台灣韓中空耳之音韻分析 - 政大學術集成

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(1)國立政治大學語言學研究所碩士論文. National Chengchi University Graduate Institute of Linguistics Master Thesis. 指導教授: 蕭宇超 Advisor: Yuchau E. Hsiao. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學 y. sit. Nat. 台灣韓中空耳之音韻分析. io. n. al. er. Phonological Analysis of Korean Kong-er in Taiwan Mandarin. Ch. engchi. i n U. 研究生：田多惠撰 Student: Da-Hye Jeon 中華民國一零七年一月 January, 2018. v.

(2) PHONOLOGICAL ANALYSIS OF KOREAN KONG-ER IN TAIWAN MANDARIN. BY. 立. Da-Hye 治 Jeon 政大. in Partial Fulfillment of the. al. er. io. sit. Graduate Institute of Linguistics. y. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. Nat. A Thesis Submitted to the. v. n. Requirements for the Degree of. C hMaster of Arts engchi. January 2018. i n U.

(3) 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. v.

(4) 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. Copyright ⓒ 2018 Da-Hye Jeon All Rights Reserved. iii. v.

(5) To my devoted and lovely mom.. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. iv. i n U. v.

(6) Acknowledgement 致謝辭. 來台灣交換期間發現台灣的魅力。留在政大念碩士的這幾年的很快就過去了，終於畢業了啦！. 首先，要特別感謝我的指導教授蕭宇超老師。從一年級的「音韻學」課開始，老師用老師的方式，又簡單又有趣的讓我進入到音韻學的世界，也感謝進入工作室後讓我慢慢熟悉音韻學。都是因為有老師的指導而能夠參加研討會發表，. 政治大道理，以及當學生的禮節。感謝老師，總是仁慈告訴我怎麼找研究主題，也給我立能夠完成碩士班的這條路。感謝老師，平常老師告訴我們的做研究者，做老師的. 方向。如果沒有老師，愚蠢笨笨的我，絕不能畢業的！. ‧ 國. 學. 接著我要感謝擔任我的口試委員：林蕙珊老師與吳瑾瑋老師。謝謝老師針對. ‧. 我的論文給了很多建議，與提供了沒有思考過的想法。老師們的建議以及鼓勵讓. Nat. er. io. sit. y. 我的這篇論文更完整，更成熟。. 感謝在政大念碩士時教我的所有老師。研究所（以及英文系）的老師們對我. al. n. v i n 都很親切，細心的教我各語言學世界，才能順利修完學分，也能夠在異地克服留 Ch engchi U 學時間。張郇慧所長、何萬順老師、萬依萍老師、RIK DE BUSSER 老師、徐嘉慧老師、賴惠玲老師真的非常感謝師長們的功勞。特別是 Rik 老師給我兩次的助. 教機會，這機會在留學生活中幫助我了很多。還有不能忘記惠鈴助教學姐，沒有妳我什麼都不會做到的！. 在音韻理論工作室的大家也是我能夠畢業的來源之一。謝謝怡臻以及旺楨學姐的貼心與鼓勵，在工作室的時間當中，問你們的問題應該不能算，但妳們都很細心的回我還鼓勵我，真的不知道怎麼感謝。也要感謝子權學長，你的豐富的語. v.

(7) 言學與語言的知識幫助我很多。最後，謝謝 Johnny 學長一直關心我，並關於我的論文。接下來我要感謝跟我一起孤軍奮鬪的同學們以及在台灣留學中幫助我的很多朋友們。一開始不習慣留學生活，也難適應外文上課環境的我，因為有你們我才能慢慢適應到，也能畢業的。真的感謝願意當我的朋友，告訴我很多技巧以及知識！特別感謝，我的 bestie 筱翎，你不只是我的台灣生活，而是我的人生給我了很大的影響，也當了我人生中很重要的好友。真的非常感謝妳對我的關心以及鼓勵。還感謝中文所的汪，對我來說，妳就代表「台灣」。妳讓我了解真正的台灣，讓我脫出韓國的保守文化。這四年半的台灣生活中，感謝你總是給我聰明以. 政治大. 及客觀建議，我非常希望妳幸福。再來，感謝泥泥、瑪麗、玉米以及其他 103 級. 立. 同學們，永遠的 buddy 張懿，雄韓會的瑋星、德軒。感謝大家！. ‧ 國. 學. 最後感謝永遠不離不棄的家人。謝謝總是鼓勵我的媽媽，我會繼續努力學媽. ‧. 媽的賢明。謝謝爸爸在韓國想我很多擔心我很多。謝謝多恩和多亨替我照顧爸爸. y. Nat. 媽媽。真的要感謝的人太多了。很高興我周圍有這麼多好人與好朋友，覺得我很. io. sit. 幸運。一路走來不容易，若是多年後回想起這段時光，我想記憶裡會充滿著笑聲. n. al. er. 與溫暖。感恩，감사합니다！. Ch. engchi. vi. i n U. v.

(8) TABLE OF CONTENTS. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS……………………………………………………..…. v. CHINESE ABSTACT ………………………………………………………….…. x. ENGLISH ABSTRACT…….………………………………………………...…… xiii. CHAPTER 1 : Introduction….…….………...…………..……………….…………. 1. 治政大 1.1 Research Issues....…………….………...………………………………….…… 1 立 1.2 The Sound Systems of Korean and Mandarin..………………………….….….. 2. ‧ 國. 學. CHAPTER 2 : Literature Review...………………………..…….…………..……… 12. ‧. 2.1 Loanword Phonology………….……………….………………….…….…….. 12. sit. y. Nat. 2.2 Optimality Theory.……..…………………...…………………………………. 13. io. er. 2.2.1 Local Conjunction of Constraints.……...…………………………………. 15 2.2.2 Rank-ordering Model (ROE) …………...………………………….…....... 16. al. n. v i n Ch CHAPTER 3 : Corpus-based Analysis.………………….…………..……………… 19 engchi U 3.1 Adaptations in Conformity to Mandarin.……...……………….……………… 21 3.1.1 Consonant Adaptation.……………...……………….……….……..…..… 21 3.1.1.1 Obsturent De-tensing……………………………….……..………..… 21 3.1.1.2 Coda Deletion……………..………………….…………………..…... 24 3.1.1.3 Glide Insertion………………..……….…………………..………..… 28 3.1.2 Vowel Adaptation……………..………….…………...…………………... 31 3.1.2.1 Lowering………………………………..……...…………..……...…. 31 3.1.2.2 Diphthongization………………………...……,,……………..…..….. 33 vii.

(9) 3.2 Adaptations in Violation of Mandarin Phonotactics ….…….….………….….. 34 3.2.1 Adaptations in Conformity to Korean Grammar...…………….………….. 35 3.2.1.1 Velars /k, kh, k’, h/ + Vowel /i/…………………………..…...………. 35 3.2.1.2 Labials /p, ph, p’/ + Vowels /ʌ, o/……………………….…….……… 36 3.2.1.3 Dental /n/ + Vowel /ʌ, o/……………………………………………... 37 3.2.2 Adaptations in Conformity to an Emergent Interlanguage Grammar…….. 38 3.2.2.1 Non-coronal Consonants and Vowel /jʌ/………………………..……. 39 3.2.2.2 Alveolars /s, s’/ + Vowel /e/……………………………..……...……. 41. 治政大 3.3 Summary…………………………..…………………………………………... 43 立. CHAPTER 4 : Optimality Theory Analysis………………….…………….…..…… 45. ‧ 國. 學. 4.1 Adaptations in Conformity to Mandarin Phonotactics………….…..………..... 46. ‧. 4.1.1 Consonant Adaptation…….…………………..……………..………….… 47. sit. y. Nat. 4.1.1.1 Obstruent De-tensing……….…………………..…….....………….. 47. io. er. 4.1.1.2 Coda Deletion…….………….………..……………..….………….. 50 4.1.1.3 Glide Insertion……………….………..……………..….…………... 54. al. n. v i n Ch 4.1.2 Vowel Adaptation…….….……………….………………….…….…........ 60 engchi U 4.1.2.1 Vowel Lowering…………..……………..………………………….. 60 4.1.2.2 Diphthongization…………..………………………………….…….. 61 4.2 Adaptations in Violation of Mandarin Phonotactics..…………...……..….….. 67 4.2.1 Phonotactic Violation: Following Korean Phonology ……….……..…….. 67 4.2.2 Phonotactic Violation: Following Interlanguage Phonology.…………….. 72 4.3 Summary.…………………………………………………………...…………. 75 4.3.1 Theoretical Implication...…...……….….………………………...………. 77. viii.

(10) CHAPTER 5 : Conclusion………….……………………………………………..…. 81 5.1 Thesis Summary……….…………………….………………………………… 81. References………….…………………….…………………………………………... 84. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. ix. i n U. v.

