4. An Optimality Theory Analysis of Stress-to-Tone Interactions in Mandarin
4.4 Left-edge Tonal Correspondence
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output (a). This suggests that 哈 /xa/ (H) is more preferred than 漢 /xan/ (HL) by the English stressed syllable. That is, the H-tone is better than the HL-tone in correspondcence to English stress. As a result, with a better tone loan, 哈姆雷特
/xa.mu.lei.tHF/ (H.L.MH.HL) is used more often than 漢姆雷特 /xan.mu.lai.tHF/
(HL.L.MH.HL).
In relation to candidate (b) in tableau (21), it and candidate (d) is the same in terms of the number of violations and the ranking of the violated constraints.
Although candidate (b) is not adapted, it is a possible ‘less often used form’ if
compared with candidate (a). In sum, the number of violations and the ranking of the violated constraints play a role in the tonal preference relation. In other words, the fewer and the lower violations a candidate causes, the more preferred the candidate is by English stress, and more likely it is to have a higher frequency of use.
4.4 Left-edge Tonal Correspondence
In this section, we analyze the tonal disticnction between the corresponding stressed and unstressed syllables in the loanwords from disyllabic and trisyllabic English words. Although an English unstressed syllable is of a lower pitch than an English stressed syllable, the unstressed syllables show no tonal preference, as shown in 3.2. However, a closer look leads to a left-edge tonal correspondence. That is, in a
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tone loan, the left-edge pitch of the tone corresponding to the English stressed syllable is usually not lower than that of the tone corresponding to the neighboring unstressed syllable. The actual percentage of the left-edge tonal correspondence is shown in (22).
(22) Actual percentage and probability of left-edge tonal correspondence
Left-edge tonal
correspondence
*Left-edge tonal correspondence
Probability 68.75% 31.25%
Disyllabic EW 71.19% 28.09%
Actual percentage
Trisyllabic EW 73.14% 26.86%
In (22), whether the English words are disyllabic or trisyllabic, the actual percentage of the left-edge tonal correspondence is higher than the probability.
Therefore, we propose a constraint, as given in (23).
(23) RELCORR(T- ≧ T- ≧ T- ):
Let X be the stressed syllable in a borrowed word, and let Y and Z be the unstressed syllable in that word. Let X’s corresponding tone in the loanword be X’, Y’s corresponding tone in the loanword be Y’, and Z’s corresponding tone in the loanword be Z’. The left-edge pitch of X’ must not be lower than that of Z’ or that of Y’ if Z or Y neighbors with X.
Y
X Z
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Therefore, the ill-formed tonal combinations may be listed as follows.
(24) If X proceeds Y, and Y proceeds Z, and (i) Y’ = H, then *MH.H.Z’, *L.H.Z’.
(ii) Y’ = HL, then *MH.HL.Z’, *L.HL.Z’.
(iii) Y’ = MH, then *L.MH.Z’.
(25) If Z proceeds Y, and Y proceeds X, and (i) Y’ = H, then *Z’.H.MH, *Z’.H.L.
(ii) Y’ = HL, then *Z’.HL.MH, *Z’.HL.L.
(iii) Y’ = MH, then *Z’.MH.L.
RELCORR(T- ≧ T- ≧ T-) interacts with ANCHOR-R(H, σÂ) when the corresponding stressed syllable has an MH-tone and the corresponding unstressed syllable has an H-tone or an HL-tone. To rule out the two tonal patterns *MH.H and *MH.HL, RELCORR(T- ≧ T- ≧ T- ) must dominate ANCHOR-R(H, σÂ). Their ranking hierarchy is shown in (26).
(26) RELCORR(T- ≧ T- ≧ T- ) >> ANCHOR-L(H, σÂ), ANCHOR-R(H, σÂ),
X Y Z
X Y Z
X Y Z
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Input: Hamlet /hQÂmlIt/Output: (a) 哈姆雷特 /xa.mu.lei.tHF/ (H.L.MH.HL)
The tones of epenthetic syllables are not discussed here. In (27), candidate (c), such as 韓姆類特 /xan.mu.lei.tHF/ (MH.L.HL.HL), violates the RELCORR (T- ≧ T- ≧ T- ) constraint because the left-edge pitch of 韓 /xan/ (MH) is lower than that of 類 /lei/
(HL). Therefore, candidate (c) is ruled out. Candidate (a) and (b) are actually adapted, as they conform to RELCORR (T- ≧ T- ≧ T- ). Candidate (a) causes no violation, while candidate (b) violates the low ranked constraint ANCHOR-R(H, σÂ). Thus, candidate (a) is better and used more often than candidate (b). In general, candidates that conform to RELCORR (T- ≧ T- ≧ T- ) are possible outputs since the perceptual distinction between the stressed and unstressed syllables of the English word is
X Y Z
X Y Z
X Y Z
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preserved in the left-edge pitch of the tones in the Mandarin loanword. As for their frequencies of use, they may be in accordance with the tonal preference relation, as discussede in 4.3.
