從借字看漢語聲調與英語輕重音的對應 - 政大學術集成

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(1)國立政治大學語言學研究所碩士論文. National Chengchi University Graduate Institute of Linguistics Master Thesis. 治指導教授：蕭宇超政大. 立 Advisor: Yuchau E. Hsiao ‧. ‧ 國. 學 sit. y. Nat. 從借字看漢語聲調與英語輕重音的對應. er. io. Stress-to-Tone Adaptation in Chinese Loanwords:. n. a Optimality Theory Perspective An v i l C n hengchi U. 研究生：王麗婷撰 Student: Li-ting Wang 中華民國九十九年七月 July, 2010.

(2) STRESS-TO-TONE ADAPTATION IN CHINESE LOANWORDS: AN OPTIMALITY THEORY PERSPECTIVE. BY Li-ting Wang. 學. ‧ 國. 立. 政治大. ‧ er. io. sit. y. Nat. n. Aa Thesis Submitted to the iv l C Graduate Institute of Linguistics n h e n g c hofitheU in Partial Fulfillment Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts. July, 2010.

(3) 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. c 2010 Copyright ○ Li-ting Wang All Right Reserved iii. v.

(4) Acknowledgements 很慶幸在這三年的研究生生涯當中，我總能得到最適切的幫助和鼓勵，在這論文即將付印之際，我的內心除了感恩，還是感恩。首先，我要向我的指導教授—蕭宇超老師致上最深的謝意。在面對研究的難題時，老師的指導和啟發，總讓我豁然開朗，並能更有信心地將議題一步一步地探究下去。因為有老師的一路上的諄諄教導和協助，我才能克服種種困難，而這本論文也才能順利完成。這三年來，我也在老師身上看到治學的態度和為人處事的智慧，這些都是我最珍貴的收穫。其次，要感謝我的口試委員—林蕙珊老師以及吳瑾瑋老師，謝謝兩位老師的建議和提醒，讓這本論文能更加完善。此外，也要感謝許多師長和同學們在研討會中提問與建議，提供我機會從不同的觀點檢視我的論文。感謝政大語言所的老師們，黃瓊之老師、何萬順老師、萬依萍老師、徐嘉慧老師、詹惠珍老師和莫建清老師，因為老師們的教導，讓我更進一步了解語言學的各個領域。同時，也要感謝助教學姊總是熱心地提供我所要的協助。感謝音韻理論工作室的學長姐，謝謝曉晴學姊和元翔學長在學術上的經驗分享，讓我遇到類似問題時能找到有效的解決方法。當然，還要感謝政大語言所的同學們，謝謝芮華、綠茜、復真和旺楨一路上的陪伴、扶持和打氣，也為我的研究所生涯注入歡笑和感動。感謝我的家人對我的關心，雖然我不常回家，但你們的關心我一直都感受得到。雖然爸爸只認得英文字母 ABC，但是仍在電話那頭說希望我也印一本給他留念，我很開心能是你們的驕傲。也謝謝李先生的支持與包容，你的「懂得」，使我得到勇往直前的力量。陳之藩的謝天一文中提到：「要感謝的人太多了，就感謝天罷。」謝謝老天爺的安排，使我在挫折氣餒的時候，總能得到協助與鼓勵。也謝謝老天爺一路上給我家教的機會，讓我能半工半讀完成學業，實現夢想。. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. iv. i n U. v.

(5) TABLE OF CONTENTS. 立. 政治大. page. ‧ 國. 學. Acknowledgements.......................................................................................................iv Chinese Abatract ........................................................................................................ viii. ‧. English Abstract .............................................................................................................x. y. sit. al. er. Introduction.............................................................................................................1. io. 1.. Nat. Chapter. v. n. 1.1 Introduction..............................................................................................1. Ch. engchi. i n U. 1.2 Sources of the Corpus ..............................................................................4 2.. Literature Review....................................................................................................5 2.1 Related Optimality Theory ......................................................................5 2.1.1 Optimality Theory...........................................................................5 2.1.2 Relational Correspondence .............................................................7 2.1.3 Anchoring........................................................................................8 2.2 Previous Studies.......................................................................................9 2.2.1 Wu C.’s (2006) Analysis .................................................................9 2.2.2 Wu H.’s (2006) Analysis ...............................................................12. v.

(6) 2.2.3 The Differences in Previous Studies .............................................13 3.. A Corpus-Based Analysis .....................................................................................15 3.1 Basics of the Corpus ..............................................................................15 3.2 Distribution of the Four Tones ...............................................................21 3.2.1 Loanwords from Monosyllabic English Words ............................21 3.2.2 Loanwords from Disyllabic English Words..................................22 3.2.3 Loanwords from Trisyllabic English Words .................................24 3.3 Mandarin Tones and English Onsets......................................................26. 政治大 3.3.2 Sonorants.......................................................................................33 立 3.3.1. Voiced Obstruents ........................................................................29. 3.3.3 Voiceless Obstruents .....................................................................37. ‧ 國. 學. 3.3.4 Zero Onset.....................................................................................40. ‧. 3.4 Tone Loans with Different Frequencies of Use .....................................42. y. Nat. 3.5 Distinction of Stressed and Unstressed Syllables ..................................45. er. io. An Optimality Theory Analysis of Stress-to-Tone Interactions in Mandarin. al. v i n Ch Loanwords...........................................................................................................53 engchi U n. 4.. sit. 3.6 Summary ................................................................................................51. 4.1 Introduction............................................................................................53 4.2. Voice Enhancement...............................................................................54 4.2.1 Voiced Osets..................................................................................54 4.2.2 Voiceless onsets.............................................................................68 4.2.3 Zero onset......................................................................................72 4.3 Frequencies of Use and the Tonal Preference Relation .........................75 4.4 Left-edge Tonal Correspondence ...........................................................77 4.5 Summary ................................................................................................81. 5.. Conclusion ............................................................................................................83 vi.

(7) 5.1 Conclusion .............................................................................................83 5.2 Further Issues .........................................................................................86 Bibliography ................................................................................................................87. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. vii. i n U. v.

(8) 國. 立. 政. 治. 大. 學. 研. 究. 所. 碩. 士. 論. 文. 提. 要. 研究所別：國立政治大學語言學研究所論文名稱：從借字看漢語聲調與英語輕重音的對應指導教授：蕭宇超研究生：王麗婷. 立. 政治大. 論文題要內容：(共一冊，14752 字，分五章，並扼要說明內容). ‧ 國. 學 ‧. 在有關漢語聲調與英語輕重音的借字研究中，英語重音與漢語聲調的對應並. Nat. io. sit. y. 不一致，因此，本篇研究分別從語料庫與優選理論的觀點，重新檢驗漢語借字中. er. 漢語聲調與英語輕重音的關係。觀察語料庫發現英語重音傾向與包含高音 (high. al. n. v i n CNCHOR pitch) 的聲調對應，因此本文提 A σÂ) 和 ANCHOR-R(H, σÂ) 制約，分 h e n-L(H, gchi U 別要求英語重音節的 H 音高要固定在對應音節聲調的左端或右端。在 *[+voiced]/[+H]- 和 *[-voiced]/[-H]- 的制約下，輸出值呈現 voice enhancement. 的效果。換句話說，*[+voiced]/[+H]- 制約要求含有聲聲母之英語重音節與低起始音域的聲調對應；*[-voiced]/[-H]- 制約要求含無聲聲母之英語重音節與高起始音域的聲調對應。含有聲聲母之英語重音節可能對應到高平調或中升調，制約層級的改變能預測之。若 ANCHOR-L(H, σÂ)與 ANCHOR-R(H, σÂ)支配. viii.

(9) *[+voiced]/[+H]- ，則高平調被選出，但是，若 *[+voiced]/[+H]- 支配 ANCHOR-L(H, σÂ) 與 ANCHOR-R(H, σÂ)，則中升調被選出。在 X. Y. Z. RELCORR(T- ≧ T- ≧ T- ) 制約的要求下，對應重音節聲調的左端調值不低於對應輕音節聲調的左端調值。. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. ix. i n U. v.

(10) Abstract. The studies of Mandarin loanwords adapted from English have suggested different tonal preferences in correspondence to English stress. This thesis reexamines. 政治大. the relationship between stress and tone in the English-to-Mandarin loanwords based. 立. on a corpus and the Optimality Theory. Two anchoring constraints, ANCHOR-L(H, σÂ). ‧ 國. 學. and ANCHOR-R(H, σÂ) are proposed to require the realization of the pitch accent H of. ‧. the English stressed syllables, indicating the fact that English stress prefers a tone. Nat. io. sit. y. with a high pitch. The *[+voiced]/[+H]- and *[-voiced]/[-H]- constraints show a. er. pattern of voice enhancement. *[+voiced]/[+H]- requires an English stressed syllable. al. n. v i n C han initially low-registered with a voiced onset to be adapted with e n g c h i U tone;. *[-voiced]/[-H]- requires an English stressed syllable with a voiceless onset to be adapted with an initially high-registered tone. In addition, constraint re-ranking predicts the alternatively choices between the H-tone and the MH-tone for an English stressed syllable with a voiced onset. The H-tone is selected if ANCHOR-L(H, σÂ) and ANCHOR-R(H, σÂ) outrank *[+voiced]/[+H]-; whereas the MH-tone is chosen if *[+voiced]/[+H]- dominates these two anchoring constraints. The. x.