(11) 國. 立. 政. 治. 大. 學. 研. 究. 所. 碩. 士. 論. 文. 提. 要. 研究所別：語言學研究所論文名稱：台灣韓中空耳之音韻分析指導教授：蕭宇超研究生：田多惠論文提要內容：（共 1 冊，16493 字，分 5 章）. 本研究主要探討台灣的韓文歌曲中以空耳方式對譯成中文的音韻現象。藉由 11 首. 政治大韓文歌中收錄 955 個音韻詞（2690 個音節）作為分析之語料。本研究之語料顯示，立. ‧ 國. 學. 韓語源詞會調整成中文之語音系統（Mandarin phonotactics），而其中 8.07%使用注音符號或英文字且違反中文之語音系統。語音違規（phonotactic violation）還. ‧. 可分為兩類：一、按照韓語語法系統違反中文語音系統。二、按照中介語語法違. y. Nat. er. io. sit. 反中文語音系統。. 而大部分音譯符合中文之語音系統，結果如下：緊張閉鎖音（tensed obstruent）. al. n. v i n Ch 做鬆弛化，並以中文的不送氣閉鎖音取而代之。韓語中的音節尾 /p、t、k、m、l/ engchi U 被刪除，或被中文之合法音節尾 /n、ŋ/ 所取代。滑音 /j/ 會插入清齦顎塞擦音. （post alveolar affricates）/tɕ、tɕh、tɕ’/的後面。韓語元音 /ɯ/ 被降音到 /ɤ、ə/，而單元音 /o、ʌ/ 和 /e/ 被雙元音化為 [ou] 和 [ei]。除了按照中文語音系統音譯的現象之外，本文還觀察到隨著韓語語音系統音譯的 CV 序列（sequencese），也觀察到隨著中文與韓文之間的中介語音譯的序列。隨著韓語（L2）語音系統的序列是：軟齶音（velars）/ k、kh、k’、h / 和 [+high, -back]元音 /i/，以及牙音/ n/ 和 [-high, +back]元音 /ʌ、o/。這兩個序列會保留韓文語音系統的 CV 組合。 x.

(12) 另一方面，諸如軟齶音 /k、kh、k’、h/ 和唇音（labial）/p、ph、p’、m / 等非舌冠音（coronal）在母音/jʌ/前出現，會隨著中介語語音系統音譯。此外，齒齦音/s、 s’/ 和元音/e/ 會隨著中介語語音系統輸出。本研究基於優選理論（Optimality Theory）和 Ranking Ordering Model of Eval 探討韓中空耳之音譯變體（variations）。結果顯示，在韓文文法中做 top-ranked 的制約會被降級，這支持了 Miao（2005）和 Broselow（2004）的中文語音系統比韓文語音系更重要的作用。然而，一些音譯違反中文之語音系統，以保持類似於. 政治大源詞的音。因此，結果反映出韓文語音系統和中介語語音系統也影響韓中空耳音立 ‧. ‧ 國. 學. io. sit. y. Nat. n. al. er. 譯過程。. Ch. engchi. xi. i n U. v.

(13) Abstract This thesis investigates the Korean-Mandarin Kong-er in Taiwan. 955 phon ological words (2690 syllables) from 11 songs are collected. The major part of t he corpus shows that Korean source words are adjusted to the Mandarin phonota ctic system, while 8.07% of the whole show phonotactic violation by using eithe r Zhuyin (the Chinese transliteration system for Taiwan Mandarin) or English. Th e phonotactic violations also can be divided into two groups: one for violations t hat follow Korean grammar and the other for violations that show the emergence of an interlanguage grammar.. 立. 政治大. The majority of the patterns of the adaptations conform to Mandarin phono. ‧ 國. 學. tactics. Tensed obstruents are de-tensed and replaced by unaspirated counterparts. ‧. in Mandarin. Illicit codas such as /p, t, k, m, l/ in Korean are deleted or replac. sit. y. Nat. ed by the Mandarin licit codas /n, ŋ/. The glide /j/ is prone to be inserted after. io. er. the alveolar-palatal affricates /tɕ, tɕh, tɕ’/, which follows Mandarin phonotactics. The Korean /ɯ/ vowel is prone to being lowered to /ɤ, ə/, and the monophthong. n. al. i n C s /o, ʌ/ and /e/ are diphthongizedhas [ou] and [ei].U engchi. v. Apart from the adaptations that follow Mandarin phonotactics, this thesis al. so observes CV sequences that follow Korean phonotactics and also an interlang uage between Mandarin and Korean. The sequences that follow Korean (L2) are the velars /k, kh, k’, h/ and the [+high, -back] vowel /i/, and the dental /n/ and the [-high, +back] vowels /ʌ, o/. These two sequences are prone to preserving C V manners and features. On the other hand, non-coronal consonants such as the velars /k, kh, k’, h/ and the labials /p, ph, p’, m/ mostly induce phonotactic viol ation following interlanguage phonology before /jʌ/. Also, the alveolars /s, s’/ an xii.

(14) d /e/ induce interlanguage output, which is not allowed in either the L1 or the L2. The patterns and sequences are analyzed based on the Optimality Theory a nd Rank Ordering Model of EVAL to account for the variations. The results exp lain the fact that the Korean top-ranked constraints are demoted in the adaptatio n, supporting both Miao (2005) and Broselow (2004) that Mandarin phonology p lays a more important role than Korean phonology does. However, some of the adaptations violate Mandarin phonology in order to preserve a sound similar to t. 治政大Korean phonology and the hat of the source word. Thus, the results reflect that 立. emergence of an interlanguage have a partial influence on KM Kong-er adaptatio. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. io. sit. y. Nat. n. al. er. n.. Ch. engchi. xiii. i n U. v.

(15) Chapter 1 Introduction. 1.1 Research Issue This thesis investigates loanword adaptations of Korean-Mandarin Kong-er (hereafter KM Kong-er) in Taiwan. 'Kong-er (空耳)' is a transliterated lyric of a song, which can be divided into two different kinds of linguistic phenomena: namely, ‘Semantic. 政治大 mimicking of the lyrics of a foreign song using a potential homophonic translation. This 立 Kong-er’ and ‘Phonological Kong-er’. The semantic form of Kong-er refers to a. ‧ 國. 學. kind of Kong-er is intended to create semantically humorous effects (Otake, 2007), such as soramimi (そらみみ) in Japanese and Mondegreen in English do. On the other hand,. ‧. the phonological form of Kong-er, which is the focus of the investigation in this thesis,. sit. y. Nat. also uses potential homophones in the adaptation, with the purposes to allow L2-illiterate. io. al. er. speakers to easily sing an L2 song with the Kong-er lyrics written in the way of an L1. v. n. transcription. Unlike the semantic Kong-er, the phonological Kong-er focuses on the. Ch. engchi. i n U. similarity of sounds rather than of the semantic effects throughout the process of the adapation. For example, a Korean word /sa.raŋ/ ‘love’ is adapted as [sa.laŋ] (撒狼) based solely on the similarity in the sound and without any consideration of the semantic meaning. In Taiwan, the phonological Kong-er lyrics are mostly derived from the lyrics of K-pop songs and shared among youngsters who are Mandarin speakers. Since the number of loanwords from Korean (based on either sound or meaning) is not rich in Mandarin,. 1.

(16) little related research has been undertaken. Thus, this thesis expects to contribute to a better understanding of the process of phonological adaptation between the two languages. This thesis establishes a Korean-Mandarin Kong-er corpus, which includes 955 phonological words including 2690 syllables. Five phonological patterns which follow Mandarin phonotactics are focused to analyzed, and an analysis of two types of phonotactic violation is also given. The present analysis then applies the framework of Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky, 1993/2004) in the tenet of Rank-ordering Model of EVAL (Coetzee, 2006).. 治政大 What kind of phonological This thesis is engaged in the pursuit of three questions: 立. processes are involved in Kong-er adaptation? What roles do Korean phonology and. ‧ 國. 學. Mandarin phonology play in Kong-er adaptation? Which language do Mandarin speakers. ‧. follow? The L1 or L2 or neither of them?. sit. y. Nat. The rest of the thesis is organized as follows. Chapter 2 reviews previous literature,. io. er. including (1) previous studies of the loanword phonology correlated to KM Kong-er, and (2) the theoretical framework of the Optimality Theory (OT). Chapter 3 introduces the. al. n. v i n C hof this study andUanalyzes the observed patterns. corpus established for the purpose engchi. Chapter 4 analyzes the adaptation systems used in KM Kong-er within the framework of OT. Chapter 5 provides a summary and conclusion of the thesis.. 1.2 The Sound Systems of Korean and Mandarin The phonetic inventories of the Korean and Mandarin languages are tabulated in this section. The sound system of Korean in this thesis is based on the Standard Korean used in South Korea, and the Mandarin system is based on the Standard Chinese used in Taiwan. Taiwan Mandarin is phonetically varied from mainland Mandarin in the way that. 2.

(17) the retroflex sound is usually replaced by dental counterparts (Chuang & Fon, 2010). The maximal syllable form of the Korean and Mandarin languages is identical: (C)(G)V(C). In Korean phonotactics, the alveolo-palatal affricates /tɕ, tɕh, tɕ’/ are not allowed to precede the semi-vowel /j/ (Sin et al., 2012). For example, neither *tɕjʌ nor *tɕju are allowed in Korean phonotactics. In Mandarin, on the other hand, the alveolo-palatal affricates /tɕ, tɕh/ only occur before the [+high, -back] vocoids such as /i(j), y(ɥ)/ (Lin, 2007). Also, Mandarin does not allow /o/ and /e/ to solely appear in a rhyme. Phonetic inventories of Korean consonants and Mandarin consonants are shown in. 治政 tables (1) and (2), respectively. Korean obstruents 大 are considered to have three 立. uncommon contrasts: lax, tense and aspirated. Mandarin, however, only has the aspiration. ‧ 國. 學. contrast. For a transcription of the tense obstruents, this thesis uses an apostrophe after a. ‧. consonant. In the phonetic inventories of both languages, voicing does not construct any. sit. y. Nat. contrast of consonants in the phonetic inventories of either language, but it still can appear. io. er. as an allophone in the intervocalic position. However, the [±voice] contrast in the intervocalic position is irrelevant to this current analysis, and thus, is not inscribed in this. al. n. v i n thesis. Since the form of a sourceCword Kong-er is a phonetic form, the phonetic h einnKM gchi U form of Korean is introduced here.. 3.

