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2009 年斯洛伐克媒體對女性總統侯選人報導之研究 - 政大學術集成

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(1)International Master’s Program in International Communication Studies 國立政治大學國際傳播英語碩士學程 International Master’s Program in International Communication Studies College of Communication National Chengchi 治 University. 立. 政. 大. ‧ 國. 學. 碩士論文. 論文題目. er. io. sit. Nat. y. ‧. Master`s Thesis. n. Media coverage of afemale politicians in Slovak v Republic during the. i l C n h e elections presidential n g c h i inU 2009. 2009 年斯洛伐克媒體對女性總統侯選人報導之研究. Student: 巴蘭卡 Lenka Babaríková Advisor: 彭芸 Bonnie Peng 中華民國99年7月. July 2010.

(2) 論文題目 Media coverage of female politicians in Slovak Republic during the presidential elections in 2009 Student: 巴蘭卡 Lenka Babaríková Advisor: 彭芸 Bonnie Peng 國立政治大學 政 治. 大. 立 國際傳播英語碩士學程 ‧. ‧ 國. 學. 碩士論文. A Thesis. y. Nat. er. io. sit. Submitted to the International Master`s Program in International Communication Studies. al. n. v i n Ch In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements engchi U For the degree of Master of Arts. In International Communication Studies. 中華民國99年7月 July 2010.

(3) Media coverage of female politicians in Slovak Republic during the presidential elections in 2009. Master`s Thesis National Chengchi University. 學. ‧ 國. 立. 政 治 大. In Partial Fulfillment. of the Requirements for the Degree of. ‧. Master of Arts. n. al. er. io. sit. y. Nat. In International Communication Studies. Ch. engchi. i n U. By Lenka Babaríková July 2010. v.

(4) Acknowledgement. First and foremost, I would like to express my deep gratitude to my thesis advisor, Dr. Bonnie Peng, for her guidance throughout the course of work on this thesis, invaluable advice, patience and continuous support. My special thanks go to Professor Shih Tsung-Jen, who helped me to improve my method, and gave me advice when I didn`t know how to continue, or when I wasn`t sure if I was going in the right direction.. 政 治 大. Professor Hu Yu-Wei on my thesis proposal exam panel provided excellent comments. 立. and helped point my work in the right direction.. ‧ 國. 學. Many thanks go to Huiting for her endless support throughout my studies at NCCU, and. ‧. for helping me find my way around the NCCU website.. Last but not least, I must thank to my family, friends and my boyfriend for their support,. n. al. er. io. sit. y. Nat. patience and help.. Ch. engchi. I. i n U. v.

(5) Abstract The coverage of female politicians in Slovak Republic during the presidential elections in 2009 by Lenka Babaríková. Slovak Republic is a country where women are still underrepresented in the public life. Only recently, after the Parliamentary elections in June 2010, a woman became Prime Minister of Slovak Republic. Slovak and international media appreciated Slovakia for being a first country in. 政 治 大. central-eastern Europe to have a female leader of the country (Zsilleova 2010).. 立. This fact doesn`t change, that women are almost absent from high posts in Parliament,. ‧ 國. 學. Government, public life, media or high managerial posts. Women in Slovakia still have a long. ‧. way to the equality.. This study focuses on the way female candidate for President Iveta Radičová is. y. Nat. er. io. candidate`s coverage.. sit. represented in the media during 2009 campaign. The research compares her coverage with male. al. n. v i n C hof candidates wasUgender biased and media mentioned The coverage of personal traits engchi. female candidate`s gender very often, meanwhile they didn`t mention male candidates gender except in few occasions. However, there was no gender bias in the coverage of candidates` viability, the issues discussed, and the tone of coverage. Even thought male candidate was favored in amount and prominence of coverage, he was covered in more negative way, which can turn his advantage into disadvantage. Keywords: media coverage, female candidates, female politicians, gender bias, stereotyping II.