(11) X. Y. Z. RELCORR(T- ≧ T- ≧ T- ) constraint requires a left-edge tonal correspondence, where the left-edge pitch of a tone that corresponds to an English stressed syllable is not lower than one that corresponds to an English unstressed syllable.. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. xi. i n U. v.

(12) CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION. 1.1 Introduction. 立. 政治大. This thesis adopts the Optimality Theory to investigate the interaction between. ‧ 國. 學. English stress and Mandarin tones in Mandarin loanwords. The main goal of this. ‧. study is to provide a theoretical account for the tonal adaptation of Mandarin. Nat. io. sit. y. loanwords adapted from English, regarding the relationship between stress and its. er. corresponding tone and the tonal relationship between corresponding stressed and. al. n. v i n C hin this thesis that tonal unstressed syllables. It is found e n g c h i U adaptation of the stressed. syllables is not only influenced by the onsets of the English words but based on the pitch distinction between English stressed and unstressed syllables. These patterns can be predicted by a set of ranked constraints. The study of the relationship between stress and tones in loanwords has been conducted by several researchers (Silverman 1992, Leben, 1996, Kenstowicz 2004, Kenstowicz and Suchato 2006, Hsieh and Kenstowicz 2006, Wu C. 2007). Moreover,. 1.

(13) 2. the relationship between English stress and Mandarin tones has been investigated in some studies (Wu C. 2006, Wu H. 2006). The results indicate different tonal preferences in correspondence to English stressed syllables. According to Wu C. (2006), the initial high-pitched tones, namely, the high level tone and the high falling tone, are usually assigned to the corresponding stressed syllables. However, based on Wu H. (2006), the examination on the tone loans adapted from the disyllabic English. 政治大. words reveals that English stress is usually realized as a high level tone or a mid rising. 立. tone, and that the high falling tone is least likely to be selected for the corresponding. ‧ 國. 學. stressed syllables. This thesis reexamines the tonal adaptation of Mandarin loanwords. ‧. adapted from English.. Nat. io. sit. y. To describe the actual tonal adaptation of English stressed and unstressed. al. er. syllables, a corpus is established so that the tonal preferences of the corresponding. n. v i n Cbehexamined from a U stressed and unstressed syllables can e n g c h i statistical point of view. The present corpus is classified according to syllable number. The examination of Mandarin loanwords deals with a number of issues. First of all, what are the tendencies of the tonal adaptation in terms of the corresponding stressed and unstressed syllables? Second, what factors influence the tonal adaptation? Third, since in many cases an English word has a variety of adapted forms, what is the range of acceptable tonal adaptation? Fourth, what is the relation between the tone for the.

(14) 3. corresponding stressed syllable and the tone for the corresponding unstressed syllable in a tone loan? The tonal adaptation of the English stressed and unstressed syllables reveals several patterns. First, when an English word is adapted into Mandarin Chinese, the pitch accent H of the English stressed syllable is retained in the H-tone, MH-tone, and HL-tone since all of them have a high pitch. The L-tone, however, shows the least. 政治大. faithful mapping from the pitch accent H because it is devoid of a high pitch. Thus, it. 立. is least likely to be chosen. In addition, the three tones that incorporate a high pitch. ‧ 國. 學. are not equally favored by English stress. The selection of the MH-tone or the. ‧. HL-tone is secondary to the H-tone. Second, voice enhancement is observed in the. Nat. io. sit. y. tones corresponding to the English stressed syllables. Third, the tonal preference. al. er. relation of the corresponding stressed syllables gives rise to a higher-lower frequency. n. v i n C h of a particular U of use of the adapted tonal patterns e n g c h i English word. Fourth, the pitch. distinction between the English stressed and unstressed syllables in an English word is preserved in the Mandarin tone loans. It is realized on the left edge of the corresponding tones. The organization of the thesis is as follows. Chapter 1 presents the research issues of this thesis and gives a description of the sources of the corpus. Chapter 2 reviews the related theories, including Optimality Theory and Relational.

(15) 4. Correspondence. It also reviews the two previous studies on the stress-to-tone relation of English-to-Mandarin loanwords. Chapter 3 offers the findings of the present corpus. Chapter 4 provides an analysis from the perspective of Optimality Theory. Chapter 5 concludes this thesis and points out several further issues.. 1.2 Sources of the Corpus. 治政 This thesis establishes a corpus of 833 tone loans of monosyllabic, disyllabic, 大立 ‧ 國. 學. and trisyllabic English words. The data are mainly from Guo Yu Ri Bao Wai Lai Yu Ci Dian (1981). This dictionary collects the loanwords that are transliterated only. ‧. according to sounds. In addition, it is the more frequently used loanwords in. sit. y. Nat. io. n. al. er. Mandarin Chinese that are collected. The borrowed language of each loanword is also. i n U. v. listed in the dictionary. Moreover, it also distinguishes the immediate borrowed. Ch. engchi. language from the original language(s). For example, the first word of 沙皇/ßa.xwaN/ (H.MH), the title of the former emperor of Russia, is immediately borrowed from czar in English. Czar in English is borrowed from czar in Polish. Czar in Polish is borrowed from Tsar’ in Russian. Tsar’ in Russian is borrowed from Kaisar in Gothic. Kaisar in Gothic is borrowed from Caesar in Latin. The present corpus incorporates loanwords in accordance with the listed borrowed language, namely English. In other words, the present corpus collects Mandarin loanwords adapted only from English..

(16) CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW. 2.1 Related Optimality Theory 2.1.1 Optimality Theory. 立. 政治大. ‧ 國. 學. Optimality Theory is proposed by Prince and Smolensky (1993/2004). In the framework of Optimality Theory, constraints are universal, and grammars are. ‧. rankings of a set of constraints. Given an input, Generator (GEN) generates an infinite. sit. y. Nat. io. n. al. er. number of candidates. Evaluator (EVAL) selects the candidate that best satisfies the. i n U. v. set of constraints, and this candidate thus becomes the output.. Ch. engchi. The constraints are mainly classified into two types, namely, faithfulness constraints and markedness constraints. Faithfulness constraints impose requirements on identity between the input and the output; markedness constraints emphasize the well-formedness of the output. These two types of constraints are in conflict with each other. Constraint ranking differs from language to language. Therefore, different rankings of constraints produce language-particular outputs. The following are three basic types of faithfulness constraints. 5.

(17) 6. (1) Basic faithfulness constraints (McCarthy and Prince 1995) (i) MAX-IO: Every input element must have its correspondent one in the output. (ii) DEP-IO: Every output element must have its correspondent one in the input. (iii) IDENT-IO: Every element in the input and in the output must be correspondent.. 政治大. The following are some markedness constraints relevant to tone.. 學. ‧ 國. 立. (2) Markedness constraints relevant to tonal issues (Yip 2002) *H: No high tones.. (ii). *CONTOUR: No contour tones.. (iii). ALIGH-R (H, STEM): Align every H tone with the right edge of some stem.. ‧. (i). n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. Furthermore, Yip (2002) postulates a tonal markedness hierarchy to capture cross-linguistic tonal distributions, as in (3).. (3) Tonal markedness hierarchy *RISE >> *FALL >> *H >> *L.

(18) 7. In other words, the rising tone is the most marked tone, whereas the low tone is the most unmarked.. 2.1.2 Relational Correspondence. Influenced by Correspondence Theory (McCarthy and Prince 1995), Hsieh (2007) proposes Relational Correspondence. Relational Correspondence is different from. 治政 ‘element-based Correspondence’ in that it centers on 大the contour preservation of 立 ‧ 國. 學. input-output and output-output mappings across two or more segments. This theory includes four types of relations governed by a family of faithfulness constraints, as. ‧. shown in (4).. n. Ch. engchi. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. (4) RELATIONAL CORRESPONDENCE (RELCORR). i n U. v. Let t1 be a tone value contained within Rime R, and S1 is the temporal span associated with t1. Let t2 be another tone value contained in Rime R, and S2 is the temporal span associated with t2. Let t1’ be the correspondent of t1 in Rime R’, and let t2’ be the correspondent of t2 in Rime R’. S1 proceeds S2. Let t1 = x, t2 = y, t1’ = a, t2’ = b. (i). The ‘greater than’ relation:. If x > y, then a > b (abbr. RELCORR(x > y)).

(19) 8. (ii). The ‘less than’ relation:. If x < y, then a < b (abbr. RELCORR(x < y)). (iii) The ‘equal to’ relation:. If x = y, then a = b (abbr. RELCORR(x = y)). (iv) The ‘non-equal to’ relation:. If x ≠ y, then a ≠ b (abbr. RELCORR(x ≠ y)). In this thesis, it is observed that the relative pitch height of the stressed and unstressed syllables of an English word is retained in the Mandarin tone loan. The concept of Relational Correspondence is applied to stress-to-tone mappings in 4.4.. 立. ‧ 國. 學. 2.1.3 Anchoring. 政治大. ‧. Distinct from derivational phonology, which views a reduplicant as the result of. sit. y. Nat. the left-to-right or the right-to-left copying of the segments in its base, Optimality. n. al. er. io. Theory posits that the segments of a reduplicant stand in correspondence with those in. Ch. i n U. v. the base. Therefore, McCarthy and Prince (1995) propose anchoring constraints to. engchi. reinterpret the concept of the direction of copying in derivational phonology. Anchoring constraints refer to correspondence between the targeted position in the base and the segment in the same position of the reduplicant, as given in (5).. (5) LEFT-ANCHOR (Base, Reduplicant): The left edge of the reduplicant corresponds to the left edge of the base (McCarthy and Prince 1995)..