(18) (1) Korean consonants (based on Sin et al. 2012) AlveoloBilabial. Alveolar. Velar. Glottal. palatal Stop (plosive) Lax. p. t. k. Tense. p’. t’. k’. Aspirated. ph. th. kh. Fricative Lax. Liquid (lateral approximant). m. Ch. n. e n g cl h i. 4. tɕ’. y. tɕh. sit. er. al. n. Nasal. io. Aspirated. tɕ. Nat. Tense. ‧. Lax. s’. ‧ 國. Affricate. h. 學. Tense. 立. 政治大 s. i n U. v. ŋ (coda).

(19) (2) Mandarin consonants (based on Lin, 2007) Labial Bilabial. Post-. Alveolo. alveolar. -palatal. Dental -dental. Palatal. Velar. Stop (plosive) Unaspirated. p. t. k. Aspirated. ph. th. kh. Fricative Unaspirated. f. 立. tʂ. Aspirated. tsh. tɕh. ŋ. y. n. wɥ. io. al. ɹ l. n. Lateral approximant. m. tʂh. sit. Approximant. Nat. Nasal. tɕ. ‧. Unaspirated. x. 學. ‧ 國. Affricate. ɕ. Ch. engchi. (coda). jɥ. w. er. Aspirated. s ʂ 治政大. i n U. v. While an underlying glide is regarded as a vowel in Korean, the surface form of a glide is considered to be a consonant. Also, the glides ‘/w/, /ɥ/ and /j/’ in Mandarin are classified as consonants either in the underlying or the surfaced form as shown in table (2). Since the source language of KM Kong-er adaptation is that of the Korean phonetic form, this thesis regards a glide as a consonant. The simplified vowel inventories of the two languages are shown in tables (3) and (4), respectively. Glides are parenthesized in both vowel tables of Korean and Mandarin. The Korean vowel system includes seven monophthongs and ten diphthongs with two 5.

(20) glides /j/ and /w/. The Mandarin vowel system includes five main vowels [i, y, u, a, ə] and other allophones occur in specific contexts (Lin, 2007). [e, o, ɤ] are allophones of the vowel ‘ə’, and [ɛ, ɑ] are allophones of the vowel ‘a’. In the table (4), the five main phonemes are marked by underlining. Also, Mandarin has five monophthongs /i, y, u, a, ə/ and eleven diphthongs derived from the monophthongs. In addition, Mandarin has three glides /j/, /w/ and /ɥ/. The possible vowels in Mandarin are listed in table (4).. (3) Korean vowels (based on Sin et al., 2012). 政治大Back. Front. 立. e / æ1. ʌ. ‧ 國. ɯ. o. sit er. io. al. n. (4) Mandarin vowels (based on Lin, 2012). Ch. Front. 1. u (w). y. ɑ. Nat. Low. i (j). Rounded. ‧. Mid. Unrounded. 學. High. Unrounded. e n gCentral chi. Unrounded. Rounded. High. i (j). y (ɥ). Mid. e/ɛ. Low. a. i n U. v. Back. Unrounded. Rounded u (w). ə. ɤ. o. ɑ. Since the front-mid vowel /e/ and the front-low vowel /æ/ are not distinctive in the contemporary speech of native speakers (Sin et al., 2012), this thesis regards them as one phonetic form.. 6.

(21) In this thesis, phonotactic violations written in other forms of transcription are also analyzed. In Taiwan, a system of phonetic notation called ‘Zhuyin’ is used for the transcription of Mandarin. Zhuyin is widely used in Taiwan, both in learning to comprehend and write Chinese characters in early education, and in entering electronic text. Also, the transcription of other Chinese languages, whose phonotactics do not exist in Mandarin Chinese, is written in Zhuyin in Taiwan. For the ease of comparison, table (5) below shows each of the counterparts between Zhuyin and the IPA (International Phonetic Alphabet).. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. 7. i n U. v.

(22) (5) Zhuyin phonetic system for Mandarin IPA. Zhuyin. IPA. Zhuyin. IPA. Zhuyin. p. ㄅ. t. ㄉ. k. ㄍ. pʰ. ㄆ. tʰ. ㄊ. kʰ. ㄎ. m. ㄇ. n. ㄋ. x. ㄏ. f. ㄈ. l. ㄌ. ʨ. ㄐ. tʂ. ㄓ. ts. ㄗ. ʨʰ. ㄑ. tsʰ. ㄘ. ɕ. ㄒ. s. ㄙ. ɻ. ㄖ. ㄚ. ai. ㄞ. an. ㄢ. ㄛ. ei. ㄟ. ən. ㄣ. ㄜ. ɑu. ㄠ. ou. ㄡ. ㄝ. ɚ. ㄦ. i. ㄧ. u. ㄨ. y. ㄩ. n. al. Ch. engchi U. ɑŋ. er. e. io. ɤ. y. ‧ 國. ㄕ. ‧. ʂ. sit. 立. Nat. o. h. 學. a. 治ㄔ政 tʂ 大. v ni. ɤŋ. ㄤㄥ. As shown in table (5), consonants (including glides) solely correspond with each character of Zhuyin. In contrast, vowels are denoted in two ways: one way is that a vowel. 8.

(23) corresponds with one Zhuyin character such as ‘a (ㄚ)’ and ‘u (ㄨ)’, and the other way is that a rhyme corresponds with one Zhuyin character such as ‘ai (ㄞ)’ and ‘əŋ (ㄥ)’. The feature matrix of each Korean consonant and Mandarin consonant is offered in (6) to (9). The first two matrices show Korean obstruents and sonorants, and the latter two show Mandarin obstruents and sonorants.. (6) Feature specifications of Korean obstruents p. t. ph. th. 立 t’. -. -. -. -. +. -. +. -. -. -. -. -. -/+/-. +/-/-. [labial]. √. n. +/-/-. -/+/+. -/+/-. -/-. -/+/+. -/+. e n g- c h i +/-/-. [coronal] √. [distributed]. -. y. -/+/-. [voice]. [anterior]. -. -. -. [strident]. --. -. a l-/+/+ C - h. [tense]. tɕ’. -. io. glottis]. --. sit. [spread. tɕh. -. Nat. [lateral]. s’. -/+/-. +. -/+/+. -. +. -. +/-. +/-/-. -. √. √. er. [nasal]. k’. h. ‧. [continuant]. h. tɕ. 學. [sonorant]. ‧ 國. p’. 政 k治大s k --. i n U+. v. √ -. +. -. [back]. -. -. +. -. +. +. [high]. -. -. +. -. +. +. 9.

(24) (7) Feature specifications of Korean sonorants m. n. ŋ. l. [sonorant]. +. +. +. +. [continuant]. -. -. -. -. [nasal]. +. +. +. -. [lateral] [labial]. -. +. √. √. √. [coronal] -. [high]. -. 立. -. +. 政 -- 治大 ++. -. t. k. f. s. ʂ. ɕ. ts. tʂ. tɕ. x. ph. th. kh. --. --. ɹ. --. tsh. tʂh. tɕh. --. [sonorant]. -. -. -. -. -. -. -. -. -. -. -. [continuant]. -. -. -. +. +. +. +. ±. ±. ±. +. [nasal]. -. io. 學. p. y. [back]. +. sit. +. ‧ 國. [anterior]. -. -. -. -. -. -. -. -. -. [lateral]. -. -. -. -. -. -. -/+. -/+. -/+. -. -. -. -. -/+. -/+. -/+. -. [strident]. -. -. -. -. +. +. +. +. +. +. -. [voice]. -. -. -. -. -. -/+. -. -. -. -. -. [labial]. √. (8) Feature specifications of Mandarin obstruents. er. ‧. a l-. n. glottis]. Nat. [spread. -. C h- - - U nengchi. iv. √. [coronal]. √. √. √. √. √. √. √. [anterior]. +. +. -. -. +. -. -. [distributed]. -. -. -. +. -. +. +. [back]. -. -. +. -. -. +. +. -. +. +. +. [high]. -. -. +. -. -. -. +. -. -. +. +. 10.

(25) (9) Feature specifications of Mandarin sonorants m. n. ŋ. l. ɹ. j. w. ɥ. [sonorant]. +. +. +. +. +. +. +. +. [continuant]. -. -. -. +. +. +. +. +. [nasal]. +. +. +. -. -. -. -. -. [lateral]. -. -. -. +. -. -. -. -. [labial]. √. √. √. -. +. -. +. +. +. [coronal]. √. √. √. √. [anterior]. +. +. +. -. [distributed]. -. [high]. -. -. 立 -. +. -. +. -. 學 ‧. ‧ 國. [back]. 治政大 + -. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. 11. i n U. v.

