台北孔廟中的各種儒家實踐 - 政大學術集成

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(1)國立政治大學宗教研究所碩士學位論文. The Varieties of Confucian Practice 治政 in the Taipei Confucius大Temple. 立. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. 台北孔廟中的各種儒家實踐. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. en. hi. i n U. v. gc 指導教授：高雅寧. 研究生：袁光譽 Robert Ivan. 中華民國 106 年 7 月.

(2) Acknowledgements I would like to thank the teachers at the Department of Religious Studies at the Charles University in Prague who helped me develop an interdisciplinary approach to the study of religions. I am also thankful to the teachers of Sinology at the Charles University for providing me with a background in the history and culture of China, as well as thorough training in modern and classical Chinese. In this respect, I would like to express my gratitude to the teachers and schoolmates in Taiwan, including not only those from the Graduate Institute of Religious Studies and the Department of Ethnology at the National Chengchi University, but also those from the Department of Sociology at the National Taiwan University. The skills and knowledge I had gained proved invaluable during my field research. I am also grateful to Prof. Chen Hsi-yüan for introducing me to the Taipei Confucius temple. I am indebted to my thesis supervisor, Prof. Kao Ya-ning, for her patience, and continuous support and guidance during the fieldwork and the writing of the thesis. Special thanks are due to all my interlocutors at the Taipei Confucius temple, many of whom became my friends, for letting me into their lives and sharing with me their stories, hopes, and aspirations. I am also grateful to my friends, namely Jasmine Tung, who read the drafts of the thesis and provided comments and corrections. Finally, I would like to thank the members of the thesis defence committee for their criticism and advice on future research. They are, namely, Prof. James Wilkerson, Prof. Huang Ke-Hsien, and Prof. Kuo Cheng-tian.. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. v.

(3) Abstract This ethnographic work challenges the dominance of philosophical interpretations in the field of Confucian studies, and demonstrates the importance of the fieldwork based approach in the study of Confucianism for better understanding of this tradition, and its role in the society and in the lives of individuals. The author has adopted the lived religion approach, and, following participant observation in the classes on classical texts and in the rituals in the Taipei Confucius temple, analyses the worldviews and practices of different social actors, and their relationships to the Confucian tradition. The ethnographic data challenges clear distinctions between official and popular Confucianism and shows a variety of discourses and practices. On the one hand, the nationalist discourse identifies Confucianism with the Chinese national culture, and the thesis gives attention to the role of scholars and intellectuals in its propagation. However, despite the hegemony of this nationalist framework, which resulted in the Taipei Confucius temple becoming a symbolic battleground between China-centred and Taiwan-centred nationalism, other groups and individuals reinvent Confucianism in ways divergent from the nationalist interpretations. Moreover, the thesis describes complexity of interactions between these individuals and groups in the Taipei Confucius temple. Chapter 1 is the introduction, and presents the research questions, overview of secondary literature on Confucianism, theoretical framework, and methodology. Chapter 2 provides historical and social context of Confucianism in Taiwan, showing how the tradition has been continually reinvented and how the role of the Taipei Confucius temple in the society changed. Chapter 3 discusses the Classics for Families, which aim to foster close relationship between parents and children different from past emphasis of filial obedience. Chapter 4 describes the New Confucian study group on the Four Books with an emphasis on intellectualist and nationalist interpretations of the Classics. Chapter 5 focuses on ritual practice, and in addition to the Confucius birthday ceremony in September, gives attention to other rituals performed in the temple, including adulthood ceremonies, and various modes of individual and group worship. Chapter 6 is the conclusion and overviews directions for future fieldwork-based research on Confucianism.. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. Keywords: Taipei Confucius temple, Lived religion, Confucianism, Classics recitation, Ritual, New Confucianism, Nationalism.

(4) 摘要本研究採用民族誌方法，包括：研究者參與在台北市孔廟進行的親子讀經班與成人經典研讀班，以及觀察各種在孔廟內與其他地點舉行的祭孔相關儀式活動。筆者運用生活宗教（lived religion）的取向，進一步描述與分析孔廟內外行動者理解儒家經典的概念，以及實踐其概念的方式。本民族誌研究打破以往偏重哲學解釋與詮釋的儒家研究取向，發現不同的行動者參加這些活動的動機非常不同，在理解與實踐儒家經典的概念與知識也是很不一樣的。本研究關注學者與知識分子如何協助推廣民族主義敘述，將「儒家文化」視為或等同為「中華民族文化」，在這樣的背景下，台北孔廟成為中國民族主義和台灣民族主義的戰地。然而，其他行動者的詮釋和實踐脫離民族主義框架。田野調查資料突破官方與民間儒家的二元論，並顯示出孔廟內外行動者互動的複雜性。本論文一共六章。第一章即是前言，說明研究問題、回顧儒家研究文獻、介紹理論架構與研究方法。第二章概述台灣儒家文化的歷史，描述儒家傳統不斷地被重新. 政治大. 創作的過程。第三章分析親子讀經班透過讀經來增加親子互動，而非過去儒家所強調的孝道。第四章描述成人經典研讀班顯示出新儒家被國民政府運用來創造「中華傳統文化」的過程，以及讀經者如何將自己所理解的經典意義運用在日常生活中。第五章分析孔廟中的祭孔與其他相關儀式都充滿著政治的角力，國家、政府與黨派對儀式要如何進行都產生不同的影響力，而民間也發展出自己一套祭孔的方式與理解。最後，. 立. ‧ 國. 學. ‧. 第六章除了結論之外，還提出以田野調查研究儒家的未來研究方向與議題。. y. Nat. n. al. er. io. sit. 關鍵字：台北孔廟、生活宗教、儒家、讀經班、祭孔典禮、新儒家、民族主義. Ch. engchi. i n U. v.

(5) Table of Contents 1. Introduction ................................................................................................................................1 1.1. Motivation and Research Questions ....................................................................................1. 1.2. Literature Review ................................................................................................................3. Confucian Thought ......................................................................................................................4 Confucianism in Context..............................................................................................................6 Confucianism and Education .......................................................................................................9 Confucianism and Rituals .......................................................................................................... 10 Confucianism in Taiwan............................................................................................................. 11 1.3. Theoretical Framework...................................................................................................... 15. Problem of Definitions .............................................................................................................. 16. 治政 Nationalism ............................................................................................................................... 19 大立 Tradition and Modernity ........................................................................................................... 20 Colonialism ............................................................................................................................... 17. ‧ 國. Method ............................................................................................................................. 21. 1.5. Structure of the Thesis....................................................................................................... 26. Temple and History ................................................................................................................... 28. Nat. The Space and Architecture of the Temple......................................................................... 28. 2.2. Events and Activities in the Temple ................................................................................... 32. 2.3. Late Qing Era Taiwan (1860-1895) ..................................................................................... 35. 2.4. Japanese Era Taiwan (1895-1945) ...................................................................................... 41. 2.5. KMT Culture Politics and the New Life Movement (1934-1945) ......................................... 49. 2.6. KMT Securing Foothold in Taiwan (50s-60s) ....................................................................... 58. 2.7. Chinese Culture Renaissance Movement (1960s-1980s) .................................................... 66. 2.8. Liberalization and Taiwanization (1980s-1990s) ................................................................. 72. 2.9. Summary ........................................................................................................................... 83. n. al. er. sit. y. 2.1. io. 3. 1.4. ‧. 2. 學. Ritual ........................................................................................................................................ 21. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. Classics for Families ................................................................................................................... 85 3.1. Overview and History ........................................................................................................ 85. 3.2. Overview of Texts .............................................................................................................. 90. 3.3. Teachers and Parents ........................................................................................................ 91. 3.4. Structure of Lessons .......................................................................................................... 97. 3.5. Variations ........................................................................................................................ 102. 3.6. Diverse Education ............................................................................................................ 107.