(20) 9. According to Beckman (1999), anchoring constraints mark acoustically or perceptually prominent positions, namely, privileged positions. Moreover, it has been reported cross-linguistically that the left edge is the privileged position (Beckman 1999, Nelson 2003, Lunden 2004). 2.2 Previous Studies. 治政 It is found cross-linguistically that adaptation strategies 大 in loanwords seek to 立 ‧ 國. 學. maximize the perceptual and acoustic similarities between the sources and the adapted forms. At the same time, the surface forms have to conform to the phonological. ‧. regulations of the borrowing language. In literature, there are two arguments for the. sit. y. Nat. io. n. al. er. tonal adaptation of Mandarin loanwords adapted from English, namely, Wu C. (2006). i n U. v. and Wu H. (2006). In this section, we review these two studies, and look into some problems arising therein.. Ch. engchi. 2.2.1 Wu C.’s (2006) Analysis. According to Wu C. (2006), the corresponding stressed syllables show a tendency to be assigned high tones, that is, the high level tone and the high falling tone. On the contrary, they tend not to be assigned the low tone. High tones have.

(21) 10. similar characteristics to stress in terms of pitch and length. From her perspective, high tones are the prominent units for tone languages, and stress is the prominent unit for stress languages. Compared with the rising tone and the low tone, both the high level tone and the high falling tone have a high pitch in the beginning, resulting in a more prominent effect in perception. As for the rising tone and the low tone, the former is perceptually more prominent because it ends with a higher pitch.. 政治大. With regard to the unstressed syllables, Wu C. (2006) considers the epenthetic. 立. syllables and the unstressed syllables the same category. Their tonal assignments do. ‧ 國. 學. not exhibit any preference in general. In addition, an epenthetic syllable with an /s/. ‧. onset tends to be associated with a high level tone or a high falling tone, while one. Nat. io. sit. y. with a /t/ or a /d/ onset prefers a high falling tone.. n. al. er. From the perspective of Optimality Theory, Wu C. (2006) proposes the constraints as follows.. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. (6) FAITH-PROMINENCE: The prominent unit of an input must correspond to the prominent unit of its output. (7) σT: Every syllable in the outputs must have a tone. (8) * PROMINENCE/H：The prominent unit in an output does not associate with a high level tone..

(22) 11. (9) * PROMINENCE/HL：The prominent unit in an output does not associate with a high falling tone. (10) * PROMINENCE/MH：The prominent unit in anoutput does not associate with a rising tone. (11) * PROMINENCE/L：The prominent unit in an output does not associate with a low tone.. 立. 政治大. The constraint ranking is shown in (12).. ‧ 國. 學. Nat. al. er. io. sit. * PROMINENCE/HL, * PROMINENCE/H. y. ‧. (12) FAITH-PROMINENCE, σT >> * PROMINENCE/L, * PROMINENCE/MH >>. n. v i n C h the tone loan ofUguitar is evaluated in (13). The With these ranked constraints, engchi symbol ‘ ≅ ’ indicates English stress. Thus, ‘σ1σ ≅ 2’ means that the second syllable is stressed..

(23) 12. (13) Input：guitar (σ1σ ≅ 2). Output：σ1MHσ2 ≅ H. σ1 σ ≅ 2. FAITHPROM.. a) σ ≅ 1Hσ2L. *!. σT. * PROM/ L. 吉他/t˛i.tHa/. * PROM / MH. * PROM / HL. * PROM / H *. b) σ1MHσ2 ≅. *!. c) σ1MHσ2 ≅ H. *. d) σ1MHσ2 ≅ L. *!. e) σ1Hσ2 ≅ L. *!. 立. 政治大. 2.2.2 Wu H.’s (2006) Analysis. ‧ 國. 學. Wu H. (2006) investigates the monosyllabic and disyllabic Mandarin loanwords. ‧. adapted from English. The major observations are as follows. First, the falling tone. y. Nat. al. er. io. sit. tends to be chosen for the monosyllabic Mandarin loanwords. Second, the high level. v. n. tone and the rising tone are most preferred by the stressed syllables of disyllabice. Ch. engchi. i n U. English words. The high falling tone, however, is the least preferred. Third, the low tone is usually associated with the epenthetic syllables. Wu H. (2006: 238) argues that the strategies of tonal adaptation in Mandarin loanwords are influenced by the onsets and the biased native lexicon. The stressed syllable of an English word is the site where the H pitch is located. Therefore, in terms of tonal adaptation of disyllabic English words, the choice of the high level tone for the corresponding stressed syllables is straightforward. In contrast, the choice of.

(24) 13. the rising tone needs some explanation. Wu H. (2006) observes that stressed syllables whose onsets are sonorants or voiced stops tend to be associated with the rising tone. Therefore, Wu H. (2006) suggests that the choice of the rising tone results from the influence of depressor consonants, namely, sonorants and voiced obstruents. In general, the depressor consonants have a lowering effect on a following tone. This phenomenon is called ‘tonal depressing effect’, and is commonly found in languages.. 立. 政治大. 2.2.3 The Differences in Previous Studies. ‧ 國. 學. In terms of the tones that correspond to the English stressed syllables, Wu C.. ‧. (2006) finds that the high level tone and the high falling tone are preferred. However,. sit. y. Nat. io. n. al. er. Wu H. (2006) observed that the high level tone and the rising tone are preferred, and. i n U. v. that the high falling tone is the most disprefferred. Regarding the unstressed syllables,. Ch. engchi. Wu C. (2006) includes epenthetic syllables, while Wu H. (2006) does not discuss them. This thesis reexamines the relationship between stress and tone in English-to-Mandarin loanwords..

(25) 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. v.

(26) CHAPTER 3 A CORPUS-BASED ANALYSIS. 3.1 Basics of the Corpus. 政治大. 立. The present corpus contains a collection of Mandarin loanwords, with a total of. ‧ 國. 學. 833 tone loans from the monosyllabic, disyllabic, and trisyllabic English words. The. ‧. data are mainly collected from Guo Yu Ri Bao Wai Lai Yu Ci Dian (1981). This paper. Nat. io. sit. y. focuses on three kinds of information, namely, the tones that correspond to the. n. al. er. English stressed and unstressed syllables, the English segments, and the different tone. Ch. loans of each English word.. engchi. i n U. v. This corpus codes the tones that correspond to the English stressed and unstressed syllables for the investigation of the relationship between English stress and Mandarin tones. Moreover, it codes the segments of English words for the examination of the interaction between segmental features and tones. Finally, it codes the different tone loans of each English word for the comparison of the more and less frequently used tone loans.. 15.

(27) 16. The present corpus utilizes the format in Microsoft Office ExcelTM 2003, as given below.. (1) The present corpus. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. Microsoft Office ExcelTM 2003 is familiar to the public. The advantages of it are as follows. First, this program is convenient for the establishment of a small-sized database. It also serves as a convenient tool to update information and to sort tones according to the corresponding stressed or unstressed syllables. Second, due to its portability, the present corpus can be operated as long as a computer is available. Third, the corpus can be shared easily for academic research. In this corpus, the monosyllabic, disyllabic, and trisyllabic English words are.

(28) 17. respectively coded in separate categories. Each of the English words is serially numbered, as in (2), (3), and (4).. (2) Serial #: GYRB-M-006 (3) Serial #: GYRB-D-008 (4) Serial #: GYRB-T-010. 立. 政治大. The abbreviation ‘GYRB’ stands for Guo Yu Ri Bao Wai Lai Yu Ci Dian. The. ‧ 國. 學. following letters, ‘M’, ‘D’, and ‘T’, stand for the monosyllabic, disyllabic, and. ‧. trisyllabic English words, respectively. The number that follows ‘M’ in (1) refers to. Nat. io. sit. y. the sixth English word in the monosyllabic category. The number following ‘D’ in (2). al. er. refers to the eighth English word in the disyllabic category. The number following ‘T’. n. v i n C hword in the trisyllabic in (3) refers to the tenth English e n g c h i U category.. The linearty of English syllables ar ecoded. ‘1st’, ‘2nd’, and ‘3rd’ are respectively labeled to the first, second, and third English syllables. In addition, each of the English syllables is labeled as 1 , 2, or 3, meaning ‘primary stress’, ‘secondary stress’, or ‘unstressed’, respectively. The examples are given below..