(26) Chapter 2 Literature Review. 2.1 Loanword Phonology Many studies have been done of the phonology of the loanwords found in Mandarin, particularly for the adaptation of English (Miao 2005, Lin 2008, Lü 2013; to name a few). The study of loanwords in Mandarin that are borrowed from Korean is relatively underinvestigated since there are only a few examples of loanwords in Mandarin adopted from. 治政大consists of sino-Korean words, Korean. It is because the major part of the Korean lexicon 立. the same way that loanwords from Japanese words do.. 學. ‧ 國. which are borrowed in the way of graphic loanwords based on the Chinese characters, in. ‧. Since the ultimate purpose of KM Kong-er is to be as similar to the Korean lyrics. sit. y. Nat. (input) as possible, the process of KM Kong-er adaptation can plausibly considered as to. io. er. be a loanword adaptation.. The Kong-er is similar to loanwords in the way that they usually respect the. al. n. v i n phonotactics of the L1. ShinoharaC(2001) that ‘The adaptation of foreign words is a h e nnotes gchi U. process by which native speakers produce acceptable L1 sound sequences by adjusting (?) the L2 into the L1 system’. Miao (2005) also has observed that the phonetic and phonological system of the L1 has an extensive influence on the result in loanword adaptation. On the other hand, the Kong-ers also can be interpreted as a kind of interlanguage since the result of KM Kong-er pertains to a phonotactic violation which is not allowed in the language from which the loanword is being borrowed. Broselow (2004) and. 12.

(27) Espinosa (2004) indicate that a speaker encountering an L2 may establish his/her own grammar, which is not necessarily identical to the L1 or to the L2. This thesis will discuss three kinds of adaptations: first, the loanword adaptation following the L1 phonotactics (Mandarin), second, the phonotactic violation with patterns pertaining to the L2 phonotactics (Korean), finally, the phonotactic violation with patterns pertaining neither to L1 nor L2 (interlanguage). The present analysis aims to suggest that the KM Kong-er phonology primarily conforms to Mandarin phonology, but that some parts develop other properties that either follow Korean phonology or interlanguage. 治政大 phonology and are written in a Zhuyin or in an English form. 立 ‧ 國. 學. 2.2 Optimality Theory. ‧. The Optimality Theory (OT) was proposed by Prince and Smolenky (1993/2004),. sit. y. Nat. based on the theory of Universal Grammar (UG). OT provides a linguistic model by. io. er. which all languages can be explained. In OT, all languages share the same set of constraints but have different rankings between constraints. The language-specific. al. n. v i n Cthus, rankings of universal constraints, explain the systematic differences between h ecan ngchi U languages.. In OT, a language form is not derived by the continual application of transformational rules. Instead, an input has an infinite number of possible candidates (outputs) which are generated by GENERATOR (GEN). The most optimal candidate survives at the end as a winner (output). The optimality of candidates is decided by the language-specific constraint ranking, which contains EVALUATOR (EVAL). The process is not a serial process as all of candidates are evaluated by EVAL simultaneously.. 13.

(28) Every OT constraint belongs to two major categories, namely markedness constraints and faithfulness constraints. The markedness constraints deal with wellformed output which is required by the phonological structure. Otherwise, the faithfulness constraints manage the faithfulness of the input and output, so that any disparity between the input and output yields a violation.. (3) Sample OT tableau Ranking: Constraint A >> Constraint B >> Constraint C, Constraint D Input. Candidate 2. *!. Candidate 3. Constraint D. 學. ‧ 國. ☞ Candidate 1. 治政 Constraint A Constraint B 大 Constraint C 立 *! *! *!. *(!). Nat. y. ‧. Candidate 4. er. io. sit. A sample of an OT tableau is shown in (3). There are possible candidates on the left side of the tableau. A constraint standing at the left dominates a constraint standing. al. n. v i n C hline between the two on the right side when there is a solid e n g c h i U constraints, while a dotted line. indicates that there is no hierarchical relationship between the two constraints. The number of asterisk marks denotes the number of violations of the corresponding constraint, and a fatal violation is expressed with an exclamation mark (!). The symbol of a right-pointing hand (☞) indicates the optimal output among the candidates. In the tableau, therefore, ConA is ranked as the highest constraint, and ConC and ConD are ranked as the lowest ones. According to this ranking, candidates 2 and 3, which violated the constraints B and C, are eliminated from the output, respectively, and candidate 1 wins over candidate 4 since candidate 4 violated more on the constraint D. 14.

(29) 2.2.1 Local Conjunction of Constraint A mechanism of complex constraint, called the ‘local conjunction of constraints’ (Smolensky, 1993/1995), is used in this thesis. A locally conjoined constraint C1 and C2 within a local domain of D ([C1&C2]D) is violated when both of its conjuncts are violated. Universally, the conjunct constraints C1 & C2 is higher-ranked than each of C1 and C2. The definition of local conjunction and the ranking of constraints is given in (4).. (4). Local Conjunction (Smolensky 1995: 4) a.. 治政 Local Conjunction of C and C in domain D, C &大 C , is violated when there is some domain of type D in立 which both C and C are violated. 1. 2. 1. 1. l. 2. 2. ‧ 國. 學. b. Universally, C1 &l C2 >> C1, C2. ‧. In the case of the conjunction of a markedness constraint and a faithfulness. sit. y. Nat. constraint, the markedness constraint, which is low-ranked and inactive, is high-ranked. io. al. er. and activated when the faithfulness constraint is violated (Łubowicz, 2002; Hsiao, 2015).. n. In this thesis, the markedness constraint *[+aspirated] is activated when the faithfulness. Ch. constraint IDENT[tense] is violated.. engchi. i n U. v. The local conjunction of constraints allows for a wide range of complex phenomena from the Coda Condition (Smolensky 1995), to dissimilation and the Obligatory Contour Principle (Alderete 1997, Itô and Mester 1998), chain shift (Kirchner 1996, Moreton and Smolensky 2002), vowel harmony (Baković 1999) and opacity (Itô and Mester 1998, Moreton and Smolensky 2002). This thesis applies the mechanism to permit complex phenomena related to tensed obstruents and their unaspirated counterparts in chapter 4.. 15.

(30) 2.2.2 Rank-ordering Model of EVAL (ROE) The Rank-ordering Model of EVAL (ROE) is a framework under the OT proposed by Coetzee (2006). In this framework, language phenomena are more than categorical, which producing various variations of one linguistic form. Otherwise, classical OT cannot explain the variation appearing in real linguistic phenomena since the constraint ranking only selects the most optimal candidate as an output without a consideration of other possibilities. Instead of disregarding the non-optimal candidates, the ROE discusses the candidates which appear in reality, and treat them as part of a well-formed phonology.. 治政 As classical OT, all of the candidates in the ROE大 are evaluated by EVAL, and a 立. ranking hierarchy within EVAL decides the well-formedness of the candidate set. The. ‧ 國. 學. more well-formed candidate is the more high-ranked as decided by the ranking hierarchy,. sit. y. Nat. frequency in the language than the less well-formed candidates.. ‧. and it is more likely to be selected as the optimal output. It also occurs at a higher. io. er. Since the well-formed candidates (variation) cannot be infinitely chosen, the criterion called ‘critical cut-off’ is used. In the ROE, the critical cut-off line separates the. al. n. v i n C h ranked above constraint set into two strata: constraints e n g c h i U the line and below the line.. Constraints ranked above the line function just as a constraint set does in the classical OT, which links to the most optimal and grammatical output among the candidates without any variations. However, constraints ranked below the line are different. Unlike as in classical OT, candidates cannot be ruled out by the constraints ranked below the cut-off line, and can even be considered to be a grammatical and a possible output. In this way, variations arise in the ROE.. 16.

(31) (5) A sample tableau with a cut-off line Input: /i/ ☞1. DEP [-high]. DEP [+back]. MAX(segment). *σ̃ / {i,u}. a. ĩ. *. ☞2 b. ∅. *. c. ũ. *!. d. other Ṽ. *. *!. In (5), both candidate (5a) and candidate (5b) are variants of the input /i/. The. 政治大 variation (5ab). Since there is solid line between MAX(segment) and *σ̃ /{i,u}, a 立. constraints MAX(segment) and *σ̃ /{i,u} are placed below the cut-off line to ensure the. ‧ 國. 學. domination relation exists. The candidate (5a) which violates the constraint on the right side (*σ̃/{i,u}) is the first optimal candidate. Also, it occurs more frequently than the. ‧. second optimal candidate (5b) does. The two constraints DEP[-high] and [+back]. sit. y. Nat. eliminate the ungrammatical candidates (5c-d) above the cut-off line.. io. er. The cut-off line can induce three possible situations as shown in (6). As in the first. al. scenario in (6a), candidate 1 violates C3, and candidate 2 violates C4. Since C3 and C4. n. v i n C h 1 and candidate are below the cut-off line, both candidate e n g c h i U 2 are selected as variations of the input. The dominant constraint below the cut-off line decides more optimal/frequent candidate, relatively. Another possible situation is shown in (6b), where only the best optimal candidate is chosen without any appearance of variation. The cand2 and can3 are both disfavored by the constraints above the cut-off line, and so are deemed ungrammatical. The last situation in which a cut-off line is induced is shown in (6c), where no variants appear as output either. Since both cand1 and candidate 2 in (6c) are violating. 17.

(32) constraints above the cut-off line (C2, C1), the ROE functions exactly as in the classical OT.. (6) Three possible scenarios regarding the critical cut-off line (Coetzee, 2006) (6a) Variation C1. C2. C3. C4. ☞1 i. cand1. *. ☞2 ii. cand2. *. iii. cand3 *!. 立. 學. ‧ 國. (6b) No variation I. *!. ☞1 i. cand1. al. C2. C3. C4. *. ii. cand2. n. *!. C1. *!. y. *. io. cand3. C4. er. ii. cand2 iii.. C3. Nat. ☞1 i. cand1. C2. ‧. C1. (6c) No variation II. sit. iv. cand4. 政 *! 治大. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. In KM Kong-er adaptation, some input-output mappings induce variations in the forms and some do not. Thus, the ROE is applied in the KM Kong-er analysis to reflect actual result of the adaptation.. 18.