(6) 3.7. Outside Classroom........................................................................................................... 110. 3.8. Tenets and Practice ......................................................................................................... 113. Education System .................................................................................................................... 114 Competitiveness ..................................................................................................................... 115 Authoritative Parenting ........................................................................................................... 115 Habituation ............................................................................................................................. 117 3.9 4. Summary ......................................................................................................................... 121. Four Books Study Group .......................................................................................................... 122 4.1. History and Participants ................................................................................................... 124. History and Present ................................................................................................................. 126 Place and Space ...................................................................................................................... 127. 政治大. Students.................................................................................................................................. 128 4.2. Structure of Lessons ........................................................................................................ 131. 立. Classics, Commentaries, and Other Texts ................................................................................ 132. ‧ 國. 學. Reading and Exegesis .............................................................................................................. 133 Classroom Interactions ............................................................................................................ 135 Confucianism, Philosophy, and Chinese Culture ............................................................... 137. ‧. 4.3. Problem with Philosophy......................................................................................................... 137. y. sit. 4.4. Nat. Confucianism as Chinese Culture ............................................................................................. 140 Moral Discourse .............................................................................................................. 145. io. n. al. er. Confucianism and Education ................................................................................................... 145. i n U. v. Everyday Life ........................................................................................................................... 147. Ch. engchi. Moral Cultivation .................................................................................................................... 150. 5. 4.5. Political Discourse............................................................................................................ 153. 4.6. Summary ......................................................................................................................... 159. Rituals ..................................................................................................................................... 160 5.1. Confucius Ceremony........................................................................................................ 161. Structure and Participants ....................................................................................................... 161 Ritual and Nationalism ............................................................................................................ 171 Ritual and Change ................................................................................................................... 183 5.2. Rites of Passage ............................................................................................................... 190. Taipei City Hall ........................................................................................................................ 191 Tatung High School ................................................................................................................. 194 Rotary Club ............................................................................................................................. 195.

(7) 5.3. Prayers and Worship ....................................................................................................... 197. Private Worship ...................................................................................................................... 197 Temple Administration............................................................................................................ 199 Group Prayers Before Exams ................................................................................................... 200 5.4. Summary ......................................................................................................................... 202. 6. Conclusion .............................................................................................................................. 204. 7. Bibliography ............................................................................................................................ 210. Figure 1. Map of Taipei Confucius Temple ......................................................................................... 30 Table 1. Weekly Events and Activities (2015-2016) ............................................................................ 33 Table 2. Yearly Events and Activities (2015-2016) .............................................................................. 33 Table 3. Overview of Classes ............................................................................................................. 88 Table 4. Structure of Lessons ............................................................................................................ 98. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. v.

(8) 1 Introduction 1.1 Motivation and Research Questions My interest in Confucianism has been framed by my background in social and cultural historiography combined with religious studies that focus on lived religion. My focus on actual practice by social actors in different contexts means that I quickly grew discontent with the field of Confucian studies, which seemed to me as a world closed into itself. Literature on social history of China did address the themes of changing social, cultural, and political contexts and changing understanding and the role of Confucianism, but outside the field of historiography there was hardly anything on Confucianism in contemporary societies beyond general statements linking Confucianism with the core of Chinese mentality, Chinese culture, family life, or economic ethics. However, these writings were not based on research but rather followed from the worldviews and biases of their authors. The twentieth century saw many debates on the significance of Confucianism for modernity, its role in contemporary societies in China, Taiwan, or Korea, and influence on economic behaviour. What these debates, which continue unabated up to present, have in common is that they are for the most part based on preconceptions and ideological grounds rather them empirical research. Therefore, it is necessary to move beyond analysis of discourse produced by elites and media reports, and focus on relation of the official discourses to social reality. If we are to understand the role of Confucianism in contemporary societies – from the dictatorial regimes using the “traditional values” to buttress their aura of legitimacy during the Asian Values controversy, to Kuomintang aiming to transform China and later Taiwan into a “Confucian” society, recent rehabilitation of Confucianism in the Mainland China, and how the resurgence of Confucian revivalism influences relationships between Taiwan and Mainland China – it is important to move to field work based study Confucianism in concrete historic contexts. It is also necessary to move beyond vague general labels such Confucianism, traditional Chinese culture, filial piety, and instead focus on lived social reality and how different social actors construct, re-interpreted and make use of these concepts in their practice in different contexts with different aims. It is necessary to look beyond official discourses at actual social practice and practical results of official policies, e.g. what is concrete social meaning of filial piety, what role it plays in social interactions. Field research in the Taipei Confucius temple allowed me to probe these issues, showing varieties of discourse and practices under the homogenizing official discourse, and setting possible course for future research on Confucianism. The initial impulse for this thesis was therefore to engage in a dialogue with the scholarship on Confucianism. I was motivated to search for the answers I did not find in secondary literature or had my doubts about their reliability or unbiased nature. I was curious about what Confucianism means in contemporary Taiwanese society, wanted to move outside the contents of texts and look for social practice. I was pondering how to focus such a large. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. 1. i n U. v.

(9) theme. Religious studies instilled in me an interest in rituals, and while studying historiography, I read studies on history of literacy and methods of reading. Therefore, I wanted to look for Confucian rituals and social context of the texts, how people actually read and interpret them. As I was determined to do fieldwork research instead of pure textual study, I spend some time searching for a suitable place. This was a journey of discovery because I could not consult a literature discussing contemporary practice to help me in my search. Many of the themes from historiography were not present in modernized, secularized society. In addition, I did not know much about contemporary Taiwanese society beyond general overviews, which also complicated the search. Eventually, I have learned a lot thanks to the field research. As such, I observed a ritual “cherishing written characters" (xizi 惜字) in a Wenchang temple, burial rituals that also made use of ritual handbooks (rather than simply secular national burial style), and ancestral rituals at ancestral halls. Along the way, I was also struggling with what constitutes the Confucianism or Confucian cultural elements. Eventually, I visited the Taipei Confucius temple to investigate how the temple presents Confucianism and what kinds of rituals or other activities there are. Eventually, I found the temple as a suitable place for the purposes of my thesis. The temple has an intriguing history because it was originally a popular temple build during Japanese colonial era before it was handed over to the KMT government. Moreover, there are two different classes on classical texts, and the very first day I went to ask for permission to do field research, I saw a local high school performing an adulthood ceremony in the temple. This indicated that apart from the autumn ceremony celebrating the birthday of Confucius, there are other rituals as well. Although I looked at other activities such as calligraphy or poetry to learn more about the temple, I performed research alone and due to time limitations, therefore focus on classics recitation and the rituals. Presence of two classes on the Classics, one for families with children and another one for adults, gave me an opportunity to observe different approaches to what constitutes a Confucian text, and different ways of reading, reciting, interpreting these texts, and in what contexts people make use of these texts. These are discussed in Chapter 3 and 4. The second focus of the thesis are rituals that I discuss in Chapter 5, where I also show interest in people and observe how they performed rituals. I talked with different participants trying to discover what rituals means and do for them. I introduce other rituals besides the autumn ceremony. I spent weekends in the temple, looked around temple for other events, and talked with temple visitors coming to pray, or utilize the temple space for other purposes such as tourism. As I learned more about the history of Taiwan society, the Taipei Confucius temple, Confucianism in Taiwan, and the issues of politics, it all complicated matters that seemed so clear in the general narratives of Confucianism in Taiwan. At the beginning, I also kept asking the question “Is Confucianism a religion?” but it left people baffled. I soon realized how Confucianism is also a social constructed category, comparable to a toolkit with its contents reconstructed and used differently in different contexts. Over the course of fieldwork, I changed and refined my research questions as I tried to not reify Confucianism, which is not a tangible thing existing per se, but as a culture exists and is recreated though interpersonal. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. 2. i n U. v.