(29) 18. (5) Coding of English stress Serial #. EW. 1st. 2nd. GYRB-D-028. bingo. 1. 3. GYRB-D-157. cartoon. 3. 1. The abbreviation ‘EW’ stands for ‘English word’. As for bingo, English stress is located in the first syllable, so it is coded as 1 in the column referring to the first. 政治大. syllable. Its second syllable is unstressed, so it is coded as 3 in the column indicating. 立. the second syllable.. ‧ 國. 學. With regard to the coding of the four Mandarin tones, this study follows the. ‧. convention in Wu C. (2006), in which the four tones in Mandarin Chinese are. y. Nat. al. er. io. sit. respectively represented as H, MH, L, and HL, as shown in (6). ‘LW’ stands for. n. ‘Mandarin loanword’. The examples in (5) are further illustrated in (6).. Ch. i n U. engchi. v. (6) Coding of tones in Mandarin loanwords Serial #. EW. 1st. 2nd. LW. 1st. 2nd. GYRB-D-028. bingo. 1. 3. 賓果. H. L. GYRB-D-157. cartoon. 3. 1. 卡通. L. H. Concerning the coding of the English segments, the IPA symbols are adopted. In addition, the segments are coded on the basis of syllable structure, namely, onset,.

(30) 19. nucleus, and coda. The following is an example of a monosyllabic English word.. (7) Coding of English segments EW Serial # Spelling. Onset. Nucleus. Coda. ton. tH. √. n. GYRB-M-039. 政治大. The present corpus is different from the corpora established in the previous. 立. studies in that it collects as many tone loans of each English word as possible. This. ‧ 國. 學. assumption is that the different tone loans of each English word may reflect an. ‧. acceptable range of tone loans, as they show the alternations in tonal choices.. y. Nat. al. er. io. sit. Therefore, in some cases, there may be a one-to-one relationship between an English. n. word and its corresponding tone loan, whereas in other cases, there may be a. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. one-to-many relationship between an English word and its tone loans. In cases of the one-to-many relationship, each of the loan forms is labeled numerally, as exemplified in (8).. (8) Coding of different tone loans of ‘martini’ Serial #. EW. GYRB-T-023. martini. LW1 馬丁尼. L.H.MH. LW2 馬蒂尼. M.HL.MH.

(31) 20. In the example above, the segmental information is omitted. The borrowed English word, martini, has two tone loans, respectively labeled as LW1 and LW2. Statistically speaking, there are 120 monosyllabic English words in the present corpus. 73 of them show a one-to-one relationship between the English word and the tone loan, while 47 have at least more than one Mandarin tone loan. In total, there are 188 tone loans adapted from the monosyllabic English words. In addition, there are 298. 政治大. disyllabic English words. 193 of them show a one-to-one relationship between the. 立. English word and the tone loan, while 105 of them show a one-to-many relationship.. ‧ 國. 學. Totally, there are 450 tone loans adapted from the diyllabic English words. Moreover,. ‧. there are 102 trisyllabic English words. 53 of them have only one tone loan, while 49. Nat. sit. al. er. io. trisyllabic English words.. y. have more than one tone loan. There are totally 195 tone loans adapted from the. n. v i n C h a one-to-one andUa one-to-many In this study, the distinction between engchi. relationship is based on tonal differences rather than orthographic ones. Take 迪斯可 /ti.sˆ.kHF/ (MH.H.L) and 狄斯可 /ti.sˆ.kHF/ (MH.H.L) for example. They appear as two different entries in the dictionary. However, both are adapted from the same English word disco /dIÂsko/, and they have same segmental sequences and same tonal pattern. The only difference between them lies in orthography. That is, the only one difference between them is the Chinese character that corresponds to the English.

(32) 21. stressed syllable /dI/. Thus, 迪斯可 /ti.sˆ.kHF/ (MH.H.L) and 狄斯可 /ti.sˆ.kHF/ (MH.H.L) are considered one loan form in the present corpus. The reason for this distinction is that the main concern of this study is the tonal adaptation in the loanwords. The orthographic alternations are not a target for discussion, so they are not taken into account.. 政治大. 3.2 Distribution of the Four Tones. 立. 3.2.1 Loanwords from Monosyllabic English Words. ‧ 國. 學. Table 3.1 summarizes the statistical result of the tonal adaptation of. ‧. monosyllabic English words.. io. sit. y. Nat. n. al. er. Table 3.1: Tonal Adaptation of the Monosyllabic EWs Tone H. Ch. Number. e n g61c h i. i n U. v Percentage 32.45%. MH. 47. 25.00%. L. 33. 17.55%. HL. 47. 25.00%. Total. 188. ≈ 100.00%. As shown in Table 3.1, the H-tone accounts for the highest percentage of the data, namely, 32.45%. The L-tone takes up the lowest percentage, namely, 17.55%. The MH-tone and the HL-tone account equally for the same percentage of the data, that is,.

(33) 22. 25.00%. In other words, the H-tone is the most favored tone in correspondence to English stress, the L-tone is the least favored tone, and the MH-tone and the HL-tone are in between.. 3.2.2 Loanwords from Disyllabic English Words. In this section, we take a look at the distribution of tones that respectively. 治政 correspond to the stressed and unstressed syllables of disyllabic 大 English words. First, 立 ‧. ‧ 國. 學. see the statistical result of the English stressed syllables, as shown in Table 3.2.. L HL Total. 150. 33.71%. 116. iv n U 15.96%. C h71 engchi. er. al. Percentage. sit. Number. n. MH. io. H. Nat. Tone. y. Table 3.2: Tonal Adaptation of the Stressed Syllables in Disyllabic EWs. 26.07%. 108. 24.27%. 445. ≈ 100.00%. The result shown in Table 3.2 is similar to the one in Table 3.1. Here, the H-tone is also the most preferred tone, accounting for 33.71%. The L-tone is the least preferred choice, taking up 15.96%. Both the MH-tone and the HL-tone are in between. They account for a similar percentage, namely 26.07% and 24.27%.

(34) 23. respectively. Second, Table 3.3 provides the statistical result of the English unstressed syllables.. Table 3.3: Tonal Adaptation of the Unstressed Syllables in Disyllabic EWs Tone. Number. H. Percentage. 123. MH L HL. 立. 27.64%. 131 政 68治大 123. 27.64%. 445. ≈ 100.00%. ‧. ‧ 國. 15.28%. 學. Total. 29.44%. As shown in Table 3.3, the L-tone accounts for the lowest percentage of the data,. sit. y. Nat. io. n. al. er. namely, 15.28%, while the MH-tone accounts for the highest percentage, namely,. i n U. v. 29.44%. In fact, the pitch of the unstressed syllable is lower than that of the stressed. Ch. engchi. one in an English disyllabic word. Thus, the statistical result above brings about a difficulty in explanation if we assume that the lower pitch in an English word corresponds to a lower tone in the Mandarin loanword. We will explore more on the distribution of the four Mandarin tones corresponding to the English unstressed syllables by examining the Mandarin loanwords from trisyllabic English words in the following section..

(35) 24. 3.2.3 Loanwords from Trisyllabic English Words. In this section, we examine the distribution of the tones that respectively correspond to the stressed and unstressed syllables of trisyllabic English words. First, we look at the statistical result of the tonal adaptation of the English stressed syllables, as shown in Table 3.4.. 治政 Table 3.4: Tonal Adaptation of the Stressed Syllables 大in Trisyllabic EWs 立 Number Tone Percentage 31.28%. MH. 41. 21.03%. L. 33. 16.92%. 60. 30.77%. 195. ≈ 100.00%. io. al. y. sit. Nat. Total. er. HL. ‧. ‧ 國. 61. 學. H. n. v i n C h for the H-tone isUsimilar to that of the Table 3.4 shows that the percentage engchi HL-tone. However, the percentage for the H-tone is still higher than that of the HL-tone. The L-tone accounts for the minority of the data. The percentages of the MH-tone and HL-tone are between the highest and the lowest percentages. In other words, the result shown here is consistent with the results shown in Table 3.1 and Table 3.2. Concerning the tones corresponding to the English unstressed syllables, the.

(36) 25. statistical result is given in Table 3.5.. Table 3.5: Tonal Adaptation of the Unstressed Syllables in Trisyllabic EWs Tone. Number. Percentage. H. 102. 27.15%. MH. 93. 24.73%. L. 63. 16.67%. HL. 118. 31.45%. Total. 376. ≈ 100.00%. 立. 政治大. ‧ 國. 學. Table 3.5 shows that the L-tone accounts for the lowest percentage of the data, which is opposite to our expectation. Just as the dilemma presented in Table 3.3 in 3.2.2, the. ‧. statistical result here also leads to a difficulty in explanation here if we assume that a. sit. y. Nat. io. n. al. er. lower pitch in an English word corresponds to a lower tone in the Mandarin loanword.. i n U. v. We will offer in 3.5 a solution to Table 3.3 and Table 3.5 by examining the data in the. Ch. engchi. aspect of relative relation of the tones corresponding to the English stressed and unstressed syllables. In general, the examination of the distribution of the four Mandarin tones corresponding to the English stressed syllables reveals that the H-tone is the most preferred tone, and that the L-tone is the most dispreferred tone, and tha the MH-tone and the HL-tone are in between. Following Beckman and Pierrehumbert (1986), Goldsmith (1976), Liberman (1975), and Pierrehumbert (1980), we assume that.