(33) Chapter 3 Corpus-based Analysis. This research builds a corpus of Kong-er lyrics containing 955 phonological words (2690 syllables) from 11 songs. The phonological words in the corpus are constructed out of 57 tokens of monosyllable words, 328 of disyllable words, 370 of tri-syllable words, and 200 of polysyllable words (maximum seven syllables). The Korean writing system stipulates that every word is separated by a space except for function words which are. 治政大 (1) shown below. attached to the preceding lexical morpheme as in the example 立 ‧ 國. 學 ‧. 사과-를 먹었어요. (1) 수지-가 저녁-에 Suji-SUBJ evening-at apple-OBJ ate. ‘Suji ate (an) apple in the evening.’. sit. y. Nat. n. al. er. io. Thus, this research chose the phonological words as a domain of analysis for two. v. reasons. First, the separation based on the Korean writing rules visually influences. Ch. engchi. i n U. Mandarin speakers who create KM Kong-er to perceive a phonological word as a unit. Second, the K-pop songs that this corpus collected are auditorily punctuated to the p-word level to deliver clarity in the meaning. Thus, phonological words influence both the visual and auditory perception of Mandarin speakers. All of the Kong-er lyrics were collected from four K-pop Kong-er websites 1 managed by Mandarin speakers in Taiwan. The managers of the sites are all female, with an age of between 17-27, and with a mid-to-advanced level of Korean (2-3 years of 1. Taiwan-based K-pop lyric websites used for the corpus are: http://jyjccc.pixnet.net, http://eros90316.pixnet.net, http://sao742579.pixnet.net, http://jojo4562002.pixnet.net.. 19.

(34) studying). In the interviews, which were independently conducted, the Mandarin speakers stated that they relied on both visual inputs from the written source and auditory perception of the songs during the adaptation. There are two kinds of adaptations in the corpus: one where the data conform to Mandarin phonotactics (L1) and the other where the data violate Mandarin phonotactics by using other transcription such as Zhuyin (the Chinese transliteration system for Taiwan Mandarin) and English. For the adaptations conforming to Mandarin phonotactics, five phonological patterns are observed and discussed namely obstruent de-tensing, coda. 治政大For the adaptation violating deletion, glide insertion, lowering and diphthongization. 立 Mandarin phonotactics, two types of phonotactic violation are observed: one that follows. ‧ 國. 學. Korean grammar and the other that follows neither Mandarin grammar nor Korean. ‧. grammar, which is called interlanguage grammar.. sit. y. Nat. A simplified schema of KM Kong-er adaptation is illustrated in figure 1. Mandarin. io. er. grammar plays the most important role in KM Kong-er, and two types of violations occupy a minor part of whole, but produce a pronunciation closer to the Korean source.. n. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. Korean Grammar. Interlanguage Grammar Mandarin Grammar (core). Figure 1. Three types of grammar adopted in KM Kong-er. 20.

(35) 3.1 Adaptations in Conformity to Mandarin 3.1.1 Consonant Adaptation Three phonological patterns for the consonants are observed in the Kong-er corpus, which are correlated with obstruent de-tensing in the onset position, coda deletion, and glide insertion2.. 3.1.1.1 Obstruent De-tensing The Korean consonant has an abundant inventory of obstruents. There is a three-. 治政大 sounds. Examples are /p, way contrast for the obstruents: lax (plain), tense and aspirated 立. pʰ, p’/, /t, tʰ, t’/, /k, kʰ, k’/ in stops, /tɕ, tɕʰ, tɕ’/ in affricates and /s, s’/3 in fricatives.. ‧ 國. 學. Mandarin does not include [tense] contrast, but does includes [spread glottis] contrast.. ‧. Examples are /p, ph/, /t, th/, /k, kh/ in stops, /tɕ, tɕʰ/ and /ts, tsh/ in affricates.. sit. y. Nat. In KM Kong-er adaptation, Korean tensed obstruents are de-tensed to [-spread. io. er. glottis] counterparts regardless of the way of transcription. For example, the obstruent tense stop /p’/ in /ɯn.p’it/ ‘silveriness’ is adjusted to a de-tensed unaspirated counterpart. al. n. v i n C h related to obstruent [p] as in 恩比 [ən.pi]. Other examples e n g c h i U de-tensing are shown in table (2) below.. 2 3. In this thesis, glides are categorized into the consonants placed in the onset position. The Korean fricative only has two contrasts: lax and tense.. 21.

(36) (2) Obsturent De-tensing Korean source. Kong-er in Mandarin. Gloss. a. nun.p’it. ɹun.pi4 (潤筆). ‘the expression of the eyes.’. b. t’o. tou (都). ‘again’. c. k’ot. kou (勾). ‘flower’. d. ʌ.tɕ’ʌ.na. ou.tɕjou.na (偶九那). ‘Oh dear! (exclamation)’. e. jip.s’u.ri. ji.su.li (以速李). ‘lip-PAR’. 政治大. Overall, 87.97% (139/158) of the Korean tensed stops /p’, t’, k’/ in the corpus are. 立. replaced by the Mandarin unaspirated [p, t, k] as in (2a-c), and the rest of the Korean. ‧ 國. 學. tensed stops (12.03%) are replaced by their unaspirated counterparts in the Zhuyin and English forms. Likewise, the Korean tensed affricate /tɕ’/ and the tensed fricative /s’/ are. ‧. dominantly replaced by their unaspirated counterparts in Mandarin (2d-e), in 100%. y. Nat. sit. (45/45) for the tokens of the affricate [tɕ] and 96.49% (55/57) of the tokens of the fricative. n. al. er. io. [s]. Only two tokens of Korean tensed fricatives are adapted into Zhuyin/English. i n U. v. transcription. To sum up, every token with a tensed consonant (260/260) adopts an. Ch. engchi. unaspirated counterpart both in the Mandarin form or in the Zhuyin/English form. The statistics of obstruent de-tensing are shown in (3). The most dominant results from each category are shadowed in the table.. 4. The transcription method for Mandarin-IPA is referred in Lin, Y. H. (2007).. 22.

(37) (3) Statistics of Obsturent De-tensing Korean tensed Kong-er in Mandarin substitution. Number Total. Percentage. aspirated [ph, th, kh]. 0. 0%. consonant. stop [p’, t’, k’]. [p, t, k]. 139. Zhuyin/English. 19. 158. unaspirated. 100%. aspirated [tɕh] affricate [tɕ’]. 0. 立. 45. 100%. unaspirated. 57. ‧ 國. 2. 學. Zhuyin/English. aspirated counterpart. 0. 100% 0%. 260. unaspirated counterpart. ‧. Total. 45. 政治大 [s] 55. unaspirated [tɕ] fricative [s’]. 0%. 260. Nat. sit. y. 100%. al. er. io. As in table (3), 260 syllables are tensed obstruents in the corpus. 260 tokens are de-. v. n. tensed and replaced by an unaspirated counterpart. It is noticeable that only an unaspirated. Ch. engchi. i n U. counterpart is chosen to be adapted when the Mandarin phonotactics also has an aspirated counterpart. There is a different view on the traditional three-phoneme contrast in Korean, which is related to the fact that a tensed-obstruent only maps to an unaspirated phoneme (Kingston and Diehl, 1994; Kim and Duanmu, 2004). They argue that the feature [+tense] is not needed for the Korean phonology system because the feature [voiced] and the [aspirated]/[spread glottis] inherent in the Korean phonology system can decide their contrasts based on tonogenesis theory. Based on their assertion, it is not necessary to. 23.

(38) import the markedness feature [+tense]/[+constricted glottis] into the Korean phonological inventory system, as shown in the table (4).. (4) Comparison of the three-phoneme contrast in Korean Example. Traditional view. Kim & Duanmu (2004). p’. tensed. voiceless unaspirated. p. lax/unaspirated. voiced unaspirated. ph. aspirated. voiceless aspirated. 政治大 According to Kim & Duanmu (2004), Korean tensed obstruents can be described 立. ‧ 國. 學. with [-voice] and [-aspirated] features. Following such classification, the tensed obstruents in the corpus are 100% mapped to the unaspirated counterpart.. ‧ sit. y. Nat. 3.1.1.2 Coda Deletion. io. er. The Korean phonological inventory allows seven consonants to occur in a coda. al. position, including the three stops /p, t, k/, the three nasals /m, n, ŋ/, and one liquid /l/.. n. v i n C hinventory only allows However, the Mandarin phonological e n g c h i U two nasals in a coda position: /n/ and /ŋ/. In KM Kong-er adaptation, Mandarin speakers can use three strategies on Korean seven codas: deletion, replacement and retainment. First, the dominant strategy is coda deletion (422/866, 48.73%). Overall, the deletion occurs regardless of the types of Korean coda (stop, nasal, or liquid). It occurs in different percentages depending on the coda types. The type of coda of which the greatest number of the deletions occur is that of the stops /p, t, k/ (99.22%). The type of which the second largest amount of the deletions occur is that of the liquid /l/ (97.13%). The type. 24.