(10) interactions. The classical texts are part of these interactions. A social actor wrote a text in a certain socio-cultural context with a certain intent, and wrote for an expected audience. A given text was selected and incorporated as a part of “Confucian Canon” in a part of the process of social interactions. The initial research questions were soon expanded into issues of continuity and invention of tradition, and relationship between Confucianism and nationalism, together with the role of government officials, intellectuals and other groups and individuals, in continual reinvention of this tradition. Since I noticed a tendency in the nationalist and scholarly discourse towards homogenization and creation of an image of the transcendent essence of Confucianism, I tried to pay attention to counter narratives and divergent practices in the temple. In this manner, I tried to contrast abstract philosophy and national ideology with “messiness” of social reality in dialogue with the Confucian studies in the hope to provide a possible direction for expanding the scope of research on Confucianism. As I discovered variants of Confucian thought and practices in the field, I tried not to give preference to one over the other, presenting one interpretation as standard or essential and others as modifications or variations, i.e. I tried to avoid dichotomies such as elite vs popular Confucianism. Instead, I tried to observe in the field what kind of distinctions people draw. The nationalist version of Confucianism propagated by Kuomintang functions, to a degree, was a standard due to political and cultural hegemony (power over media and education system), and it created a distinct image of Confucianism, which for many people in Taiwan is also the first encounter with Confucian culture. I was therefore interested in influences this version of Confucianism had on people I encountered in the temple, and whether they wholly subscribed to, tried to modify or resist it using this set of cultural resources. In the thesis, I also try to challenge the narratives that present Taiwan is a bastion of traditional Chinese culture, and show that this usually refers to the national culture introduced in Taiwan by the Kuomintang after 1949, which despite having been presented as a tradition, is a modern invention with distinctly modernizing and secularist aspects. Therefore, I tried to look at the process of invention of Confucianism and national culture with its history and mentality. Next, I tried to observe how these cultural inventions have been, in a colonialist manner, imposed upon the native population as their culture.. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. 1.2 Literature Review The overview of literature of Confucianism is divided into five sections. First is an overview of research concerned with Confucian thought, which represents the mainstream of scholarship on Confucianism. The contribution of this scholarship is in providing explanations of key concepts used in Confucian texts and overviewing the changing terminology and interpretations in texts from different periods. This is accompanied by translations of works written in Classical Chinese. However, these explanations and interpretations are based on texts, and tend to overlook social practice. Therefore, I follow with discussion of studies on Confucianism in concrete historic contexts, which are most useful for the purpose of this thesis. 3.

(11) Most inspiring and helpful research on Confucianism in this regard has been written in the field of social and cultural history, which shows how social actors reinvented Confucianism and reinterpreted texts and concepts to serve their needs in different historic contexts. Analogous scholarship on contemporary reinventions and practice of Confucianism is still missing. Given the time I spend participating in the classes on Classics recitation and observing rituals, the next three sections of this overview are thematically focused on the literature discussing the relationship between Confucianism and education, Confucianism and rituals, and, lastly, on studies dealing with the specifics of Confucianism in Taiwan.. Confucian Thought The study of Confucianism as a philosophy is the core of Confucian studies, and makes up the bulk of literature on Confucianism as can be seen in university courses and thematic sections in libraries. This field of study is textually oriented, focusing on concepts and ideas, and does not pay much attention to social practice. Context of the concepts is taken into consideration within the framework of intellectual history, i.e. the context of a text is made up by other texts, which are selected by scholars to be included into the canon of intellectual history of a given culture on the basis of their philosophical relevance. Besides, there is an emphasis on ancient texts Analects, Mencius, or Xunzi perceived as containing the pure essence of the original teachings. Research tends towards analysis of texts in an attempt to discover the essence of Confucianism, similar to Platonic Ideas, contained in the most “authentic” texts. In addition, scholars also pay attention to the so called Neo-Confucians and their writings dealing with metaphysics while ignoring the writings of rituals and social practice. Ivanhoe provides a valuable overview of the contents of classical texts concerning the theme of moral self-cultivation. 1 However, the book discusses moral ideas and norms and does not reference the practice of cultivation in concrete socio-historic settings. Some works on Confucian philosophy are functionally equal with theological exegesis because they privilege the interpretations of their authors, which tend to follow from personal values, ideological, cultural background and biases of a given scholar. In some aspects, such scholarship is a form of cultural appropriation because the scholars search texts for references to issues, which are relevant for the scholars themselves, such as democracy and capitalism. The scholars who have personal interest in Confucianism thus write from engaged position presenting their own opinions on what the message of what Confucianism truly is or what Confucianism ought to be like in the modern world. This approach can be seen in the works of Angle, Bell and Chaibong, or Ivanhoe.2 For, example a translation of the Book of Filial Piety by Rosemont and Ames argues for philosophical relevance of this classic, and while the argumentation is stimulating, it nevertheless presents the authors’ own understanding of the. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. 1. i n U. v. Philip J. Ivanhoe, Confucian Moral Self Cultivation, Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing Co., 2000. Stephen C. Angle, Sagehood: The Contemporary Significance of Neo-Confucian Philosophy, Oxford, England; New York: Oxford University Press, 2009; Daniel A. Bell and Hahm Chaibong (eds.), Confucianism for the Modern World, Cambridge University Press, 2003, Philip J. Ivanhoe, Confucian Reflections: Ancient Wisdom for Modern Times, Routledge, 2013. 2. 4.