(6) Contents 1. Introduction ………………………………………………….…………………. 1 1.1.Women in media…………………………………………..……………………… 1 1.2.Purpose of the study……………………………………………….……............... 3 1.3.Background information ………………………………………………………… 4 1.3.1. System of presidential elections in Slovak Republic……………….…….. 5 1.3.2. Situation of women in Slovakia………………………………….….……. 7 1.4.Stereotyping and gender bias…………………….……………………………….. 10 1.5.Contributions ……………………………………………………………………. 11 2. Literature review…………………………….…………………………………. 12 2.1.Private / Public Paradigm ……………………………………………………….. 12 2.2. Coverage of female politicians…………………………………………….......... 13 2.3. The amount and prominence of coverage ……………………………………… 15 2.4. The content of coverage ……………………………………………………....... 16 2.4.1. Gendered coverage……………………………………………………….. 17 2.4.2. Viability coverage………………………………………….….…………. 18 2.4.3. Issue coverage……………………………………………….….……....... 19 2.4.4. Trait coverage……………..………………………………..…………...... 20 2.4.5. Tone of coverage……………….………………………………………… 21 2.5. Differences between rounds ….…………………………………………. 22 2.6. Summary…………………………………………………………………… 23 3. Research method…………………………………………………………....…... 24 3.1. Content analysis………………………………………………………….…..….. 24 3.2. Research questions …………………………………………………….……….. 27 3.3. Measures………………………………………………………………………… 28 3.3.1. The amount of coverage………………………………………………..... 28 3.3.2. The prominence of coverage…………………………………………….. 29 3.3.3. Gendered coverage………………………….…………………………… 30 3.3.4. Viability coverage……………………………………………………….. 31 3.3.5. Issue coverage………………………………………………….………… 31 3.3.6. Personal trait coverage…………………………………………………… 32 3.3.7. General tone of headline and article……………………….……………… 32 3.3.8. Differences between rounds ……………………………………………… 33 4. Findings………………………………………………………………………….. 34 4.1.Descriptives…………………………………….……………………………..... 34 4.2.Amount of coverage……………………….………………………………..….. 37 4.3.Prominence of coverage…………….………………………………………….. 39 4.4.Gendered coverage…………………………………………………………….. 41 4.5.Viability coverage……………………………………………………………… 43 III. 立. 政 治 大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. v.

(7) 4.6.Issue coverage…………………………………………………..………………. 45 4.7.Personal traits……………………………………………..………………………. 48 4.8.Tone of the coverage……………………………………………………………… 50 4.9. Differences between rounds …………………………………………………….. 51 4.10. Summary …………………….……………………………………………….…. 53 5. Discussion………………………………………………………………………... 55 5.1.Amount of coverage……………………………………………..………………… 55 5.2.Prominence of coverage……………………………………………………….….. 56 5.3.Gendered coverage…………………….………………………………………….. 58 5.4.Viability coverage…………………………….…………………………………… 60 5.5.Issue coverage……………………………………….………….…………………. 61 5.6.Traits coverage……………………………………………………………………. 63 5.7.Tone of the coverage……………………………………………………………… 63 5.8. Differences between rounds ………………………………………….………….. 64 5.9. Summary ……………………………………………….………………………… 65 6. Future studies………………………………………………..…………………... 66 7. Limitations………………………………………………………….…………… 69 8. Conclusions………..…………………………………………………….………. 71 References…………………………………………………………….……………… 73 Appendix I.: Codebook………………………………………………….…………… 81 Appendix II: Intercoder Reliability Test……………………………………….…….. 97 Appendix III: Mentioned Issues………...……………………………………….…… 99 Appendix IV: Mentioned Personal Traits……………………………………….…… 100. 立. 政 治 大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. IV. i n U. v.

(8) List of Tables and Figures Figure 1 Source of the Article…………………………………………..………… 35 Figure 2 Author of the Article.................................................................................. 35 Figure 3 Location of the Article …………………………………………………. 36 Figure 4 Amount of Coverage…………………………………………………….. 37 Table 1 Crosstabulation of Location of Article and Sex of Candidate …………… 40 Table 2 Horse- Race Content for Male and Female Candidates ………………….. 44 Table 3 Successfulness of Candidates` Presidential Campaign ………………….. 45 Table 4 Female and Male Issues…………………………………………………. 48 Table 5 Traits Used for Female and Male Candidates…………………………… 49 Table 6 Tone of Coverage of Male and Female Candidate ……………………… 50 Table 7 Tone of the Headline for the Candidates ………………………………… 51. 立. 政 治 大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. V. i n U. v.

(9) 1.. Introduction. The media are very influential in modern society and the way political candidates are covered in media can influence voters‘ decisions. In this study I would like to examine the media coverage of male and female candidates in presidential elections taking place in Slovakia on March 21st, 2009 the first round and April 4th, 2009 the second round. Women in Slovakia are still underrepresented in politics; during the parliamentary period of 2006-2010 only 18% of elected representatives in The National Council of Slovak Republic. 治 政 大the same period counted only with (Parliament) were women (www.nrsr.sk), the Government in 立 12.5% of female ministers (http://www.government.gov.sk). After the Parliamentary elections of. ‧ 國. 學. 2010, 15.3% of the new Members of Parliament for the period 2010-2014 are women. The. ‧. Government for the same period has 14.3% of women, but for the first time in the history of. sit. y. Nat. Slovakia, and even in the history of Czechoslovakia, a woman became the Prime Minister of. io. al. er. Slovak Republic, Iveta Radičová will lead the Government for the next four years.. v. n. In the academic field, this will be the first study of the way how the female politicians are covered in Slovakia.. Ch. engchi. 1.1.. i n U. Women in media. The topic of coverage of women and more specifically of female politicians in the press is highly important and worthy of study because women still haven`t reached equality with men in many aspects of life. This phenomenon should be observed, and also it should be determined. 1.