(37) 26. English has a pitch accent H in neutral intonation and H is associated with a lexically stressed syllable. Therefore, some implications can be drawn from Table 3.1, Table 3.2, and table 3.4. First, with a high pitch on the left and right edges, the H-tone is the most preferred because it is the most faithful mapping from the pitch accent H of the English stressed syllables. Second, without an H on both edges, the L-tone is the least preferred tone because it is the least faithful mapping from the pitch accent H. Finally,. 政治大. with a high pitch on only one side, the MH-tone and the HL-tone are worse than the. 立. H-tone, but they are better than the L-tone. As a result, the MH-tone and the HL-tone. ‧ 國. 學. are between the most preferred and most dispreferred tonal choices for English stress.. ‧ y. Nat. n. er. io. al. sit. 3.3 Mandarin Tones and English Onsets. i n U. v. In this section, we investigate the interaction between the tones and the voicing. Ch. engchi. feature of the onsets in the English stressed syllables. We respectively examine the tones corresponding to the English stressed syllables whose onsets are voiced obstruents, sonorants, voiceless obstruents, and zero onset. The observations reveal that the tonal adaptation of the English stressed syllables is the result of the interaction between maintenance of an H pitch from the English stress and voice enhancement. In addition, since the use of the L-tone for the English stressed syllables is found in a small amount of data, I consider it the tone most dispreferred by English stress..

(38) 27. As shown in Table 3.6, the L-tone accounts for only 17.55% of the tones corresponding to the monosyllabic English words, and accounts for only 15.96% of the tones corresponding to the stressed syllables in the disyllabic English words. The L-tone also accounts for only 16.92% of the tones corresponding to the stressed syllables in the trisyllabic English words. In general, the percentages in monosyllabic, disyllabic, trisyllabic English words are low and similar. Thus, association with the. 政治大. most dispreferred tone, namely, the L-tone, is considered exceptions, and will not be. 立. discussed further.. ‧. ‧ 國. 學 Number Percentage. n. al. Monosyllabic EW. Ch. 33. e n g c h i71. Disyllabic EW. Trisyllabic EW. 33. er. io. sit. Nat. L-tone. y. Table 3.6: Number and Percentage of the L-tone. i n U. v. 17.55%. 15.96% 16.92%. Moreover, the tonal choices of English-to-Mandarin loanwords are influenced by Chinese orthography and word meanings. Therefore, some relevant criteria are adopted to analyze the corpus so that the non-phonological factors can be excluded. The analysis may be separated into two conditions based on what tones are available.

(39) 28. to be chosen for the syllables in the Mandarin loanwords. For the first condition, the H-tone, the MH-tone, and the HL-tone are all available for tonal adaptation. For the second condition, only the two tones, the MH-tone and the HL-tone, are available. We adopt three criteria to distinguish the available and the non-available tones. First of all, we refer to a tone as a non-available tone if its association with the syllable leads to a systematic or an accidental gap. Second, we regard the tone as a. 政治大. non-available one if its association with the syllable only gives rise to invalid Chinese. 立. words, such as a word with a low word frequency1, a verb, an interjection, an. ‧ 國. 學. onomatopoeic word, or a noun referring to kinship. The present corpus reveals that. ‧. words of these kinds are avoided. Exceptions account for very minor data, namely,. Nat. io. sit. y. only 8.92%. One possible explanation is that the majority of the borrowed English. al. er. words are nouns, so the Chinese characters with non-noun forms are dispreferred.. n. v i n C h if its associationUwith the syllable only leads Third, a tone is considered non-available engchi to the Chinese words with negative meanings only. In the present corpus, only one example, 威士忌 /wei.ßˆ.t˛i/ (H.HL.HL) adapted from whiskey, is found to use a word only with negative meanings. In 威士忌 /wei.ßˆ.t˛i/ (H.HL.HL), the word corresponding to the English unstressed syllable, 忌 /t˛i/ (HL), only has two negative meanings, ‘being jealous’ and ‘to avoid’. In other words, most of the Chinese 1. The coding of word frequencies is based on the Corpus of Word Frequencies of Modern Mandarin Chinese, which is established by Institute of Linguistics, Academia Sinica (中研院現代漢語語料庫詞頻統計). In this thesis, a word frequency smaller than ‘one’ is considered low..

(40) 29. loanwords adapt Chinese words with positive or neutral meanings.. 3.3.1. Voiced Obstruents. We begin with the examination on the tones corresponding to the English stressed syllables with voiced obstruent onsets. The result is exhibited below.. 治政 Table 3.7: Tonal Adaptation of the English Stressed 大 Syllables with Voiced 立 ‧ 國. The First Condition. 學. Obstruent Onsets. The Second Condition. ‧. MH, HL. HL. MH. HL. Monosyllabic EW. 6. 4. 0. 0. al. 14. 10. 0. 5. e n g3c h i. 25. 17. n. Trisyllabic EW Total. Ch. 1. er. io. Disyllabic EW. y. MH. Nat. H. sit. H, MH, HL. i n U. v. 4. 0. 0. 0. 0. 0. 5. 0. As shown in Table 3.7, under the first condition, namely, the H-tone, the MH-tone, and the HL-tone are all available, 25 of the 42 tokens are adapted as the H-tone, and 17 of them are adapted as the MH-tone. The selection of the HL-tone is not found.That is, 59.52% of the tones are adapted as the H-tone. 40.48% are adapted.

(41) 30. as the MH-tone. Based on the result that nearly a half of the data are realized as the H-tone, and that the other half are realized as the MH-tone, we refer to the H-tone and the MH-tone as alternative tonal adaptations of the English stressed syllables whose onsets are voiced obstruents. The examples are provided in (9). Boldface indicates the correspondents of English stress; the epenthetic syllables are underlined.. 政治大. (9). 立. 學. ‧ 國. (i) Adaptation of the H-tone a.. GYRB-M-007 valve. /vQlv/. 伐. /fa/. b.. GYRB-M-088 gene. /dZiÂn/. 基因. /t˛i.in/. c.. GYRB-D-032. /biÂtl6z/. 披頭四. /pHi.tHou.sˆ/. d.. GYRB-T-001. /bAlboÂ´/. 巴波亞. /pa.pwo.ja/. 閥. i n /fa/ U. 吉普. /t˛i.pHu /. MH.L. io. n. al. y. H.H.HL. er. (ii) Adaptation of the MH-tone. H.MH.HL. sit. Nat. Balboa. H.H. ‧. Beatles. H. Ch. /vQlv/. v. e.. GYRB-M-007 valve. f.. GYRB-M-090 jeep. /dZiÂp/. g.. GYRB-D-088. Disney. /dIÂznI/. 迪士尼. /ti.ßˆ.ni/. MH.HL.MH. h.. GYRB-T-102. vitamin. /vaÂIt´mIn/. 維他命. /wei.tHa.miN/. MH.H.HL. engchi. MH. In (9), the H-tone, the MH-tone, and the HL-tone are all available for the corresponding stressed syllables. Take valve for example. It is adapted with the H-tone, namely, 伐 /fa/ (H), as in (9a). It is also adapted with the MH-tone, namely,.

(42) 31. 閥 /fa/ (MH), as in (9e). The HL-tone, such as 法 /fa/ (HL), is available , but it is avoided. In addition, gene is adapted with the H-tone, namely, 基 /t˛i/, as in (9b), whereas jeep is adapted with the MH-tone, namely, 吉 /t˛i/ (MH), as in (9f). The HL-tone, like 際 /t˛i/ (HL), is valid, but it is not selected neither by (9b) nor by (9f). We may thus refer to the H-tone as realization of the most faithful mapping from the pitch accent H of the English stressed syllables. At the same time, we see the. 政治大. MH-tone as the realization of voice enhancement (Hsieh and Kenstowicz 2006, Kim. 立. 2006), as discussed below.. ‧ 國. 學. According to Bao (1999), a mid tone has dual characteristics. One is a low tone. ‧. of the high register, namely, [H, l]; the other is a high tone of the low register, namely,. Nat. io. sit. y. [L, h]. Hsu (2008) indicates that only one of the two characteristics is present in a. al. er. language. Specifically speaking, Hsu (2008) investigates Xiamen, and refers to the. n. v i n Ctone mid tone in Xiamen as a high register. Following Hsu (2008), we h eofntheglow chi U. propose that the mid tone in Mandarin Chinese belongs to a low register. In addition, according to voice enhancement (Hsieh and Kenstowicz 2006, Kim 2006), a syllable is assigned to the higher pitch register when the onset is [-voiced], and a syllable is assigned to the lower pitch register when the onset is [+voiced]. Hence, regarding the MH-tone in Mandarin Chinese, its left-edge pitch is low-registered. Therefore, we assume that the selection of the MH-tone is the realization of voice enhancement, the.