(12) meaning of “family reverence”.3 Concerning the issue of the relationship between ideology and scholarship, an example would be Bell, who writes on Confucianism from a perspective of his own political worldview and his writings are an interesting example of an American scholar whose writings are part of a current of contemporary nationalism and anti-democratic thought in Mainland China.4 A similar line of political thought can be found in Fan. 5 Among exceptions to these approaches, there is Nylan’s historic study on methods and processes of constructing the notion of the Confucian Canon, and negotiations over its contents.6 The study stands as a corrective to tendencies towards reification of Confucianism and Confucian Classics, and to perspectives, which identify Confucianism with state bureaucracy. Focus of the book is on Han dynasty, but at the end of the book, Nylan provides insightful comments on 20th century re-imaginations and reinventions during the New Culture Movement and the New Life Movement. Although predominantly textually oriented, Clart’s research also moves beyond emphasis on ancient classical texts and focuses on morality books, including contemporary production in Taiwan. 7 The culture of “cherishing the written word” is explored by Chau.8 The contributors to the Rethinking Confucianism aim to move towards problematizing some of the premises and assumptions of the Confucian studies, although the editorial note by Elman takes the category of religion as a given fact and only problematizes whether it is applicable to Confucianism.9 On the other hand, the collection succeeds in its aim to cross the national isolation in Confucian studies by including articles on China, Japan, Korea, and Vietnam. Cultural appropriation by Euro-American scholars is complemented by nationalism in the writings of many Chinese, Taiwanese, or Korean scholars. In addition, the arguments among the Chinese scholars tend to focus on the relationship between Confucianism and religion, and the issue of national studies. Chen Yong provides an overview of these debates, without reflecting on his own engaged position. 10 Tu is probably most prominent representative of the New Confucianism as he produced many writings in English and has personal ties with US academicians. 11 New Confucianism is a dominant school of interpretation in Taiwanese research on Confucianism, since many scholars are also students of the founding figure Mou Zongsan 牟宗三 (1909–1995).. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. 3. i n U. v. Henry Jr. Rosemont and Roger T. Ames, The Chinese Classic of Family Reverence: A Philosophical Translation of the Xiaojing, Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2009. 4 Daniel A. Bell, China’s New Confucianism: Politics and Everyday Life in a Changing Society, Princeton University Press, 2008. 5 Ruiping Fan, Reconstructionist Confucianism, Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2010. 6 Michael Nylan, The Five “Confucian” Classics, New Haven; London: Yale University Press, 2001. 7 For example, Philip A. Clart, “Confucius and the Mediums: Is There a ‘Popular Confucianism’?,” T’oung Pao 89 (2003): 1--38. 8 Adam Yuet Chau, “Script Fundamentalism: The Practice of Cherishing Written Characters (Lettered Paper) (惜字紙) in the Age of Literati Decline and Commercial Revolution,” in New Approaches to Studying Chinese Popular Religion and Sectarianism, Philip A. Clart (ed.), Boyoung Publishers 2012, 129–67. 9 Benjamin A. Elman, John B. Duncan, and Herman Ooms (eds.), Rethinking Confucianism: Past and Present in China, Japan, Korea, and Vietnam, Los Angeles: University of California, 2002. 10 Chen Yong, Confucianism as Religion: Controversies and Consequences, Leiden; Boston: Brill, 2013. 11 Tu Wei-ming, Confucian Thought: Selfhood as Creative Transformation, Albany: SUNY Press, 1985.. 5.

(13) There are several studies on the New Confucian school of thought. Bresciani provides a historic overview of New Confucianism, describing major representatives and their philosophical ideas.12 However, his account is isolated from the broader intellectual currents such as other defenders of Confucianism. In contrast to Bresciani, Makeham takes a critical look on New Confucian genealogical narratives and shows the process of the retrospective invention of tradition. 13 While Makeham pays attention to politics, the majority of the studies on New Confucianism tends to focus on philosophical analysis. However, Chan mentions the role of cultural nationalism in her analysis of the thought of Mou Zongsan.14 Jochim presents short vignettes and quotes from representatives of New Confucianism and their critics. 15 He reproduces contents of textual polemics between the two camps without providing social and political context, and the ideological background of these interactions, the article thus remains at the level of intellectual history.. Confucianism in Context. 政治大. The contributions of Confucian studies are the translations and commented editions of the Classics, introductions to concepts and theories found in texts. However, when looking for discussions of Confucianism in historic context and practice, we have to look elsewhere. There are many contributions on the role of Confucianism in social life written by scholars of social history. Their import is in correcting essentialist understandings of Confucianism and in showing the importance of historic and social context for interpretation. Ebrey focuses on family life and the role of women in Chinese society in different periods and shows how the family structure and relationships changed over time and how Confucian values and ideas influenced actual lives.16 Ebrey also pays attention to how these Confucian norms were shaped and reinvented according to the needs and goals of social actors. Smith describes “benevolent societies” and the relation of Confucian values to social ethics. 17 Lufrano analyses late Ming and Qing merchant manuals.18 He shows that integral part of these guidelines on how to do business were instructions on the practice of moral cultivation, and analyses how the values contained in manuals relate to Confucianism. The book is a useful corrective for contemporary Orientalist commentaries on the connection between Asian Tigers and an assumed Confucian capitalist ethic. Deuchler in her seminal analysis examines. 立. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. 12. i n U. v. Umberto Bresciani, Reinventing Confucianism: The New Confucian Movement, Taipei: Taipei Ricci Institute for Chinese Studies, 2001. 13 John Makeham (ed.), New Confucianism: A Critical Examination, New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003. 14 Serina N. Chan, The Thought of Mou Zongsan, Leiden; Boston: BRILL, 2011. 15 Christian Jochim, “Interpreting Confucian Spirituality in Postwar Taiwan: The New Confucians and Their Critics,” in Confucian Spirituality, vol. 2, Tu Weiming and Mary Tucker (eds.), New York: Crossroad Publishing Company, 2004, 399–421. 16 For example, Patricia Ebrey, Women and the Family in Chinese History, London and New York: Routledge, 2004; Patricia Ebrey, The Inner Quarters: Marriage and the Lives of Chinese Women in the Sung Period, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993. 17 Joanna Smith, The Art of Doing Good: Charity in Late Ming China, Berkeley; Los Angeles; London: University of California Press, 2009. 18 Richard Lufrano, Honorable Merchants: Commerce and Self-Cultivation in Late Imperial China, Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1997.. 6.

(14) the ways in which Korean elites selected and reinvented Confucian cultural resources to meet their social and political needs.19 Lu describes changing attitudes to the Book of Filial Piety and changing understandings of the notion of filial piety in imperial China, and also pays attention to the religious and political overtones and goals of these interpretations. 20 Paramore presents a thorough overview of the cultural history of Confucianism in Japan, describing its changing role in social life and politics, thereby changing our understanding of what constitutes Confucianism. 21 Especially useful for this thesis is the discussion on the 20th century militarists’ reinvention of Confucianism and their influence on the Kuomintang adopting Confucianism into its political vision for nationalist China. The issue of Confucianism in early Republican China is the topic of Chen His-yuan, who describes the processes whereby the neologism “religion” was introduced into the Chinese intellectual world and led to the creation of the concept “zongjiao 宗教”, together with problems of applying these two concepts to “Confucianism”.22 Studies on Confucianism in individual lives include the work by Harrison, written from a perspective of microhistory.23 Based on diary entries and other primary sources, it describes a life of a man living at the end of Qing era and beginning of the Republican era. Harrison reconstructs what role Confucianism played in his life and worldview, and how that man reflected on rapidly changing social and political conditions. A personal journal is also utilized by Kelleher in a commented translation of a Ming era scholar’s journal and his notes on selfcultivation as practice.24 In the field of sociology, there is a monograph by Anna Sun.25 The book is divided into two parts. The first is a historic overview of collaboration between James Legge and Max Müller created Confucianism as one of the world religions. The second is based on sociological research, but does not live up to the first part. She visited Confucian temples in the Mainland China and Taiwan and conducted formal interviews, but her analysis is hindered by theoretical and methodological problems, such as overreliance on such quantitative methods as statistics and formal interviews. In addition, reminding of the Habits of the Heart,26 Sun introduces into her into her analysis Protestant concepts and tries to measure church attendance and church membership regarding Confucianism. This methodology would be unfit for a research of the. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. 19. i n U. v. Martina Deuchler, The Confucian Transformation of Korea: A Study of Society and Ideology, Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University, 1992. 20 Lü Miaofen, Xiao zhi Tianxia, Taipei: Zhongyangyanjiuyuan, Lianjing, 2011. 21 Kiri Paramore, Japanese Confucianism, Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press, 2016. 22 Chen Hsi-yuan, “Confucianism Encounters Religion: The Formation of Religious Discourse and the Confucian Movement in Modern China”, PhD diss., Harvard University, 1999. 23 Henrietta Harrison, The Man Awakened from Dreams: One Man’s Life in a North China Village, 1857-1942, Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 2005. 24 Wu Yubi, The Journal of Wu Yubi: The Path to Sagehood, trans. by Theresa Kelleher, Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing Company, 2013. 25 Anna Sun, Confucianism as a World Religion: Contested Histories and Contemporary Realities, Princeton; Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2013. 26 Robert Neelly Bellah (ed.), Habits of the Heart: Individualism and Commitment in American Life, New York: Harper & Row, 198).. 7.