(10) whether or not it is changing over time, therefore new research is needed to complement the studies previously done. Cross-cultural comparisons are also necessary because women`s situation differ among cultures. Each culture has its own set of values, societal norms, and attitudes toward the role of women within the family, work place, and public life, and there is a necessity to compare the situation of women in different settings. The results from European Union and from countries with different political systems and historical backgrounds are valuable. Past studies have concentrated more on the coverage of. 政 治 大. male and female politician in US, Canada, Australia or UK (Norris 1997; Atkeson and Krebs. 立. 2008; Kittilson and Fridkin 2008; Fridkin, Kenney et al. 2009), but there are not so many studies. ‧ 國. 學. from European countries1, and there are almost no studies in the region of Eastern Europe, in the. ‧. so called post-communist bloc. The available studies of women in Eastern Europe focus more on. sit. y. Nat. violence against women, female NGO`s or other female- related topics, but not on the coverage. io. et al. 2008).. er. of female politicians in the media (Mitchell 1998; Acsady 1999; Ibroscheva 2007; Hardy, Kozek. al. n. v i n C hstudying the mostUrecent presidential election, in which There are numerous reasons for engchi. three of the seven candidates were female. The first reason is that the second strongest candidate in this election, Iveta Radičová, was a woman. From the beginning, she was viewed by media and public as a candidate that would most probably pass to the second round together with Ivan Gašparovič, the candidate who eventually won the elections. It is important to examine whether. 1. Except UK.. 2.

(11) or not she was covered in the media as much and in the same way as her opponent, the current president of Slovak Republic, Ivan Gašparovič. This is a unique opportunity in the Slovak Republic to study media coverage of male and female candidates during elections, because this was the first time a woman candidate for the post of President of Slovak Republic had an actual chance to pass to the second round and possibly win, and she was perceived as a strong competitor to the favored male candidate. The presidential elections are a prime case for the study of coverage of male and female candidates, because parliamentary elections in Slovakia are not very much concerned about. 政 治 大. individuals, but about the party as a whole, so normally there is not much possibility to study the. 立. difference between the coverage of men and women.. ‧ 國. 學. This study counts with settings different from similar studies in other countries, such as. ‧. United States of America, where the president acts as the head of the state, and has an important. sit. y. Nat. role in the politics of the country. In Slovakia the position of the president in the society is more. io. er. ceremonial, with the Prime Minister of Slovak Republic occupying the most politically powerful position. Consequently, during the campaign, there normally aren‘t many articles about the. al. n. v i n C hofficial duties. Ivan incumbent because of coverage of his e n g c h i U Gašparovič was running to be reelected, so he was campaigning and at the same time he was serving as the President of Slovakia.. 1.2 Purpose of the study. In the Slovak presidential elections in 2009, there were seven candidates for president, and three of them were women. The purpose of this study will be to examine whether one of the female candidates is represented in Slovak media the same way as one of the male candidates. 3.

(12) From the seven candidates for president, two candidates passed to the second round: one man, and one woman; in order to reach more clarity, simplicity, and better possibility for comparisons of the two rounds, the analysis will only observe these two candidates during both rounds. To fulfill the purpose of the study the research will focus on the aspects of the news coverage related to quantity, prominence and content of the coverage. In terms of content of coverage concepts like gender- biased coverage, viability coverage, male / female issues, and coverage of personal traits and tone of the coverage will be covered.. 政 治 大. 1.3. Background information. 立. ‧ 國. 學. Slovakia became an independent state on January 1st, 1993, after the so called Velvet. ‧. Divorce with the Czech Republic. Slovakia is a parliamentary democratic republic with a multi-. y. Nat. party system. The head of state is the President; however his functions are mostly ceremonial and. er. io. sit. representative. In 1993 Michal Kováč became the first president of Slovakia; he was elected by. al. Parliament for a five year term. In 1998 the Parliament was unable to choose new President, and. n. v i n Slovakia remained almost one year C without president; the Prime Minister and the h e nangelected chi U Speaker of Parliament served his functions. Because of this situation the law was changed and in 1999 President Rudolf Schuster became the first directly elected president of Slovakia, he was elected by direct popular vote for a five year term. Only three direct elections have been held up to now, in 1999, 2004 and 2009.. 4.