(43) 32. cause of which is the onset of the stressed syllable in a borrowed English word and the effect of which is achieved on the left edge of the corresponding tone in the Mandarin loanword. That is, the H-tone is selected when the native Mandarin speakers adopt the tonal adaptation strategy to realize the most faithful mapping between stress and tone. However, at times, the strategy is influenced by voice enhancement when the stressed. 政治大. syllable in an English word has a voiced onset. Consequently, in addition to the. 立. H-tone, the MH-tone is alternatively chosen as well.. ‧ 國. 學. With respect to the second condition in Table 3.7, all of the five tokens are. ‧. adapted as the MH-tone when only the MH-tone and the HL-tone are available. In. Nat. io. sit. y. other words, 100.00% of the tones are assigned the MH-tone. The HL-tone is. er. completely avoided. This again reflects voice enhancement. The preference for the. al. n. v i n MH-tone over the HL-tone confirmsCthat left edge that voice enhancement h eit isnongthe chi U is realized. Namely, an English stressed syllable with a voiced obstruent onset prefers a corresponding tone that is low-registered rather than high-registered on the left edge. See the examples in (10).. (10) a.. GYRB-M-036 dyne. /daÂIn/. 達因. /ta.in/. MH.H.

(44) 33. b.. Dacron /dAÂkrń/. GYRB-D-079. 達克龍. /ta.kHF.loN/ MH.HL.MH. In (10), the H-tone is not available. That is, among the Chinese characters associated with the syllable /ta/ and the H-tone, only 搭 /ta/ (H) can be found if words with a low word frequency are excluded. However, 搭 /ta/ (H) is a verb, meaning ‘to construct or to travel by’. Since a verb is not a valid word for loanwords, it is not an available tone. On the other hand, the HL-tone is available, such as 大 /ta/ (HL).. 政治大 However, it is avoided because voice enhancement is not realized on the left edge. 立. ‧ 國. 學. Namely, when the English stressed syllable has a voiced obstruent onset, a tone whose. ‧. left edge is not low-registered is dispreferred in the loanword.. n. al. er. io. sit. y. Nat 3.3.2 Sonorants. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. Now we look at the tones corresponding to the English stressed syllables with sonorant onsets..

(45) 34. Table 3.8: Tonal Adaptation of the English Stressed Syllables with Sonorant Onsets The First Condition. The Second Condition. H, MH, HL. MH, HL. H. MH. HL. MH. HL. Monosyllabic EW. 2. 3. 0. 4. 3. Disyllabic EW. 6. 3. 0. 17. 3. Trisyllabic EW. 2. 0. 0. 2. 2. Total. 10. 6. 立. 政 0治大 23. 8. ‧ 國. 學. Table 3.8 reveals consistent result with Table 3.7.In other words, the English stressed. ‧. syllables whose onsets are sonorants or voiced obstruents show the same tonal. y. Nat. al. er. io. sit. preference. I consider the tonal similarity of these corresponding stressed syllables is. v. n. based on their shared voicing feature from the English source sylllables, namely, the. Ch. engchi. i n U. [+voiced] feature. Under the first condition in Table 3.8, 10 of the 16 tokens are adapted with the H-tone, and 6 of them are associated with the MH-tone. The HL-tone is not found. Namely, the H-tone accounts for 62.50% of the data, and the MH-tone accounts for 37.50% of the data. Thus, the H-tone and the MH-tone are alternative selections. The examples are shown in (11)..

(46) 35. (11) (i) Adaptation of the H-tone a.. GYRB-D-286. yeti. /jEÂÂtI/. 耶提. /je.tHi/. H.MH. b.. GYRB-D-290. UFO. /juÂfo/. 幽浮. /jou.fu/. H.MH. c.. GYRB-D-294. waffle. /wAÂfl™/. 威化(餅). /wei.hxa/. H.HL. 華爾滋. /xwa.‘.tsˆ/ MH.L.H. (ii) Adaptation of the the MH-tone /wçÂÂlts/. d.. GYRB-M-083 Waltz. e.. GYRB-D-196. Warsaw (pact). f.. GYRB-D-292. Yankee. 立. 華沙. 政治(公約)大 /jAÂNkI/ 揚基(隊) /wçÂrsç/. /xwa.ßa/. MH.H.. /jaN.t˛i/. MH.H. ‧ 國. 學 ‧. In (11), the H-tone, the MH-tone, and the HL-tone are all available to the. sit. y. Nat. corresponding stressed syllables. For instance, 維 /wei/ (MH) and 衛 /wei/ (HL) are. n. al. er. io. valid for (11c). 花 /xwa/ (H) and 化 /xwa/ (HL) are legitimate for (9d) and (9e), but they are not selected.. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. Under the second condition, the MH-tone is much more frequently chosen than the HL-tone. 23 of the 31 tokens are adapted as the MH-tone, and eight of them are adapted as the HL-tone. In other words, MH-tone takes up the majority of the data, accounting for 74.19%. Examples can be seen in (12)..

(47) 36. (12) a.. GYRB-M-054. lime. /laÂIm/. 萊姆. /lai.mu/. MH.L. b.. GYRB-D-044. modern. /mAÂd‘n/. 摩登. /mwo.tń/. MH.H. c.. GYRB-D-119. lining. /laÂIlIN/. 來令. /lai.liN/. MH.HL. d.. GYRB-D-133. Roman. /roÂmń/. 羅馬. /lwo.ma/. MH.L. e.. GYRB-T-068. waterloo /wçt‘luÂ/. 滑鐵盧. /xwa.tje.lu/. MH.L.MH. Take (12a) and (12c) for example. The H-tone is not available because it results in a. 政治大 gap. However, the HL-tone is available, such as 籟 /lai/ (HL), but it is avoided. 立. ‧ 國. 學. Concerning (12b), the H-tone is not available since only the verb 摸 /mwo/ (H),. ‧. meaning ‘to feel by touch’, can be found if the words of the low word frequency are. sit. y. Nat. excluded. A verb, however, is not a valid word for loanwords. Still, the HL-tone is. n. al. er. io. available, such as 默 /mwo/ (HL) and 墨 /mwo/ (HL), but it is avoided. As far as. Ch. i n U. v. (12d) and (12e) are concerned, the H-tone is not available because what can be found. engchi. are words with negative meanings, such as 囉 /lwo/ (H) and 嚕 /lu/ (H), meaning ‘verbose’. Yet, the HL-tone is available, like 絡 /lwo/ (HL), 洛 / lwo/ (HL), 錄/lu / (HL), and 露 /lu/ (HL), but it is avoided due to disobedience to voice enhancement. Generally speaking, the HL-tone is consistently avoided. In other words, a tone whose left edge is not low-registered is dispreferred in a loanword when the English stressed syllable has a sonorant onset..

(48) 37. Like voiced obstruents, sonorants are [+voiced] as well. Therefore, we propose that the English stressed syllables with [+voiced] onsets show similar tonal adaptation.. 3.3.3 Voiceless Obstruents. Here we look at the tones corresponding to the English stressed syllables whose. 治政 onsets are voiceless obstruents. 大立 ‧ 國. 學. Table 3.9: Tonal Adaptation of the English Stressed Syllables with Voiceless. ‧. Obstruent Onsets. y. Nat. er. io. H, MH, HL. n. al. CHh. The Second Condition. sit. The First Condition. n U engchi MH. HL. 3. iv. MH, HL. MH. HL. 2. 0. 3. Monosyllabic EW. 16. Disyllabic EW. 45. 6. 13. 2. 5. Trisyllabic EW. 7. 0. 0. 1. 0. Total. 68. 9. 15. 3. 8. As for the first condition, 68 of the 92 tokens are adapted as the H-tone, 9 of them are associated with the MH-tone, and 15 of them are associated with the HL-tone. In.

(49) 38. other words, 73.91% are adapted as the H-tone, faithfully corresponding to the pitch accent of H of English stress. This again shows that the most faithful correspondence to the pitch accent H of the English stressed syllables is dominant. The examples are given in (13).. (13) /kjUÂrI/. 居禮治 /t˛y.li/ 政大 /kHAÂrn´vl/ 嘉年華 /t˛ja.nje.xha/ 立. Curie. b.. T-073. carnival. c.. T-015. bikini. d.. T-078. Shangrila. /bIkiÂnI/. 比基尼. /pi.t˛i.ni/. /SAÂNgrIlAÂ/. 香格里拉. /˛jaN.kF.li.la/. H.L H.MH.MH L. H. MH H.MH.L.H. ‧. ‧ 國. D-212. 學. a.. Nat. io. sit. y. For each example in (13), in addition to the H-tone, the MH-tone and the. al. er. HL-tone are also available. Take (a) for instance. 菊 /t˛y/ (MH) and 具 /t˛y/ (HL). n. v i n C h stressed syllable. are legitimate words for the corresponding e n g c h i U Concerning (c), 吉 /t˛i/ (MH) and 際 /t˛i/ (HL) are legitimate for the corresponding stressed syllable. As to (d), 祥 /˛jaN/ (MH) and 項 /˛jaN/ (HL) are valid for the corresponding stressed syllable. However, the MH-tone and the HL-tone show the less faithful mapping from the pitch accent H of the English stressed syllables if compared with the H-tone. Thus, they are avoided. With respect to the second condition, the HL-tone is much more frequently.