(15) US society, as it does not help to grasp such phenomena new religious movements or a trend towards being “spiritual but not religious”. I anticipated publication of an anthropological study by Billioud and Thoraval because it seemed similar to what I was trying to do. 27 On the one hand, the book provides an interesting probe into contemporary re-imagination of Confucianism in the Mainland China. On the other hand, it is hindered by theoretical and methodological shortcomings, given by authors’ background in intellectual history. The research is a part of the same research project as Anna Sun and shows similar ethnocentric biases. Despite claims to the contrary, their description is informed by an essentialist understanding of Confucianism, and, although the book makes use of Chinese terminology, the authors infuse them with Christian meanings. Consequently, Confucian texts are identified with the Classics and treated as sacred texts. The authors do not explore the construction of the canon, and conflate the traditional education system with Confucian education, and Confucianism in general is identified with the imperial bureaucracy. Rituals are identified as sacrifices to Confucius or Mencius in temples, i.e. deity worship, and authors do not pay attention to other aspects of the Confucian ritual tradition. Moreover, the book emphasizes that the contemporary “popular” revival of Confucianism is not motivated by nationalism, but the understanding of nationalism is quite as a state ideology, organized by state from top-to-down. The authors do not pay attention to the role intellectuals, organizations, and others institutions and individuals play in the formation and dissemination of nationalist ideas. As such, their discussion of filial piety is simply as a core moral Confucian value whilst ignoring its key role in political discourse and practice. The analysis in the last chapter is unrelated to the contents of the previous chapters and presents an orientalist discussion on Chinese mentality. The contemporary revival of Confucianism in Mainland China is also a topic of an anthology edited by Hammond and Richey. 28 The contributors use different approaches but the articles are rather general in their discussions of the topic. In contrast to the aforementioned, Jun Jing did extensive ethnographic research on the Kong ancestral temple of in a village in Gansu and topic of social memory. 29 His book analyses the history of the temple, its rituals, the role of this ancestral temple in the village community, and how the temple and villagers were impacted by political, economic, social and cultural changes during the second half of the twentieth century in the Mainland China. Tsai and Finke and others follow an example of the Varieties of Religious Experience by William James in the emphasis on personal experience with the religious.30 This collaborative project is based on detailed questionnaires probing the religious experience of people in Taiwan. Volume contributors then wrote thematic chapters analysing experience in different. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. 27. i n U. v. Sébastien Billioud and Joël Thoraval, The Sage and the People: The Confucian Revival in China, Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press, 2015. 28 Kenneth Hammond and Jeffrey Richey (eds.), The Sage Returns: Confucian Revival in Contemporary China, Albany, N.Y: SUNY Press, 2015. 29 Jun Jing, The Temple of Memories: History, Power, and Morality in a Chinese Village, Stanford University Press, 1998. 30 Yen-zen Tsai and Roger Finke (eds.), Religious Experience in Contemporary Taiwan and China, Taipei: Chengchi University Press, 2013.. 8.

(16) religious traditions. The findings are compared with finding of similar research made in Mainland China. Because Confucianism is not classified as a religion in Taiwan, the questionnaires did not specifically mention Confucianism, however, the chapter eight by Yenzen Tsai describes forms and changes of Confucianism in Taiwan. There are several studies concerning the role of Confucianism in the so-called redemption societies. However, historical and sociological research on redemptive societies, and how they make use of Confucian resources in larger social, cultural, and political contexts, is still in a preliminary phase. Seminal works were written by Palmer, Katz, Wang, and DuBois. 31 In contrast, Billioud and Thoraval seem to attempt to classify I-kuan Tao as a “Confucian church” representing Confucianism in contemporary world in an easily recognizable institutional form after the collapse of the imperial system. This approach is similar to Jochim and other scholars who either adopt or do not question the perspective of the I-kuan Tao insiders.32 An example of insider research is Zhong, whose book is an example of a retrospective reconstruction of the collective memory since she argues that Confucianism has been an integral part of I-guan Tao teachings since the Qing era. 33 In contrast, Lu investigates the political and social context in 1990s when I-kuan Tao turned from spirit writing to the Classics, and to the support of the Kuomintang nationalist project, and how the relationship with the Kuomintang changed from persecution to cooperation. 34. 學. ‧ 國. 立. 政治大. Confucianism and Education. ‧. n. al. er. io. sit. y. Nat. In some studies of Confucianism, there seems to be a tendency to conflate education in imperial China with Confucian education, or more precisely with the study of Confucian Classics. On the one hand, since Confucian texts and their interpretation in certain periods were featured in examination for entrance to the imperial bureaucracy, the education system was naturally geared towards official careers. On the other hand, there were other forms of education, including family education, learning social skills, Buddhist education etc. This Orientalist bias is present in the editorial aim of Smith, who identifies traditional education with Confucianism, which is so ingrained in the Chinese mentality that it continues in contemporary educational institutions. 35 On the other hand, the articles by Taiwanese contributors to Smith’s collection do not subscribe to this worldview.. Ch. engchi. 31. i n U. v. David A. Palmer, “Chinese Redemptive Societies and Salvationist Religion: Historical Phenomenon or Sociological Category?,” Journal of Chinese Ritual, Theatre and Folklore 172 (2011): 21–72; David A. Palmer, Paul R. Katz, and Chien-chuan Wang, “Introduction: Redemptive Societies as Confucian NRMs?,” Journal of Chinese Ritual, Theatre and Folklore 172 (2011): 1–12. David A. Palmer, Paul R. Katz, and Chien-chuan Wang, “Introduction: Redemptive Societies in Cultural and Historical Context,” Journal of Chinese Ritual, Theatre and Folklore 173 (2011): 1–12; Thomas David DuBois, “The Salvation of Religion? Public Charity and the New Religions of the Early Republic,” Journal of Chinese Ritual, Theatre and Folklore 172 (2011): 73–126. 32 Christian Jochim, “Carrying Confucianism into the Modern World: The Taiwan Case,” in Philip Clart and Charles Jones (eds.), Religion in Modern Taiwan, Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2003, 48–83. 33 Zhong Yunying, Qingmo Minchu Minjianrujiao dui Zhuliu Ruxue de Xishou yu Zhuanhua, Taipei: Taida chubanzhongxin, 2008. 34 Lu Yunfeng, The Transformation of Yiguan Dao in Taiwan: Adapting to a Changing Religious Economy, Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2008. 35 Douglas Smith (ed.), The Confucian Continuum: Educational Modernization in Taiwan, New York: Praeger, 1990.. 9.