(39) of which the least number of deletions occur is that of the nasal coda /m, n, ŋ/ (17.39%). Examples of coda deletion are shown in (5).. (5). Coda deletion Korean source. Kong-er in Mandarin. Gloss. a. pʰap.kʰon. pʰa.kʰoŋ (怕空). ‘popcorn’. b. wa.jin.pit. wa.jin.pi (哇音比). ‘wine color’. c. hwak. hwa (畫). ‘suddenly’. d. han.tsʰam. xan.tɕja (含家). ‘for a while’. phu.mjou (普謬). ‘obviously’. xei.wən (黑溫). ‘luck’. 立. g. mol.ra. 學. f. heŋ.un. ‧ 國. e. pun.mjʌŋ. 政治大. mwo.la (摸拉). ‘not to know’. ‧. sit. y. Nat. Table (5) shows how the stop codas /p, t, k/ (5a-c), the nasal codas /m, n, ŋ/ (5d-f), the. io. er. liquid coda /l/ (5g) are deleted during the Kong-er adaptation. The statistics of coda deletion are shown in (6) below.. n. al. (6) Statistics of coda deletion. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. Korean coda group. Number. Total. Percentage. stop. Vp, Vt, Vk. 127. 128. 99.22%. liquid. Vl. 203. 209. 97.13%. nasal. Vm, Vn, Vŋ. 92. 529. 17.39%. 422. 866. 48.73%. Total. As in (6), 99.22% of the stop codas are deleted, and 97.13% of liquid coda is also deleted. However, the nasal codas /m, n, ŋ/ are the least deleted for 17.39% of the whole.. 25.

(40) Secondly, 20.90% (181/866) of the tokens use the replacement strategy during the coda adaptation. The coda type which is subject to the most replacements is that of the nasal type /m, n, ŋ/ (174/529, 32.89%). In contrast, only six tokens in liquid /l/, and one token in the stops /p, t, k/ are replaced by the Mandarin nasal codas /n, ŋ/. Examples of coda replacement are shown in (7). (7). Coda replacement Korean source. Kong-er in Mandarin. Gloss. a. mo.tɯn. mwo.təŋ (摸登). ‘every’. b. tɕuŋ.tok. zun.tou (尊斗). ‘addiction’. pa.laŋ.man (巴朗曼). ‘only wind’. ma.mən (馬悶). ‘heart-OBJ’. 立. c. pa.ram.man. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. d. ma.mɯl. 政治大. In table (7), the nasal coda /n/ is replaced by the other nasal coda /ŋ/ (7a), and the nasal. sit. y. Nat. coda /ŋ/ is replaced by nasal coda /n/ (7b). The Korean nasal coda /m/ and the liquid coda. n. al. er. io. /l/ are also replaced by the Mandarin nasal codas /n, ŋ/ (7cd). The statistics of the coda replacement are shown in (8).. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. (8) Statistics of coda replacement Korean coda group. Number. Total. Percentage. obsturent. Vp, Vt, Vk. 1. 128. 0.78%. liquid. Vl. 6. 209. 2.87%. nasal. Vm, Vn, Vŋ. 174. 529. 32.89%. 181. 866. 20.90%. Total. The last strategy used in coda adaptation is retainment (263/866, 30.37%). The retainment only occurs in the case of the codas /n, ŋ/, which are legal codas in both of the 26.

(41) two languages. The Korean nasal codas /n, ŋ/ are either retained or replaced without regularities. The overall statistics of coda adaptation are presented in table (9).. (9) Statistics of coda adaptations Korean. Kong-er in. coda structure. Mandarin substitution. stop. Vp Vt Vk. liquid. Vl. 127. replacement (_n/_ŋ). 1. 128. 治 203 政 replacement (_n/_ŋ) 6 大立 deletion 18 263. replacement. 100. deletion. 422. replacement. 181. retainment. 263. n. al. Ch. engchi U. 437. y. retainment. sit. 74. 866. er. ‧ 國. deletion. io. 74. 92. ‧. Nat. replacement (_n/_ŋ). 209. 學. Vn, Vŋ. Total. deletion. Total. deletion. Vm nasal. Number. v ni. Percentage 99.22% 0.78% 97.13% 2.87% 19.57% 80.43% 16.93% 60.18% 22.88% 48.73% 20.90% 30.37%. These results demonstrate that the phonetic features of a coda have largely influenced the process of Kong-er adaptation, especially in the case of coda deletion and replacement. Unlike the stop codas /p, t, k/ that are mostly deleted (127/128, 99.22%), a large amount of /m/ codas are turned into other nasal codas, either [n] or [ŋ] (74/92, 80.43%). Also, 2.87% of the tokens of the Korean liquid coda /l/ are replaced by Mandarin nasals. In this regard, ‘sonority’ can explain the result. Sonority is one way for sound to be classified (Selkirk, 1984) and it is related to the degree to which the mouth opens during. 27.

(42) an articulation. The more sonorant the sound is, the higher the tendency there is for it to be perceived as voiced. Based on the investigation of Yavas and Gogate (1999), the phonemic awareness of coda consonants is deeply related to the sonority relations in the language acquisition of children. They also found that the perception and segmentation of less sonorant codas are easier than that of more sonorant ones. According to the general patterns of the sonority scale shown in (10), Mandarin speakers follow strategies in the adaptation of Korean codas simply to retain nasality, and/or sonority.. (10) Sonority Scale. 立. 政治大. Vowels > Liquids > Nasals > Fricatives > Stops. ‧ 國. 學. Overall, Mandarin speakers either delete illicit codas in Mandarin, or replace illicit. ‧. /m/ codas with Mandarin codas /n, ŋ/, following Mandarin phonotactics (L1).. sit. y. Nat. n. al. er. io. 3.1.1.3 Glide Insertion. i n U. v. In the Kong-er corpus, there are 328 tokens of Korean alveolo-palatal affricates (/tɕ, h. 5. Ch. engchi. tɕ , tɕ’/) in the onset position . The glide /j/ was inserted in 125 out of 197 tokens (63.45%) during Kong-er adaptation. For instance, ‘tɕa’ in /nun.toŋ.tɕa/ ‘the pupil of the eye’ is substituted with ‘tɕja’ as in [nu.toŋ.tɕja] (努東加). Other examples of glide insertion are shown in (11) below.. 5. 131 syllables from 328 syllables, where the vowel /i/ is followed after alveolo-palatal affricates, are excluded in the sum total of the number of glide insertion.. 28.

(43) (11). Glide Insertion for the vowels /a, ʌ, e/ Korean source. Kong-er in Mandarin. Gloss. a. tɕa.k’u. tɕʰja.ku (恰古). ‘repeatedly’. b. tɕʰam. tɕʰjaŋ (嗆). ‘truly’. c. ku.rɯm.tɕʰʌ.rʌm. khu.ləŋ.tɕhjou.loŋ (苦冷秋龍). ‘as clouds’. d. tɕe.pal. tɕje.pa (皆巴). ‘please’. e. tɕʰe. tɕʰje (切). ‘just as it is’. 政治大 vowels /a, ʌ, e/. /tɕa/ and /tɕʰa/ in (11ab) is replaced by [tɕʰja], implying that contrast of 立. In (11), the glide /j/ is inserted between the alveolar affricates /tɕ, tɕh/ and the. ‧ 國. 學. the [spread glottis] is not crucial in the adaptation. Glide insertion before the vowel /a/ accounts for the major part of the results (78.57%, 55/70). In (11c), the glide /j/ is inserted. ‧. between alveolar affricates and the Korean vowel /ʌ/ (68.33%, 41/60) and mapped to. sit. y. Nat. [tɕhjou]. Lastly, the glide /j/ in (11d-e) is inserted before the Korean vowel /e/ (84.21%,. al. er. io. 16/19), inducing [tɕje] and [tɕʰje].. v. n. However, unlike case of the glide insertion, 56 tokens (28.43%) of the Korean. Ch. engchi. i n U. alveolo-palatal affricates are adjusted into Mandarin retroflex/post-alveolar affricates [tʂ, tʂh]. For example, ‘tɕo’ from /tɕo.a/ ‘to like’ is replaced by ‘tʂou’ as in [tʂou.a] (周阿). The result is categorized by the onset and rhyme sequence as shown in table (12).. 29.

(44) (12) Statistics of glide insertion. _e(C). _ʌ(C). Number Total. Percentage. _ja(C). 55. 78.57%. [retroflex] a(C). 15. _je. 16. others (tsei, tɕi, ㄘㄟ[tshei]). 3. _jou/_joŋ. 41. [retroflex] oŋ/ou. 18. others (tsou) _jou/_joŋ. _jou. 5. [retroflex] u(C). 16. others (tshu, tsun, tɕyn). 4. _jou. 2. [retroflex] ɤ(C). 1. io. al. others (tsɤ, tshu). n. 3. Ch. glide insertion Total. retroflex. engchi. others. 16. 15.79%. 30% 1.67% 35.29%. 17. 47.56% 17.64% 20%. 25. i n U125 56. 84.21%. ‧. 3. Nat. _ɯ(C). 60. 8. others (tsou, tɕhy). 21.43%. 68.33%. 學. _u(C). 19. 1 政治大 6. ‧ 國. _o(C). 立 [retroflex] ou. 70. 64%. y. _a(C)6. Kong-er in Mandarin substitution. 33.33%. sit. onset + vowel. er. Korean affricate. 6. v. 16% 16.67% 50% 63.45%. 197. 28.43% 8.12%. The rest of the tokens (16/197) are varied without any regularities and so they are categorized as ‘others’. Some are replaced by dental counterparts such as [ts] and [tsh], and others are different in vowel from the source. Such tokens are irregular and scarce in the corpus; therefore, they are not discussed in this thesis.. 6. (C) here denotes the possibility of a coda.. 30.