(50) 39. selected than the MH-tone. Eight of the 11 tokens are adapted as the HL-tone, and three of them are adapted as the MH-tone. That is, the HL-tone accounts for the majority of the data, with the percentage 72.73%. This again reflects voice enhancement in relation to [-voiced] onset feature. The preference for the HL-tone over the MH-tone suggests that a stressed syllable with a voiceless obstruent onset prefers a tone whose beginning pitch is high-registered, but not a tone whose ending. 政治大. pitch is high-registered. In consequence, instead of the right edge, the left edge of a. 立. enhancement is reflected. Examples are shown in (14).. sit. y. al. /tHŒÂ’bIn/. 透平（機） /tHou.pHiN(.t˛i)/. HL.MH(.H). /hEÂpbŒ’n/. 赫本(頭). iv /xF.pń(.tHou)/ n U. HL.L(.MH). er. D-187. ‧. c.. turbine. n. D101. io. a.. Nat. (14). 學. ‧ 國. tone that corresponds to an English stressed syllable is the location where voice. Hepburn (cut). Ch. engchi. Regarding (a), the H-tone is not available because only the word 偷 /tHou/ (H), which carries a negative meaning, ‘to steal’, can be found if the words with the low word frequency are excluded. However, the MH-tone is available, such as 頭/tHou/ (MH), but it is not selected. In terms of (b), the H-tone is not available, either. Although 喝 /xF/ (H) is the only one frequently used Chinese character associated.

(51) 40. with the syllable /xF/ and the H-tone, it is not a legitimate word for lonawords due to its part of speech, a verb. Yet, the MH-tone is available, such as 荷 /xF/ (MH) and 禾 /xF/ (MH). However, the MH-tone is not chosen. The MH-tone is avoided because voice enhancement is not realized on the left edge. That is, when the English stressed syllable has a voiceless onset, a tone whose left edge is not high-registered is dispreferred in the loanword.. 立. 3.3.4 Zero Onset. 政治大. ‧ 國. 學. In this section, we take a look at the tones that correspond to the onsetless. ‧. English stressed syllables.. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. i n U. v. Table 3.10: Tonal Adaptation of the Onsetless English Stressed Syllables. Ch. e n g c h i The Second Condition. The First Condition H, MH, HL. MH, HL. H. MH. HL. MH. HL. Monosyllabic EW. 3. 0. 0. 0. 0. Disyllabic EW. 6. 0. 1. 0. 1. Trisyllabic EW. 2. 0. 1. 0. 0. Total. 11. 0. 2. 0. 1.

(52) 41. As shown above, under the first condition, not all of the three tones are chosen. 11 of the 13 tokens are adapted as the H-tone, and 2 of them are associated with the HL-tone. The adaptation of the MH tone is not found. That is to say, a majority of the data, namely, 84.62% ,are associated with the H-tone. The H-tone is most preferred because it faithfully realizes the pitch accent H of the English stressed syllables in the loanwords. The examples are shown in (15).. 政治大. 立. 學. ‧ 國. (15) GYRB-D-280. Islam. /iÂsl´m/. 伊斯蘭. /i.sˆ.lan/. H.H.MH. b.. GYRB-D-281. Aesop (’s fabls). /iÂsAp/. 伊索 (寓言). /i.swo/. H.L. ‧. a.. sit. y. Nat. n. al. er. io. In (15), in addition to the H-tone, the MH-tone and the HL-tone are available. For. Ch. i n U. v. example, 宜 /i/ (MH), 怡 /i/ (MH), 誼 /i/ (MH), 益 /i/ (HL), 意 /i/ (HL), and 義. engchi. /i/ (HL) are legitimate for (a) and (b). However, without any influence of the English onsets, the MH-tone and the HL-tone are avoided because they show a less faithful mapping from the pitch accent H of the English stressed syllables. Concerning the second condition, the examples of such cases in the present corpus are few. Only one example is found. Thus, the adaptations of the MH-tone and the HL-tone are not discussed here..

(53) 42. 3.4 Tone Loans with Different Frequencies of Use. This section centers on the different tone loans of each English word. When an English word is adapted into more than one tone loan, these different tone loans are used with varying frequencies of use. That is, some are used more often, while others are less often. This implies that some tone loans are more preferred than the others. This section investigates the relationship between tonal differences and their different frequencies of use.. 立. 政治大. ‧ 國. 學. The criterion used to determine the frequency of use is based on searches performed by using Google search engine. Namely, we record the number of. ‧. webpages that contain items that conform to our search requirements. In order to. sit. y. Nat. io. n. al. er. understand the frequency of use of each tone loan in Taiwan, the search engine was. i n U. v. set to find webpages in Taiwan. At the same time, two kinds of webpages were. Ch. engchi. excluded: (i) webpages that present only part of the item we require and (ii) the webpages that show each of the Chinese characters of the required item in separated phrases. Consequently, we set the search engine to find the webpages that include the complete phrase of the target item. The frequency of use of each tone loan was searched and recorded in February, 2010. The following account focuses on tone loans adapted from disyllabic and trisyllabic English words. As for loanwords from monosyllabic English words, most.

(54) 43. of them remain monosyllabic in loan forms. Thus, it is difficult to distinguish ‘the frequencies of use of loanwords’ from ‘the frequencies of use of non-loanwords’ via the search engine. Consequently, the tone loans from the monosyllabic English words are not discussed here. In relation to the method of calculation, for instance, among the different tone loans of a particular English word, we refer to one token of the H-tone if the. 政治大. frequency of use of the H-tone is higher than those of the other three tones. We adopt. 立. the same method to calculate the MH-tone, the HL-tone, and the L-tone. The results. ‧ 國. 學. are shown below. The symbol ‘>’ stands for ‘has higher frequency of use than’.. al. n H Number: 35. > MH. Ch. 28. > HL. e n g c23h i. sit er. io. (i) Adapted from disyllabic English words. iv L n U. >. 13. (ii) Adapted from trisyllabic English words H Number: 17. > HL 11. > MH 12. y. ‧. Nat. (16) Tones corresponding to the English stressed syllables. >. L 9. The results shown in (16) can be concluded in (17)..

(55) 44. (17) Tonal preference relation of English stressed syllables H > {HL, MH} > L. As shown in (17), the loanwords whose corresponding stressed syllables are assigned the H-tone are more frequently used if compared with those whose corresponding stressed syllables are adapted with the other three tones. Moreover, loanwords whose. 政治大. corresponding stressed syllables are assigned the HL-tone or MH-tone are more. 立. frequently used than those whose corresponding stressed syllables are adapted with. ‧ 國. 學. the L-tone. We refer to the relationship of the four Mandarin tones in loanwords as a. ‧. tonal preference relation. Namely, with regard to the English stressed syllables, the. Nat. io. sit. y. H-tone is more preferred than the MH-tone and the HL-tone, which in turn are more. al. er. preferred than the L-tone. In sum, among the different tone loans of each English. n. v i n word, a tone loan is more frequentlyCused with the other ones whose h ewhen n gcompared chi U corresponding stressed syllables are adapted with the less preferred tones. The examples are given in (18)..

(56) 45. (18) Tones coreesponding to the English stressed syllables: H > HL Frequency of use1. LW1 /wei.ßˆ. t˛i/. GYRB威士忌 D-295. LW2 /wei.ßˆ. t˛i/. 3,070,000 衞士忌. (H.HL.HL). BYRB-. 5. (HL.HL.HL). /xa.mu.lei.tHF/. /xan.mu.lai.tHF/ 314,000 漢姆來特. 哈姆雷特. 2. D-181. (H.L.MH.HL). (H.L.MH.HL). GYRB-. /ma.tiN.ni/. /ma.tiN.ni/ 39,100 馬蒂尼. 馬丁尼 T-023. Freqqueny of use2. (L.H.MH). 立. 1,360 (L.HL.MH). 政治大. ‧ 國. 學. The tonal preference relation shown in (17) is not found with regard to the English unstressed syllables. In addition, any tendency of the tonal adaptation of the. ‧. English unstressed syllables is not found, either. Therefore, the English unstressed. sit. y. Nat. io. n. al. er. syllables are not discussed here.. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. 3.5 Distinction between Stressed and Unstressed Syllables. This section examines the relative relation of the tones corresponding to the English stressed and unstressed syllables. The finding suggests that, in a tone loan, the left-edge pitch of the tone corresponding to the English unstressed syllable is usually not higher than that of the tone corresponding to the English stressed syllable. That is, the left-edge pitch of the tone corresponding to the English stressed syllable is usually.

(57) 46. not lower than that of the tone corresponding to the English unstressed syllable in a tone loan. In this study, it is termed as ‘left-edge tonal correspondence’. The statistical results in relation to the left-edge tonal correspondence are shown below. The symbol ‘σÂ’ indicates a syllable with a primary stress; the symbol ‘σ’ indicates an unstressed syllable. First, we take a look at the statistical result of the tone loans adapted from. 政治大. disyllabic English words.. 立. ‧ 國. 學. Table 3.11: Left-edge Tonal Correspondence in the Disyllabic EWs. MH. 41. 3. H. 37. HL. a l HL H Ch. 4. H. 5 6. HL. MH. 7. HL. HL. 33. 8. HL. H. 35. 9. MH. L. 15. 10. MH. MH. 39. 11. L. L. 8. 12. MH. H. 26. 13. MH. HL. 36. 14. L. HL. 17. 15. L. MH. 24. 16. L. H. 22. Total. L. 40. e n g13c h i 27. 445. y. H. n. 2. sit. 32. Percentage. er. L. io. H. Nat. 1. #. ‧. Tone Tone Pattern corresponding corresponding to σÂ to σ. i n U. v. 71.19%. Accordance. 28.09%. Disaccord. 100%.