(17) There are many studies on the history and development of education in China. The monograph by Rawski remains a seminal work, and, despite its age, is still a very useful reference. 36 Works such those by as Lee, Barry and Chaffee, Elman and Woodside, provide general overviews of education in imperial China, and are useful to consult when evaluating generalized narratives about the past.37 Since Confucian temples served also as academies and schools in the past, Keenan provides a useful overview of academies in Jiangnan in late imperial China, and discusses teaching methods.38 Hsiung has written another seminal work in historiography of education in China because she pays detailed attention to family education, child-rearing habits, perception of children, relationships in the family and community, and role of gender. 39 Hsiung makes use of a wide variety of sources, including medical manuals and art depictions. This book can serve as a starting point for learning about education practice in imperial China and an important corrective to generalized perceptions about the past. Historic background for contemporary Classics recitation classes for children can be found also in an overview of the history of children’s primers written by Bai and based on analysis of pedagogical writings.40 Bai describes the construction of the notion of childhood, and development of educational methods. However, the descriptions concern the norms and ideals held by educators, which were not necessarily reflected in practice. Although the study by Stafford, based on field research in Taiwanese village in 1980s, does not discuss Confucian education per se, it describes transmission of culture, and distinguishes between education at school and at home. 41 Moreover, the author pays attention to interactions, which make up the educational process, to bodily education and on the influences of religions on education. In a context of bodily and social learning, Ko analyses the changing social and cultural role of foot binding and complex motivations of men and women who are not presented as passive victims. 42 Her book is a corrective for simplified narratives of Confucian dominance over women or male fetishization of the body.. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. al. er. io. sit. y. Nat. Confucianism and Rituals. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. Research on rituals in Confucianism is limited and there is still an unfortunate tendency among some scholars to conflate state imperial rituals with Confucian rituals. Billioud and. 36. Evelyn Sakakida Rawski, Education and Popular Literacy in Ch’ing China, Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1979. 37 Thomas H. C. Lee, Education in Traditional China: A History, Leiden; Boston, Mass: Brill, 2000; Theodore de Bary and John W. Chaffee (eds.), Neo-Confucian Education: The Formative Stage, University of California Press, 1989; Benjamin Elman and Alexander Woodside (eds.), Education and Society in Late Imperial China, 1600-1900, Berkeley, Calif: University of California Press, 1994. 38 Barry C. Keenan, Imperial China’s Last Classical Academies: Social Change in the Lower Yangzi, 1864-1911, Berkeley: Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, 1994. 39 Ping-chen Hsiung, A Tender Voyage: Children and Childhood in Late Imperial China, Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2007. 40 Bai Limin, Shaping the Ideal Child: Children and Their Primers in Late Imperial China, Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press, 2005. 41 Charles Stafford, The Roads of Chinese Childhood: Learning and Identification in Angang, Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995. 42 Dorothy Ko, Cinderella’s Sisters: A Revisionist History of Footbinding, University of California Press, 2007.. 10.

(18) Thoraval would be such example. However, while state ritualism made use of Confucian ritual elements, it incorporated a variety of other elements in creating a distinct ritual system. Ebrey’s analysis of Confucian rituals in Song era is a seminal work in this field. 43 Utilizing a variety of historic sources, Ebrey wrote a social history of discussions among Song Confucians on not only the meaning of rituals but also on proper ways of performing and modifying rituals such as ancestral rituals, capping, weddings and funerals. Chow adopted a perspective of intellectual history in analysis of how the Qing era local elites made use of Confucian ritual resources in order to face what they perceived as social disruption and anomie in the 18th century.44 Liu collected ritual manuals in Fujian, and his study analyses their contents and the role of Confucian rituals and Confucian ritual specialists in local society during the late Qing era. 45 The research focus of Xu is on contemporary Taiwanese funerary rites, including handbooks and the performance of rituals.46 Azuma also focuses on Zhu Xi’s Family Rituals and criticizes philosophical approaches to the study of Confucianism, stressing the need to pay attention to the importance of rituals.47 In recent years, Confucian studies have started to look at ritual in Confucianism. However, these discussions as still based on the contents of ancient texts and philosophical interpretations of the functions of ritual. Many studies are therefore concerned with Xunzi. For example, Kline and Tiwald aim to challenge the previous research and argue that Xunzi did not oppose religion, and try to ascertain the value of Xunzi’s thought for contemporary readers.48. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. Confucianism in Taiwan. Nat. y. sit. n. al. er. io. Although the bulk of the research focus on China in general, there are a few studies on Confucianism in Taiwan. However, there is a problem in that, in Taiwan, the research on Confucianism is produced mainly in the departments of Chinese literature and philosophy, which means that the emphasis is on Confucian thought. In addition, due to a political climate in Taiwan established with the arrival of the Kuomintang, the writings on Confucianism are often ideologically loaded and follow the political agenda as serving as a tool in an ideological struggle between two nationalist camps, which are oriented either toward China or toward Taiwanese independence). Proponents of the China-oriented cultural discourse seem to be predominantly proponents of Confucianism and tend to present a historic narrative of uninterrupted Chinese culture in Taiwan starting with Koxinga and lasting until present day, and which is observable in “national liberation” resistance against the Japanese. An example of this kind of scholarship. Ch. engchi. 43. i n U. v. Patricia Buckley Ebrey, Confucianism and Family Rituals in Imperial China: A Social History of Writing about Rites, Princeton University Press, 1991. 44 Kai-wing Chow, The Rise of Confucian Ritualism in Late Imperial China: Ethics, Classics, and Lineage Discourse, Stanford, Calif: Stanford University Press, 1994. 45 Liu Yonghua, Confucian Rituals and Chinese Villagers: Ritual Change and Social Transformation in a Southeastern Chinese Community, 1368-1949, Brill, 2013. 46 Xu Fuquan, Taiwan Minjian Jisi Liyi, Hsinchu: Xinzhu Shejiaoguan, 1996. 47 Azuma Juji, Zhu Xi Jiali Shizheng Yanjiu, Shanghai: Huadong shida, 2012. 48 T. C. Kline and Justin Tiwald (eds.), Ritual and Religion in the Xunzi, SUNY Press, 2014.. 11.

