretical implication
The roles of Mandarin phonology (L1) and Korean phonology (L2) in each type of KM Kong-er adaptation are arranged in (49) and (50) below.
(49) KM Kong-er following Mandarin phonology
a. The markedness constraints CODA CONDITION, *TENSE(C), *C[e], *C[o],
*[ʌ] and *[ɯ], which are dominated in Korean (L2), are promoted in KM
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b. The top-ranking constraint [+high, -back]CX in Mandarin (L1) is preserved in KM Kong-er, while the top-ranking constraint *[+high, -back]CX in Korean (L2) is demoted to the bottom in KM Kong-er.
c. The top-ranking constraint IDENT[aspirated] in both Mandarin (L1) and Korean (L2) is demoted to the bottom in KM Kong-er.
(50) KM Kong-er violating Mandarin phonology
a. The markedness constraints *C[e], *C[o], which are dominated in Korean (L2), remain to be dominated below the cut-line.
b. The bottom-ranking constraint *[y] in Korean (L2) is promoted to the top.
c. The constraint [IDENT[tense]&*[+aspirated]], originally irrelevant and inactive in both Mandarin (L1) and Korean (L2) is promoted to the top in KM Kong-er.
The table (49) describes the unmarked phonology which follows Mandarin phonotactics. In (49a), the markedness constraints that are dominated in Korean phonology are promoted in Mandarin phonology to prevent illicit output in Mandarin phonotactics. (49b) illustrates how the Mandarin phonotactics constraint ([+high, -back]CX) wins over the Korean phonotactics constraint (*[+high, -back]CX), with the former above the cut-off line and the latter below the cut-off line. As in (49c), a constraint which is bottom-ranked in both languages is promoted in Kong-er adaptation.
On the other hand, (50) describes a marked phonology which is in violation of Mandarin phonotactics. In (50a), the markedness constraints *C[e], *C[o] are dominated below the cut-line to induce variations which follow Korean phonotactics. Also in (50b), the bottom-ranking constraint *[y] in Korean phonology is high-ranked because of the faithful mapping of the velar and /j/ sequences. Lastly, [IDENT[tense]&*[+aspirated]],
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which is originally irrelevant and inactive in both of Mandarin (L1) and Korean (L2), is activated to be moved to the top in KM Kong-er.
To sum up the theoretical implications, the fact that the Korean top-ranked constraints are demoted in the adaptation supports the notion that Mandarin phonology plays a more important role in the KM Kong-er adaptations. However, some adaptations are in violation of Mandarin phonology to preserve a sound similar to that of the source word. Thus, such type of adaptation reflects that Korean phonology and the emergence of an interlanguage partially influences KM Kong-er adaptation.
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a. Adaptations in conformity to Mandarin Phonotactics
MAX-SONSET,
IDENT[anterior]CODA, *[retroflex]
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IDENT-V[round], DEP-S
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IDENT[high], IDENT[aspirated]
b. Adaptations in violation of Mandarin Phonotactics
IDENT[strident]ONSET,
MAX[+high]ONSET, *[y], MAX[e]
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songs. The major part of the corpus shows that Korean lyrics are adapted to the Mandarin phonotactic system, while 8.07% of the whole of the corpus shows phonotactic violation using Zhuyin (Chinese transliteration for Taiwan Mandarin) and English. The phonotactic violation also can be divided into two groups: one following Korean grammar and the other following an interlanguage grammar.The statistical analysis of the KM Kong-er corpus shows that the majority of the patterns of adaptation conform to Mandarin phonotactics. Tensed obstruents are de-tensed and replaced by unaspirated counterparts in Mandarin. Illicit codas such as /p, t, k, m, l/ in Korean are deleted or replaced by the Mandarin licit codas /n, ŋ/. The glide /j/ is prone to be inserted after the alveolar-palatal affricates /tɕ, tɕh, tɕ’/, which follows the Mandarin phonotactics. The Korean /ɯ/ vowel is prone to being lowered to /ɤ, ə/, and the monophthongs /o, ʌ/ and /e/ are diphthongized as [ou] and [ei].
Apart from the adaptations following Mandarin phonotactics, this thesis also observes CV sequences that follow Korean phonotactics and that follow an interlanguage phonology. The sequences following Korean (L2) are the velars /k, kh, k’, h/ and the [+high, -back] vowel /i/, and the dental /n/ and the [-high, +back] vowels /ʌ, o/. These two sequences are prone to preserving CV manners and features. On the other hand,
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induce phonotactic violation following the interlanguage phonology before /jʌ/. Also, the alveolars /s, s’/ and /e/ induce interlanguage output, which is not allowed in either L1 or L2.
The patterns and sequences are analyzed based on the Optimality Theory. The Rank Ordering Model of EVAL, a sub-theory of OT, is used to account for the variations of the Kong-er. ROE separates the constraints into two parts with the concept of the cut-off line.
The cut-off line decides whether the constraints are ill-formed and thus are to be eliminated or if they are to be preserved as variations of the input.
Two grammars are analyzed: for the adaptation one that conforms to Mandarin phonotactics, and one in which there are violations of Mandarin phonotactics. For the former, illicit consonants and vowels in Mandarin are ruled out by the constraints above the cut-off line. The markedness constraints *C[e], *C[o], *[ʌ], *[ɯ], *TENSE(C), CODA CONDITION, [+high, -back]CX function to let the output conform to Mandarin phonotactics. [IDENT[tense]&*[+aspirated]]ONSET, MAX-SONSET, MAX[e], I DENT-V[back], IDENT[anterior]ONSET are proposed above the cut-off line to preserve the actual outputs, while preventing explicit mapping such as [tense]-to-[aspirated], onset deletion, vowel [e] deletion, etc. Candidates which survive those constraints become the output as either optimal or possible variations.
Other constraints below the cut-off line decide the optimality/frequency of the variations. For coda adaptation, the hierarchy between IDENT[nasal]CODA, MAX-SCODA, IDENT[anterior] successfully shows the candidate ranking for each of the coda types. For glide insertion, IDENT[anterior] and DEP-S decide the glide insertion to be the most optimal output, and retroflexation to be a possible variant. In vowel lowering, I DENT-V[round] induces the [u] variation.
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For the adaptations in violation of Mandarin phonotactics, IDENT[strident]ONSET,
*[y] and MAX[+high]ONSET are proposed above the cut-off line. The constraints function to prevent the mapping from following Mandarin phonotactics, such as [ki]-to-[tɕi]
mapping, the retainment of the vowel /y/ and the deletion of /j/ after the velar. Lastly,
*C[e] and *C[o] are dominated below the cut-off line to follow Korean phonology and interlanguage phonology.
To sum up, KM Kong-er demonstrates three kinds of adaptation processes, those following the grammar of the L1, L2 and interlanguage. This result supports both Miao (2005) and Broselow (2004). Miao emphasized the predominance of the phonological system of the L1. As she said, Mandarin (L1) has an extensive influence on Kong-er adaptation. Also, the establishment of an interlanguage grammar (Broselow, 2004) is supported by the specific patterns which follow an interlanguage phonology in KM Kong-er. Lastly, Korean grammar also plays a part in KM Konger, which demonstrates the possibility of the influence of the L2.
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