(45) The sequences, including the vowels /a/, /e/ and /ʌ/, take glide insertion as a dominant strategy. On the other hand, the sequences, including the vowels /o/, /u/ and /ɯ/, adopt other strategies, such as substitution into a retroflex (/tɕo/ → [tʂou]). In the Korean phonology/phonetic system, the alveolo-palatal affricates [tɕ, tɕh, tɕ’] cannot appear with a following glide /j/ (Sin et al., 2012). In contrast, in the Mandarin system, an alveolo-palatal affricate occurs only before the glides /j/, /ɥ/ (Lin, 2007). Thus, glide insertion in Kong-er indicates that Mandarin speakers follow the L1 phonology rather than follow the L2 phonology.. 3.1.2 Vowel Adaptation. 立. 政治大. ‧ 國. 學. Two phonological patterns of the vowels are observed in the Kong-er corpus,. er. io. sit. y. Nat. 3.1.2.1 Lowering. ‧. which are related to lowering and diphthongization.. A dominant strategy for the Korean high back vowel /ɯ/ is lowering. Since the high. al. n. v i n back vowel /ɯ/ does not exist in C Mandarin, Mandarin speakers adjust every token of /ɯ/ heng chi U. to other vowels existing in the phonological system. The majority of the tokens of the /ɯ/ vowel are lowered (216/269, 80.30%), either into the mid back vowel [ɤ] or into the mid central vowel [ə]7. For example, ‘kɯ’ from /kɯ.kʌn.man/ ‘only for that’ is replaced by ‘kɤ’ as in [kɤ.kou.man] (哥勾曼). Other examples are shown in (13).. 7. In Mandarin, the mid central vowel /ə/ is an allophone of the vowel /ɤ/, which occurs in toneless syllable. In the corpus, 的 ‘tə’ and 了 ‘lə’ were used mostly.. 31.

(46) (13). Vowel Lowering Korean source. Kong-er in Mandarin. Gloss. a. kɯ.njaŋ. kɤ.njɑŋ (可娘). ‘just’. b. kʌ.rɯm. khou.lɤŋ (叩冷). ‘step’. c. na.mɯn. na.mən (哪悶). ‘left over’. The rest of the tokens of the /ɯ/ are rounded (48/269, 17.84%) to [u]. For example, ‘tɯ’ in /pu.tɯ.rʌ.un/ ‘soft’ is replaced by ‘tu’ as in [pu.tu.lou.wən] (不督嘍溫). Table (14). 政治大. shows the overall statistics related to the high back vowel /ɯ/.. 立. 216. (C)u(C). 48. io. 5. Others (ɨ syllabic consonant). n. al. Ch. engchi. Total. y. Number. (C)ɤ/ə(C). Nat. (C)ɯ(C). Mandarin substitution. 269. sit. combination. Kong-er in. er. Korean. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. (14) Statistics of lowering. i n U. v. Percentage 80.30% 17.84% 1.86%. As shown in (14), lowering to the vowel [ɤ/ə] is the most selected strategy for the Korean /ɯ/ vowel (80.30%). Rounding to [u] is the second most used strategy (17.84%). Both [ɤ/ə] and [u] share the [+back] feature with the source /ɯ/ vowel. This implies that Mandarin speakers decide to preserve the [+back] feature of the source vowel, choosing vowels adjacent to /ɯ/ in figure 2. Again, Mandarin speakers follow the L1 phonology.. 32.

(47) ɯu ɤ o ʌ ɑ Figure 2. Back vowel chart of Korean (underlined) and Mandarin (bold). 3.1.2.2 Diphthongization Three monophthongs /o, ʌ, e/ are discussed in this session. The vowels /o, e/ cannot. 政治大. occur as a single nucleus in Mandarin and /ʌ/ does not exist in the Mandarin phonetic. 立. inventory. For these three vowels, diphthongization is chosen to be the dominant strategy. ‧ 國. 學. in the case of these three vowels during Korean adaptation. In the KM Kong-er corpus, there are 898 syllables that contain monophthongs /o, ʌ, e/ in total, of which 88.86% were. ‧. diphthongized to either [ou] or [ei]. For example, ‘kʌ’ and ‘to’ in /tɕu.kʌ.to/ ‘to die’ is. Nat. sit. y. replaced by ‘kou’ and ‘tou’ respectively as in [tɕjou.kou.tou] (揪勾兜). Other examples. n. al. er. io. of each vowel are presented in (15).. (15). Diphthongization. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. Korean source. Kong-er in Mandarin. Gloss. a. so.ri. sou.li (搜李). ‘sound’. b. ʌ.tɕe. ou.tɕje (歐皆). ‘yesterday’. c. tu.so.ne. tu.song.nei (督宋內). ‘in two hands’. As in (15a-b), /o/ and /ʌ/ are prone to be diphthongized to [ou], and /e/ is replaced by [ei] as in (15c). For the source vowel /ʌ/, other variants such as the lowered vowels [ɤ,. 33.

(48) ə] occur as a second dominant strategy. The overall statistics of diphthongization are shown in (16).. (16) Statistics of Diphthongization Korean. Kong-er. (C)V(C) structure. in Mandarin substitution. (C)e(C) (C)ʌ(C). 277. _jou. 8. _ei/je _ou/wo(C) _ɤ/ə. 立. Total 285. 205 政治316 大. 205 408. 92 798. Lowering (o → ɤ/ə). 92. Glide insertion. 8. Percentage 97.19% 2.81% 100% 77.45% 22.55% 88.86% 10.24% 0.89%. Nat. y. 898. ‧. Diphthongization. 學. Total. _ou/wo(C). ‧ 國. (C)o(C). Number. io. sit. Generally, most of the monophthongs /o, ʌ, e/ are replaced by diphthongs [ou] and. n. al. er. [ei] (88.86%). Some of the tokens of the input /ʌ/ use the lowered vowels [ɤ, ə] as the. Ch. i n U. v. second most dominant strategy (10.24%). Some variants such as glide insertion account. engchi. for 0.89% of the whole. Also, the vowel /e/ in input is never deleted in the output, inducing variation in either the on-glide [je] or off-glide [ei] insertion. Vowel diphthongization implies the importance of the L1 (Mandarin phonology) again in KM Kong-er adaptation.. 3.2 Adaptations in Violation of Mandarin Phonotactics The data shows that some syllables (168/2690) are written in other types of transcription such as Zhuyin, which is the alphabet system for Mandarin in Taiwan, and. 34.

(49) English. Among such tokens, two types of grammar are observed: one following Korean grammar (L2), and the other an emerging interlanguage grammar.. 3.2.1 Adaptations in Conformity to Korean Grammar 60.7% (102/168) of the Zhuyin/English tokens belong to the adaptations following Korean phonology. The specific sequences from the tokens are grouped into velars, labials, dental consonants, and some vowels, such as /i, ʌ, o/, in this section.. 治政大 3.2.1.1 Velars /k, k , k’, h/ + Vowel /i/ 立 h. In Mandarin phonotactics, velar consonants such as /k/, /kh/ and /h(x)8/ are not. ‧ 國. 學. allowed before the [+high, -back] vocoids. In English-Mandarin loanword adaptation. ‧. (Hall-Lew, 2002), the velar stop sounds are usually replaced by alveolar-palatal affricates. sit. y. Nat. such as /tɕ/, /tɕh/ and /ɕ/, which only allow [+high, -back] vocoids to follow in Mandarin.. io. er. For example, the English word ‘Canada /kǽ.nə.də/’ is replaced with ‘加拿大 [tɕja.na.ta]’. al. by way of the process of adaptation.. n. v i n C However, Mandarin speakershofeKM Kong-ers tend to select other transcription ngchi U. methods to exclude any sound distant from that of the source word. This leads 100% (51/51) of the [velar+i(j)] sequences to follow Korean grammar, as in the examples shown in (17) below.. 8. The velar stop /x/ in Standard Chinese is mostly pronounced as the glottal stop /h/ to some degree in Taiwanese Mandarin (Peng, 1993).. 35.

(50) (17). Velars /k, kh, k’, h/ + Vowel /i(j)/ Korean source. Kong-er in Mandarin. Gloss. a. nɯ.k’im. nə(呢).kim. ‘feeling’. b. ki.pun. ki.pən(噴). ‘mood’. c. hjaŋ.he. xjaŋ.xei(黑). ‘toward (somewhere)’. In (17), the velar consonants and the vowel /i/ are faithfully mapped to output as [kim], [ki] and [xjaŋ], without palatalization. All of the sequences that violate Mandarin. 政治大. phonotactics follow Korean grammar.. 學. ‧ 國. 立. 3.2.1.2 Labials /p, ph, p’/ + Vowels /ʌ, o/. The next sequence to discuss is the labial stops /p, ph, p’/ and the vowels /ʌ, o/. In. ‧. KM Kong-er adaptation, the Korean vowels /ʌ, o/ are mostly diphthongized to either [ou]. y. Nat. io. sit. or [wo]. However, a sequence of labial stops /p, ph, p’/ and /ʌ, o/ vowels also induce. n. al. er. variation, using Zhuyin/English transcription following Korean grammar. 39.22% (20/51). Ch. i n U. v. tokens of the sequence show such adaptation, turning into [o] in the output. Examples are presented in (18) below.. (18). engchi. Labials /p, ph, p’/ and vowels /ʌ, o/ Korean source. Kong-er in Mandarin. Gloss. a. mat.p’o.ko. ma(馬).po.kou(勾). ‘taste (it)+PAR’. b. pok.tɕa.pʰe. po.tsa(炸).phei(配). ‘complicated’. c. an.k’o.ɕi.pʰʌ. an(安).kou(勾).ɕi(西).po. ‘want to hug (you)’. 36.