(19) is Chen. 49 The author’s background is in Chinese literature and her monograph puts an emphasis on textual analysis. It is interesting that the author utilises stele inscriptions, which have not often been analysed. However, the aim of argumentation is to show that Confucianism has been a core of Taiwanese national consciousness since the Qing era. The author equates Confucianism with Chinese culture, and as a result equates Taiwanese culture with Chinese culture in order to present an argument against a Taiwan-centred interpretation of Taiwanese history and culture, and the political aims of Taiwanese independence. Chen sees the Taiwan independence movement as the largest threat to Confucianism, and since Chen equates Confucianism with Chinese culture, which equals Taiwanese culture, it is a threat to Taiwan itself. A discussion of Chen and several other writings by other nationalist scholars of Confucianism is discussed in anthology edited by Makeham and Hsiau. 50 A monograph by Makeham is an invaluable overview how scholarly discourse in Mainland China and Taiwan define and redefine Confucianism, discuss Chinese culture, and religion. 51 His distinction between state and cultural nationalism is problematic because it tends to obfuscate that scholarly discourse can and does serve to advance political goals, and that academia does not exist independently of state structures. There are works on the history of Confucianism in Taiwan, which are not influenced by a nationalist agenda. The monograph by Tsurumi is a seminal work on the history of education in Taiwan, and shows how Japanese colonial authorities in Taiwan made use of Confucianism to appease local elites.52 Li describes the developments of Confucianism in Taiwan with an emphasis on social reality, and pays attention to poetry organizations, charity organizations, and especially on spirit-writing halls.53 Concerning research on contemporary forms of Confucianism in Taiwan, Jochim discusses post-WWII Taiwanese modernization, the Kuomintang politics propagating Confucianism, New Confucianism, and other Confucian groups. 54 Chen used ethnographic method to study how contemporary young people in Taiwan practice filial piety, for example through such mundane tasks as accompanying parents to watch television. 55 Taiwanese psychology pays attention to filial piety, such work by Yeh, however psychology is hindered by a tendency towards a normative approach and discussion on positive and negative influences of filial piety.56. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. 49. i n U. v. Chen Zhaoying, Taiwan Ruxue: Qiyuan, Fazhan yü Zhuanhua, Taipei, Taida chubanzhongxin, 2011. John Makeham and A-chin Hsiau (eds.), Cultural, Ethnic, and Political Nationalism in Contemporary Taiwan: Bentuhua, New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005. 51 John Makeham, Lost Soul: ‘Confucianism’ in Contemporary Chinese Academic Discourse, Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Asia Center, 2008. 52 Patricia Tsurumi, Japanese Colonial Education in Taiwan, 1895-1945, Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1977. 53 Li Shiwei, Rijushidai taiwan rujiao jieshe yu huodong, Taipei: Wenjin, 1999. 54 Jochim, “Carrying Confucianism into the Modern World.” 55 Chen Jingyü, “Ai jiushi pei tamen kandianshi! Chengnian zinü de dianshi xiaofei ü xinxiaodao shijian,” Guangbo yü dianshi, no. 34 (2012): 25–53. 56 Yeh Kung-hui, “Huaren xiaodao shuangyuanmoxing yanjiu de huigu yü qiandan,” Bentuxinlixue yanjiu 32 (2009): 101–48. 50. 12.

(20) There are several works on the Taipei Confucius temple, its history, architecture and rituals. The Master thesis by Tu is a valuable source of information. 57 Although written in the department of architecture, the thesis provides an overview of the temple’s history, and the core discussion concerns the autumn ritual celebrating the birthday of Confucius, its history, spatial configuration, participants, and structure. The author is a former Secretary of the Confucius temple and utilized many primary sources. However, the thesis is mainly descriptive and does not analyse the social and cultural background of the changes to the ritual. Eventually, the thesis is the basis for information on the official web page of the Taipei Confucius temple, and both official and unofficial publications on the temple make use of the information therein. Monograph published by the Taipei Confucius temple, edited by Tung and published in Chinese and English, is a compilation of articles by different scholars. 58 However, authorship of individual chapters is not clearly attributed. Although it is not an academic work, it contains valuable information concerning the temple and its history, and is accompanied with photographs and illustrations. The Classics recitation movement in Taiwan is a topic of many Master theses. Li writes from a perspective of religious studies, and tries to show through the example of Classics recitation movement that Confucianism fits the category of religion. 59 The core of this approach is evaluation of the role of sacred texts, and it concludes that Confucianism is an “invisible religion” of the Chinese. It provides a thorough overview of the history and development of the classics recitation movement. A thesis by Ke stands out because it focuses on economic and social developments that influence the recitation movement.60 Generally, it is possible to discern results-oriented approach in the theses on the Classics recitation. On one side, attempts to evaluating whether recitation improves literacy of young children. Another side tries to assess influence on moral development. Consequently, these theses tend to be based on questionnaires and formal interviews. Zhang prepared and tutored lessons, but does not analyse one’s own experience or interactions, and instead uses quantitative questionnaires to evaluate literacy, and qualitative methods to evaluate moral growth. 61 Moreover, many of the authors of the articles and theses on classics recitation seem to be written from the perspective of insiders and participants in ongoing political debate over the significance of the Classics. As a result, the secondary literature tends to adopt either an apologetic or a critical perspective. Related to the Classics recitation are the Life Education classes (shengming jiaoyu 生命教育) at Taiwanese schools, which are intended to teach morality and proper values. Various organizations take part in organizing these classes besides the government. The Life. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. 57. i n U. v. Du Meifen, Sikong renwen ji liyi kongjian zhiyanjiu, Master’s Thesis, Zhongyuan daxue, 2003. Dong Jinyü (ed.), “Shengzhishi: Taibeishi kongmioa de tuibian yü chuancheng,” Taipei: Taibeishi kongmiao guanliweiyuanhui, 2011; Tung Chin-yue (ed.), Confucius: The Sage Adaptable to Change, Taipei: Taipei Confucius Temple Governing Board, 2014. 59 Li Jianhong, “Jingdian yü shijian: dangdai taiwan dujing yundong,” Master’s Thesis, Guoli zhengzhidaxue, 2007. 60 Ke Xinya, “Jinshinian taiwan ertong dujing jiaoyu de fazhan 1991-2001,” Master’s thesis, Guoli hualian shifanxueyuan, 2002. 61 Zhang Xutingyzhi, “Ertong dujingjiaoyu dui xuexili yü pindejiaoyu zhiyanjiu,” Master’s Thesis, Zhonghua daxue, 2014. 58. 13.