(58) 47. As shown in Table 3.11, 344 of the 445 tone loans present left-edge tonal correspondence, accounting for 71.19 % of the data. 125 of them do not exhibit left-edge tonal correspondence, accounting for 28.09 % of the data. There are totally 16 kinds of possible tonal patterns regardless of the two possible positions of English stress. 12 of them show left-edge tonal correspondence, while four of them do not. The probability of left-edge tonal correspondence is 68.75%, and the probability of. 政治大. cases not showing left-edge tonal correspondence is 31.25%. Consequently, the. 立. statistical result of the present corpus shows that the rate of left-edge tonal. ‧ 國. 學. correspondence is 3.16% higher than the probability.. ‧. Therefore, we postulate that left-edge tonal correspondence is an adaptation. Nat. io. sit. y. strategy that Mandarin speakers usually adopt to reflect the perceptual distinction. n. al. er. between the stressed and unstressed syllables in disyllabic English words. The examples are given in (19).. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. (19) Loanwords from disyllabic EWs exhibiting left-edge tonal correspondence (i) Hamlit /hQÂmlIt/ (BYRB-D-181) a.. ‘哈姆雷特’. /xa.mu.lei.tHF/. b.. ‘漢姆雷特’. /xan.mu.lai.tHF/ HL.L.MH.HL. H.L.MH.HL.

(59) 48. (ii) Cupid /kHÂuÂpId/ (BYRB-D-153) a.. ‘邱比特’. /t˛jou.pi.tFH/. H.L.HL. b.. ‘邱必特’. /t˛jou.pi.tFH /. H.HL.HL. c.. ‘邱匹特’. /t˛jou.pHi.tFH /. H.H.HL. (iii) cocaine /kokHeÂn/ (BYRB-D-146) a.. 古柯(鹼). /ku.kHF/. L.H. b.. 高根. /kau.kń/. H.H. 治政 As shown in (19i) and (19ii), English stress is located in the 大first syllable. In (19iii), it 立 ‧ 國. 學. is the second syllable where English stress is located. Regardless of the different positions of English stress, left-edge tonal correspondence is found in the Mandarin. ‧. loanwords.. sit. y. Nat. io. n. al. er. Second, we look at the tone loans adapted from triisyllabic English words.. i n U. v. Similar tonal pattern is found. In a tone loan, the left-edge pitch of the tone. Ch. engchi. corresponding to the English stressed syllable is usually not lower than that of a tone corresponding to the ‘nearest or neighboring’ unstressed syllable. Namely, if the first syllable is stressed in an English word, the left-edge pitch of the tone corresponding to the first English syllable is frequently not lower than that of the tone corresponding to the second English syllable. If English stress is located in the second syllable, the left-edge pitch of the tone corresponding to the second English syllable is generally not lower than those of the tones corresponding to the first and the third English.

(60) 49. syllables. The statistical result is shown in Table 3.12.. Table 3.12: Left-edged Tonal Correspondence in the Trisyllabic EWs. Pattern. Tone corresponding to σÂ. Tone corresponding to σ. #. 1. H. L. 13. 2. H. MH. 13. 3. H. HL. 19. 4. H. 5. HL. 6. HL. 7. H 14 政L 治 7大. H. 18. MH. L. 9.5. MH. MH. 6. L. L. 4. MH. H. 11.5. 13. MH. HL. 11. 14. L. HL. 10. 9 10 11 12. io. n. 15. L. 16. L. Total. al. Ch. y. HL. 8. n U en H g c h i 9.5 MH. 8.5. 188. Accordance. sit. 25.5. er. HL. ‧ 國. HL. 73.14%. ‧. 8.5. 學. MH. Nat. 立. Percentage. iv. 26.86%. Disaccord. 100%. From the table above, we can see that 137.5 of the 188 tone loans accord with the left-edge tonal correspondence, accounting for 73.14% of the data. However, 50.5 of the 188 tone loans do not show the left-edge tonal correspondence, taking up 26.86% of the data. Compared to the probability, namely 68.75%, the present corpus shows that the rate of left-edge tonal correspondence is 4.39% higher..

(61) 50. The examples are provided in (20).. (20) Loanwords from trisyllabic EWs exhibiting left-edged tonal correspondence (i) Oedipus (Complex) /EÂd´p´s/ (BYRB-T-095) a.. 伊底帕斯(情節). /i.ti.pHa.sˆ/. H.L.HL.H. b.. 伊第泊司(心理簇). /i.ti.pwo.sˆ/. H.HL.MH.H. c.. 愛的卜斯(錯綜). /ai.ti.pu.sˆ/. HL.HL.L.H. 政治大. (ii) martini /mArtiÂnI/ (BYRB-T-023). b.. 馬蒂尼. 立/ma.tiN.ni/. ‧ 國. 馬丁尼. /ma.ti.ni/. L.H. MH. 學. a.. L.HL.MH. y. /fan.F.liN /. L.MH.MH. n. al. HL.L. MH. sit. 梵娥鈴. /fan.ja.liN/. er. b.. io. 梵啞鈴. Nat. a.. ‧. (iii) violin /vaI´lIÂn/ (BYRB-T-033). Ch. engchi. i n U. v. As exemplified in (20), English stress is respectively situated in the first, the second, and the third syllable in (i), (ii), and (iii). In (20ii-b), the left-edge pitch of the corresponding stressed syllable 蒂 /ti/ (HL) is H, while the left-edge pitches of the two neighboring tones are L and M respectively. Since H is not lower than L and H, 馬蒂尼 /ma.ti.ni/ (L.HL.MH) presents the left-edge tonal correspondence. To use Kenstowicz’s (2004) terms, syllables caused by epenthesis are called epenthetic syllables, while syllables do not undergo epenthesis are organic syllables..

(62) 51. When English stress is located in the first or the last syllable in an English word, the left-edge pitch of its corresponding tone is not lower than that of the nearest or neighboring organic syllable. When the stress is located in the middle syllable, the left-edge pitch of its corresponding tone is not lower than that of the two organic syllables beside it.. 3.6 Summary. 立. 政治大. ‧ 國. 學. In this chapter, we have examined the tonal adaptation of English-to-Mandarin loanwords from four perspectives. The four perspectives are respectively the. ‧. distribution of the four Mandarin tones in relation to English stressed and unstressed. sit. y. Nat. io. n. al. er. syllables, the interaction between the voicing feature and tone, the tone loans with. i n U. v. different frequencies of use, and the distinction between the tones corresponding to. Ch. engchi. the English stressed and unstressed syllables. First, the observation of the tonal distribution reveals that the H-tone is most preferred by English stress because it shows the most faithful mapping from the pitch accent H of English stressed syllables. Besides, the L-tone is the least preferred since it shows the least faithful mapping from the pitch accent H. Second, as for the voicing feature of the onsets in the English stressed syllable, the effect of voice enhancement is observed to interact with the preference for the H-tone. Moreover, voice enhancement occurs on the left edge of the.

(63) 52. corresponding tones. Namely, an English stressed syllable with a voiced onset prefers a tone that is initially low-registered, i.e. the MH-tone, in the loanwords, while an English stressed syllable with a voiceless onset favors a tone that is initially high-registered, i.e. the HL-tone. Third, the inspection of the tone loans with different frequencies of use suggests a tonal preference relation of the English stressed syllables. That is, the tone loans with the H-tone in the corresponding stressed. 政治大. syllables are more preferred and used more often than those whose corresponding. 立. stressed syllables are adapted with the MH-tone or the HL-tone, which in turn are. ‧ 國. 學. more preferred and used more often than those whose corresponding stressed. ‧. syllables are adapted with the L-tone. Finally, the perceptual distinction between the. Nat. io. sit. y. stressed and unstressed syllables in the borrowed English words is retained on the left. al. er. edge of the corresponding tones in their loanwords. The left-edge pitch of the tone. n. v i n Csyllable corresponding to the English stressed not lower than that of the h e n isgusually chi U tone corresponding to the English unstressed syllable in a tone loan..

(64) CHAPTER 4 AN OPTIMALITY THEORY ANALYSIS OF STRESS-TO-TONE INTERACTIONS IN MANDARRIN LOANWORDS. 立. 4.1 Introduction. 政治大. ‧ 國. 學. From the perspective of Optimality Theory, a stress-to-tone relationship in. ‧. loanwords is viewed as an input-to-output correspondence (Silverman 1992, Leben,. Nat. io. sit. y. 1996, Kenstowicz 2004, Wu C. 2006, Wu C. 2007, Wu H. 2006).. er. We have seen several patterns of the tonal adaptation in Mandarin loanwords. al. n. v i n adapted from English earlier. InC thishchapter, I accountU e n g c h i for the patterns observed in Chapter 3 by establishing a grammar of stress-to-tone Mandarin loanwords through the hierarchical constraints. The analysis in this chapter is divided into three parts. The first focuses on the interaction between the Mandarin tones and the onsets of the English stressed syllables. The second focuses on the tonal preference relation of the English stressed syllables. The third centers on the tonal distinction between the corresponding stressed and unstressed syllables in Mandarin loanwords.. 53.