(51) In (18), the sequence of the labial stops /p, ph, p’/ and the vowels /ʌ, o/ produce [po] in an English transcription, following the Korean grammar. The statistical results of the sequence are shown in (19) below.. (19) Labials /p, ph, p’/ + vowels /o, ʌ/ + (CODA) Korean onset-rhyme structure. o (C), ʌ (C). Tokens. Percentage. po, pho. (20/51). 39.22%. 政治 (19/51) 大 others (pəŋ, paŋ, pu) (12/51) 立 pwo, phwo. 37.25% 23.53%. 學. ‧ 國. /p, ph, p’/. Result of adaptation. Other variants such as [pwo]/[phwo] (diphthongization) are also chosen to substitute for. er. io. sit. y. Nat. regularities.. ‧. the source sequence (37.25%, 19/51). The rest of the 12 tokens did not show any. 3.2.1.3 Dental /n/ + Vowels /ʌ, o/. al. n. v i n 100% (31/31) of sequencesCofhthe dental /n/ and the e n g c h i U vowels /ʌ, o/ are also replaced. by [no] in English transcription. Examples are shown in (20) below.. (20). Dental /n/ + Vowels /ʌ, o/ Korean source. Kong-er in Mandarin. Gloss. a. nʌ.man. no.man(慢). ‘only you’. b. an.tʰi.no.mi. an(安).thi(踢).no.mi(咪). ‘antinomy’. 37.

(52) As in (20), /nʌ/ and /no/ are replaced by [no], following Korean grammar. Other dental sounds, such as /t, th, t’/ and /l/, did not incur any phonotactic violation with the [-high, +back] vowels; while the dental /n/ with [-high, +back] vowels showed 100% (31/31) tokens of phonotactic violation. The overall statistics of the adaptations following Korean grammar are shown in (21) below.. (21) Adaptations following Korean grammar Korean. 0. Korean grammar. 20. Mandarin grammar. 31. Korean grammar. 31. Nat. 31. 0. 100% 0% 39.22% 60.78% 100% 0%. io. sit. Mandarin grammar. 51. Percentage. er. /p, ph, p’/ + /ʌ, o/. ‧. Mandarin grammar. 51. 學. 51. Total. y. 立. Korean grammar. ‧ 國. /k, kh, k’, h/ + /i/. /n/ + /ʌ, o/. 政治 Number 大. Kong-er result. CV sequence. al. As shown in (21), the sequences with the velars /k, kh, k’, h/ + vowel /i/ all follow the. n. v i n C h with labialsU/p, p , p’/ + vowels /ʌ, o/ show Korean phonotactics while the sequences engchi h. Korean and Mandarin phonotactics. Lastly, the dental /n/ + vowels /ʌ, o/ follows Korean phonotactics in all of the tokens (100%).. 3.2.2 Adaptations in Conformity to an Emergent Interlanguage Grammar Among the phonotactic violations found in the KM Kong-er corpus, there are also some sequences that follow neither Mandarin nor Korean grammar. This type of token occurs in 39.29% (66/168) of the tokens, using a Zhuyin/English form. The sequences are. 38.

(53) grouped into non-coronal consonant and vowel /jʌ/, and the coronal alveolars /s, s’/ and the vowel /e/.. 3.2.2.1 Non-coronal Consonants and Vowel /jʌ/ In the previous section, we observed that the combination of the velars /k, kh, k’, h/ with the vowel /i/ follows Korean phonology, mapping to [ki]/[kh]/[xi]. However, when the [-high, +back] vowel /ʌ/ follows the [+high, -back] vowel /i/, the sequence follows neither Korean phonotactics nor Mandarin phonotactics. This condition arises because. 治政大 appears only in [jou], the vowel sequence [+high, -back][-high, +back] in Mandarin 立. which is only allowed to occur after coronal consonants. Thus, the interlanguage. ‧ 國. 學. phonology based on phonotactic violation is observed when non-coronal consonants,. ‧. such as the velars /k, kh, k’, h/ and the labials /p, ph, p’, m/, combine with the vowel /jʌ/.. sit. y. Nat. 100% (19/19) of the syllables with the velars /k, kh, k’, h/ and the vowel /jʌ/ show. io. er. outputs following interlanguage grammar. For example, ‘kjʌ’ in /kjʌ.wul/ ‘winter’ is replaced by [kjou] in the Zhuyin transcription, which follows neither Korean phonology. al. n. v i n Cexamples nor Mandarin phonology. Related in (22) below. h e n gfollow chi U (22). Velars /k, kh, k’, h/ + vowel /jʌ/ Korean source. Kong-er in Mandarin. Gloss. a. nɯ.k'jʌ. nə(呢).kjou. ‘feeling’. b. sam.khjʌ. saŋ(桑).khjou. ‘swallow’. c. hjʌn.ɕil. xyŋ.ɕi(西). ‘reality’. 39.

(54) The output of each of the examples, [kjou], [khjou] and [xyŋ], shown in (22) are not allowed in either Mandarin or Korean phonotactics. 55.56% (20/36) of the tokens with the labial consonants /p, ph, p’, m/ and the vowel /jʌ/ also show phonotactic violation which belongs to interlanguage phonology. Examples are shown in (23) below.. Labials /p, ph, p’, m/ + Vowel /jʌ/. (23). Korean source. Kong-er in Mandarin. 政治大 p joŋ.san(三). Gloss. tɕhi(七).mjoŋ. ‘fatalness’. h. a. pʰjʌŋ.seŋ. 立. b. tɕhi.mjʌŋ. ‘forever’. ‧ 國. 學. In (23), consonants are faithfully adopted. The rhyme part /jʌ/ is adopted into [joŋ], which. ‧. is not allowed in either Korean or Mandarin. The statistics of the overall sequence of. y. Nat. n. er. io. al. (24) Labials /p, ph, p’, m/ + vowel /jʌ/ + (CODA) Korean onset-rhyme structure h. /p, p , p’/ jʌ (C) /m/. sit. Labials and vowel /jʌ/ is shown in (24) below.. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. Result of adaptation. Tokens. Percentage. pjou, phjou, pjo(C). (13/13). 100%. others. (0/13). 0%. mjo(C) (16). (7/23). 30.43%. mjou. (16/23). 69.57%. 100% of the labial stops /p, ph, p’/ are replaced with [pjou]/[phjou]/[pjo(C)], which is not allowed in either Korean or in Mandarin. 30.43% of the tokens of the labial nasal /m/ and. 40.

(55) vowel /jʌ/ adopt interlanguage phonology, and the rest of the tokens of the sequence adopts [mjou] in Mandarin phonotactics.. 3.2.2.2 Alveolars /s, s’/ + Vowel /e/ In Mandarin phonotactics, the vowel /e/ is not allowed to solely occur in rhyme. In the previous adaptations conforming to Mandarin phonotactics, most of the occurrences of the vowel /e/ are diphthongized to [ei]. When the alveolars /s, s’/ appear before the vowel /e/, however, 77.14% (27/35) of the tokens violate Mandarin phonotactics,. Alveolars /s, s’/ + Vowel /e/. a. tɕu.se.jo. tshu(醋).sei.jou(優桑). ‘give (me)’. sei.saŋ(桑). n. al. ‘a sprout-PAR’. sit. io. Nat. d. se.saŋ. Gloss. y. Kong-er in Mandarin. ‧. Korean source. er. (25). 學. ‧ 國. 治政大in (25). following interlanguage grammar. Examples are presented 立. i n U. v. The output [sei] is mostly written in English transcription, which is not allowed in present. Ch. engchi. Mandarin phonology 9 and Korean phonology. In the rest of the tokens, /se, s’e/ are replaced by the retroflexed [ʂei] and [se], following both Mandarin and Korean phonology.. 9. There is a historical gap between Middle Mandarin and present Mandarin. The combination of alveolar fricative /s/ and /ei/ are not allowed in the present Mandarin phonological system while they are allowed in Middle Mandarin.. 41.

(56) (26) Alveolars /s, s’/ + vowel /e/ + (CODA) Korean onset-rhyme structure. /s, s’/. e (C). Result of adaptation. Tokens. Percentage. sei. (27/35). 77.14%. ʂei. (7/35). 20%. se. (1/35). 2.86%. An overall statistics of the interlanguage grammar is shown below.. 政治大. (27) Adaptation following interlanguage grammar. Mandarin grammar. 0. Interlanguage grammar. 20. Mandarin grammar. 16. Interlanguage grammar. 27. n. al. Ch. engchi. 8. i n U. v. Percentage 100% 0% 55.56% 44.44%. sit. io. Mandarin grammar. 19 36. er. ‧ 國. 19. Nat. /s, s’/ + /e/. Interlanguage grammar. Total. ‧. /p, ph, p’, m/ + /jʌ/. Number. 學. /k, kh, k’, h/ + /jʌ/. Kong-er. y. 立. Korean CV sequence. 35. 77.14% 22.86%. As shown in (27), the sequences with the velars /k, kh, k’, h/ and the vowel /jʌ/ shows that result follow the interlanguage phonotactics in every case (100%), while the sequence with the labials /p, ph, p’, m/ + vowel /jʌ/ shows variants following both interlanguage and Mandarin phonotactics. Lastly, alveolar /s/ + vowel /e/ shows 77.14% of the tokens following interlanguage phonology and 22.86% of the tokens following Mandarin phonotactics.. 42.