4.5 Summary
In this chapter, the relationship between English stress and Mandarin tones is analyzed in three aspects, under the framework of Optimality Theory. First, the analysis of the relationship between the voicing feature and tones suggests an interaction of voice enhancement and the selection of the H-tone. When the onset of an English stressed syllable is voiced, the H-tone and the MH-tone are alternatively chosen. In addition, when the H-tone is not available, the MH-tone, being iniially low-registered, is preferred. However, an English stressed syllable with a voiceless onset favors the HL-tone, which is iniially high-registered. In other words, voice enhancement determines the left-edge pitch of the tones corresponding to the English stressed syllables. This phenomenon is confined by the *[+voiced]/[+H]- and
*[-voiced]/[-H]- constraints.
Second, the analysis of the tone loans of varying frequencies of use indicates that the fewer and lower violations a tone brings about, the more preferred the candidate is by English stress, and more likely it is to have a higher frequency of use.
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Third, the perceptual distinction between the English stressed and unstressed syllables in an English word is retained on the left edge of the corresponding tones in the Mandarin loanword. Such phenomenon is under the restriction of the
RELCORR(T- ≧ T- ≧ T- ) constraints. X Y Z
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CHAPTER 5
CONCLUSION
5.1 Conclusion
This study has investigated the relationship between stress and tone in
English-to-Mandarin loanwords respectively in the aspects of a corpus and Optimality Theory. First of all, every syllable in the Mandarin loanwords is assigned one of the four tones. From the perspective of Optimality Theory, this phenomenon is confined by the*TONELESS constraint. With regard to English stress, namely, the pitch accent H, the observations show that the tone with a high pitch is preferred, such as the H-tone, MH-tone, and HL-tone. Among these three tones, the H-tone shows the most faithful mapping from the pitch accent H of English stressed syllables. Under the framework of Optimality Theory, the realization of the pitch accent H of the English stressed syllables is confined by two anchoring constraints, namely, ANCHOR-L(H, σÂ) and ANCHOR-R(H, σÂ).
In addition, the voicing feature of the onsets in the English stressed syllables
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plays a role in determining the corresponding tone in the Mandarin loanwords. That is, voice enhancement is reflected by the facts that an English stressed syllable with a voiceless onset favors an initially high-registered tone, and an English stressed syllables with a voiceless onset prefers an initially low-registered tone. Voice
enhancement is achieved by activation of the *[+voiced]/[+H]- and *[-voiced]/[-H]- constraints. Moreover, the alternative tonal adaptations of the English stressed
syllables with voiced onsets can be predicted by re-ranking the constraints. On the one hand, the H-tone is selected if ANCHOR-L(H, σÂ) and ANCHOR-R(H, σÂ) both outrank
*[+voiced]/[+H]-. On the other hand, the MH-tone is chosen if *[+voiced]/[+H]- dominates both anchoring constraints.
Furthermore, the tonal adaptation interacts with non-phonological factors as well.
Owing to the influence of the orthography of Mandarin Chinese, a tone can not be selected if it results in a systematic or an accidental gap. The avoidance of a gap is restricted by the *GAP constraint. In relation to the word frequency, a tone can not be chosen if the word frequency of the relevant Chinese characters is low. In addition, a verb, an interjection, an onomatopoeic word, or a noun referring to kinship is
prohibited in the Mandarin loanwords. This fact is confined by the VALIDWORD
constraint. In accordance with the corpus-based analysis, the majority of Chinese characters in loanwords are those with positive or neutral meanings. That is, a tone is
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avoided if the relevant words have negative meanings only. Theoretically speaking, the avoidance of words with negative meanings is restricted by the *[negative]
constraint.
Second, concerning the tonal preference relation shown by the English stressed syllables, some of the tones are used more often, while the others are less common.
Under the assumption that the more frequently used tones are more preferred by the English stressed syllables, the H-tone is more preferred than the MH-tone and the HL-tone, which are more preferred than the L-tone. From a theoretical perspective, the fewer violations of ANCHOR-L(H, σÂ) and ANCHOR-R(H, σÂ) a tone causes, the more likely it is to be selected for a corresponding stressed syllable, and the more likely it is to have a higher frequency of use. On the contrary, the more violations of ANCHOR-L(H, σÂ) and ANCHOR-R(H, σÂ) a tone causes, the less likely it is to be chosen for a corresponding stressed syllable, and the less likely it is to have a higher
frequency of use.
Finally, the distinction between the stressed and the unstressed syllables in English words is presented in the Mandarin loanwords. The corpus has shown that the left-edge pitch of a tone corresponding to the English stressed syllable is not lower than that of a tone corresponding to the English unstressed syllable in a tone toan.
From a theoretical point of view, the tonal distinction of the corresponding stressed
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and unstressed syllables is under the restriction of the RELCORR(T- ≧ T- ≧ T- ) constraint.
5.2 Further Issues
This study has manifested how the interaction of English stress and Mandarin tones in loanwords can be dealt with. The future research can be conducted in several aspects. The first is to inspect the relation between the L-tone and the English onsets, to see whether the selection of the L-tone is influenced by them. Second, to gain a deeper insight into the role that syllable number plays in the tonal adaptation, the investigation can be broadened by collecting Mandarin loanwords with more syllables, to see if the same patterns are retained. Third, the future research can also explore the tonal assignment of the epenthetic syllables. One of the possiblities is to refer to the default tone, namely, the H-tone (Yin 1991). Last but not the least, the future study can be employed to investigate Mandarin loanwords adapted from other stress languages to see if they can be interpreted by the same constraints with different rankings.
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