(21) Education is discussed in a thesis by Lin who focuses on the issue of separation of church and state on the examples of three classes that are organized by Protestant, Tzu-chi, and I-kuan Tao groups. 62 However, the author does not question the categories of religion, religious organization, or the notion of the separation of the State and the Church. In comparison, Sullivan contrasts different understandings of legitimate role of religion in society and different law regulations, for example between US and Europe, and questions the practicality of religion as a legal term as well as the notion of religious freedom. Sullivan argues that since definitions are based on culturally biased understanding of religion, the notion of religious freedom is in effect paradoxically discriminatory because some practices, beliefs are not categorized as religion and thus are not legally protected in contrast to others that are given special rights under religious freedom.63 Lin’s thesis takes these concepts as granted, based of author’s understanding of religion as voluntary personal belief, and in the conclusion makes recommendation to make the classes organized by the religious organizations compatible with requirements. In addition, the thesis by Lin does not problematize the relationship between ideology and education, the contents of morality and proper values, or whether morals can actually be taught in a classroom setting. Concerning, the Classics recitation and Life Education, many of these classes are organized by I-kuan Tao, and since I-kuan Tao, or at least some of its branches, emphasizes its Confucian identity, majority of studies on the relationship between Confucianism and I-kuan Tao has been written by insiders. This is not problem per se but these studies tend to have evangelizing overtones. Even the studies written by non-believers, such as Billioud and Thoraval, tend to adopt the perspective of the I-kuan Tao elites, and reproduce the doctrines and official discourse. Due to methodological problems of trying to define religion and Confucianism in essentialist terms, these authors tend to look for an institution, which could be labelled as Confucian thus making the tradition palpable such as identifying I-kuan Tao as a “Confucian church” for modern era. This is linked with drawing lines between “official/state” Confucianism and “religious” Confucianism. The guiding logic is that I-kuan Tao promotes Confucianism, and since I-kuan Tao is identified as religious organization, ergo it is promoting the “religious Confucianism”. And since the KMT or the CCP are political parties, they represent the “state” Confucianism. This distinction, together with identification of I-kuan Tao as a Confucian church, seems to be to promoted in scholarship produced by IKT elites as well, already mentioned Zhong is an example. Because of these issues, there is a lack of sociological analysis of redemptive societies in Taiwan besides that by Lu, but it is weighted down by its heavy-handed application of rational choice theory. Another exception is Clart, who explores doctrinal and cultivational interactions between spirit-writing halls and I-kuan Tao. 64 A PhD thesis by Soo analyses an I-. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. 62. Lin Qiyun, “Zhengjiao fenli yü taiwan gongli guomin zhongxiaoxue zhi zongjiao shengming jiaoyu ”, Master Thesis, National Chengchi University, 2013. 63. Winnifred Fallers Sullivan, The Impossibility of Religious Freedom, Princeton; Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2005. 64 Philip Clart, “The Phoenix and the Mother: The Interaction of Spirit Writing Cults and Popular Sects in Taiwan,” Journal of Chinese Religions 25:1 (1997): 1–32.. 14.

(22) kuan Tao mission in Malaysia and discusses how propagation of Confucian ethics serves to raise credibility in the eyes of local authorities.65 Jordan and Overmeyer focus on spirit writing halls, but also mention I-kuan Tao as well, although the book shows its age.66 Even though the previously mentioned Palmer, Katz and Wang focus on redemptive societies in early republican China, the theoretical framework useful for study of I-kuan Tao in Taiwan, and these articles ought to be a starting point for such research.. 1.3 Theoretical Framework This thesis is situated within a larger framework of the lived religion approach, which was popularized by two seminal works, the Madonna of 115th Street by Orsi and Lived Religion in America edited by Hall. 67 They were soon followed by other scholars, such as Ammerman, Bender, Luhrman, McGuire, and still others who have applied this perspective to different topics in the fields of history and sociology of religion. 68 Instead of a one-sided focus on doctrines and theologies, this approach acknowledges differences between doctrines about what people actually do and also pays attention to interpretations and practices of social actors and how the religion is constructed in peoples’ lives. This shift in perspective does not mean condoning dualism between “elite” and “popular” culture. Instead, as Orsi points out, such a distinction may serve to classify certain forms of religious life as normative while marginalizing others.69 Focus on everyday life does not mean ignoring the role of official spaces of worship, such as churches, in favour of home setting. Rather, it means to look at how people talk about or how they re-create religion in other spaces and contexts, the differences, the interactions between these different spheres of social life, and why people avoid bringing religion into certain contexts or refuse to classify certain practices or ideas as religious. The lived religion approach thus pays attention to how social negotiation between different actors, including the laity and the clergy, without privileging an elite perspective. When applied to the study of Confucianism, this approach means that I try to abandon the normative view of Confucianism, which would understand "official teachings" as what is contained in Classical texts such as Analects and categorize other forms of interpretation and practice as variants or deviations from these textual norms. Instead of focusing on. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. 65. i n U. v. Khin Wah Soo, “A Study of the Yiguan Dao (Unity Sect) and Its Development in Peninsular Malaysia,” PhD Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1998. 66 David Jordan and Daniel Overmyer, The Flying Phoenix: Aspects of Chinese Sectarianism in Taiwan, Princeton University Press, 1986. 67 Robert A. Orsi, The Madonna of 115th Street: Faith and Community in Italian Harlem, 1880-1950, 3rd ed., New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2010; David D. Hall, Lived Religion in America: Toward a History of Practice, Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1997. 68 Nancy Tatom Ammerman, Sacred Stories, Spiritual Tribes: Finding Religion in Everyday Life, New York: Oxford University Press, 2014; Courtney Bender, The New Metaphysicals: Spirituality and the American Religious Imagination, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2010; T. M. Luhrmann, When God Talks Back: Understanding the American Evangelical Relationship with God, New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2012; Meredith McGuire, Lived Religion: Faith and Practice in Everyday Life, Oxford University Press, 2008. 69 Orsi, The Madonna of 115th Street, p. xxxiv.. 15.

(23) philosophical doctrines in sacred texts or works written by great Confucian thinkers, I tried to look at beliefs and practices, i.e. how people modify doctrines and create Confucianism through interactions and look at diversity within this sphere. I question the boundary line between “official or philosophical” Confucianism and “popular” Confucianism. For example, the Four Books Study Group in the Taipei Confucius temple is open to the public and the teacher is a student of Mou Zongsan, one of the important figures in contemporary Chinese philosophy. Are these lessons to be classified as philosophical or popular Confucianism? Moreover, how does such classification help us understand the motivations and actions of teacher and other participants? Although postcolonial theory is overly focused on literature studies, the themes discussed by the scholars have influenced my research approach by focusing my attention on certain issues during the fieldwork, as well as in making me careful about more or less hidden agendas and ideological influences in scholarly writings. Over the course of my research, I have discovered that it is necessary to ground the study of contemporary Confucianism in theories of nationalism in addition to those of colonialism and secularism. Secularism is a concept different from secularization as a universal historic process as discussed in past sociological and religious studies scholarship. Instead, secularism refers to an ideological stance adopted by social actors in concrete historic contexts and aimed towards defining and managing “religion” in public life as discussed, for example, by Asad, Gorski, or Mahmood. 70 In this section, I first discuss the definitional problems of “Confucianism” and “religion”. I avoid a discussion of defining religion and deciding whether Confucianism is a religion or not because, in my perspective, it is more fruitful to explore how others make these definitions and how they are influenced by historic, social and ideological contexts, and how these definitions inflect. For this reason, I also discuss the issues of colonialism, nationalism, and tradition versus modernity. In this way, I aim to engage in a dialogue with the Confucian Studies, which tend to omit concrete social settings and do not pay attention to the role of ideologies such as nationalism or secularism in their efforts of defining, interpreting and practicing Confucianism. The theoretical section concludes with a discussion of ritual theory.. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. Problem of Definitions I do not provide my own definition for “religion” and “Confucianism”, nor do I try to decide whether Confucianism is religion or not. Instead, I aim to explore how others make and use their own definitions, i.e. how Confucianism is constructed by different actors in changing social, cultural, and political contexts. Similarly, I do not try to draw boundary lines between religion, Confucianism, or scriptural and popular Confucianism. I am more interested in how people refer to Confucianism, why some cultural elements or practices are defined as Confucian and other not. I emphasize an approach of verstehen rather than erklären, since I. 70. Talal Asad, Genealogies of Religion: Discipline and Reasons of Power in Christianity and Islam, Baltimore; London: JHU Press, 2009; Philip S. Gorski and Ateş Altınordu, “After Secularization?,” Annual Review of Sociology 34: 1 (2008): 55–85; Saba Mahmood, Religious Difference in a Secular Age: A Minority Report, Princeton University Press, 2015.. 16.