(13) 1.3.1. System of presidential elections in Slovak Republic. The elections in Slovakia start with the announcement of the presidential elections by the Parliament. Prospective candidates have 21 days to announce their candidacy. They need to have a support of at least 15 Representatives of Parliament or of 15,000 citizens in order to be eligible to join the first round of the elections. If one of the candidates receives 50% + 1 of valid votes in the first round, he or she is elected president. If president is not elected in the first round, two candidates with the highest amount of votes advance to the second round of elections. The. 政 治 大. candidate with majority of votes in the second round wins the elections, and becomes the new. 立. President of Slovak Republic.. ‧ 國. 學. In elections of 1999 there were 10 candidates for the first round and only one of them was. ‧. a woman. She obtained 6.6% in the first round; therefore she didn‘t pass to the second round. In. y. Nat. the 2004 elections there were 12 candidates and none of them was woman. We could call the. er. io. sit. year 2009 ―the year of women‖ in Slovak politics, because there were seven candidates, three of them were women. Iveta Radičová obtained 38.05% in the first round, so she was able to pass to. n. al. the second round of the election.. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. The first round of the election was held on March 21st, 2009. The official presidential campaign for the first round lasted 15 days, starting on March 6th. The moratorium for the first round of elections started on March 19th, 7:00 am and lasted until the day of the first round of elections. The moratorium period is the time when the candidates are forbidden to engage in campaigning, but the press can still report on the elections. This time is meant to give voters. 5.

(14) time to decide without any interfering factors. In each elections, the moratorium is closely observed, however there are always complaints about candidates breaking the rules. There were seven candidates in the first round of 2009 elections. But this study will only focus on the two strongest candidates who passed to the second round. Ivan Gašparovič (born March 27, 1941) studied law at the Comenius University in Bratislava. He joined the Communist Party in 1968, but he was later expelled. In 1992 Gašparovič joined the Movement for a Democratic Slovakia (HZDS). In July 2002 Gašparovič left the HZDS and founded a new party, the Movement for Democracy (HZD). Gašparovič. 政 治 大. assumed the office of President of Slovakia in 2004. He was running for re-election in the. 立. presidential election of 2009, he got 46.71% of the votes in the first round, which assured him. ‧ 國. 學. passage to the second round.. ‧. Iveta Radičová (born December 7, 1956) studied Sociology at the Comenius University. y. Nat. in Bratislava. Until the year 2005 she was dedicated to her academic career, and she was. er. io. sit. nominated Professor2 of Sociology in 2005. Radičová served as Slovakia‘s Minister of Labor. al. from 2005 to 2006, and she became a member of the Parliament in 2006. She is currently a. n. v i n CChristian member of the Slovak Democratic and – Democratic Party (SDKU-DS); she led h e n gUnion chi U. the party in the parliamentary elections on June 12th, 2010. SDKU-DS together with other three center-right parties formed the Government. She was named Prime Minister of Slovakia by President of Slovakia on July 8th. She is the first female PM in the history of Slovakia and even. 2. In Slovak Republic, Professor, is legal pedagogical- academic title awarded to PhD. teachers at university with. excellent results in their teaching and research. The title is awarded by recommendation of the university and is awarded by the President of Slovak Republic, It is the highest academic title possible is Slovak Republic.. 6.

(15) Czechoslovakia. In the first round of presidential elections 2009 she got 38.05 % and passed to the second round. The second round of presidential elections was held on April 4th, 2009, the moratorium period started 48 hours prior to the beginning of the elections 3 . Iveta Radičová lost to Gašparovič; she obtained 44.47% of all the votes. The turnout of the second round was higher than in first round, it was 51.7%.. 1.3.2. Situation of women in Slovakia. 立. 政 治 大. On May 1st, 2004 Slovak Republic entered European Union, and now shares many. ‧ 國. 學. legislative norms, policies, and future goals with European Union. There are many initiatives in. ‧. European Union to ensure future development toward the equality of men and women in every. sit. y. Nat. aspect of the life, but in reality the equality is yet to be established. During the last few years. io. er. there has been a general increase in the number of women in decision- making positions in. al. Europe, however the report of European Commission (2009) shows that women still remain a. n. v i n C h In parliaments,U governments and ministries and in minority in political and economic spheres. engchi the private sector too, power is still firmly in men‘s hands.. According to Ženy a Európske voľby: súhrnná analýza4 (2009) the majority (77%) of women in the European Union think that men are dominating politics. Most women believe that a female presence in politics would bring a positive change. In addition, the majority of women think their interests are not presented and guarded by politicians currently in power. 3. April 2nd, at 7:00am. 4. Women and European Elections: general analysis. 7.

(16) Slovakia ranks the third place in the European Union in regards to the percentage of women who think that personal and family life keep them from career (2009). Basic equal rights are rooted in the Slovak constitution, and recently new regulations have helped to strengthen equality, but in reality, the status of women is not actually the same as the law ensures, mainly in the domains of labor market, private and political life, family and career. The dual roles of mother and employee are typical for Slovak women, and balancing these can be difficult. They have to deal with low participation of men in family duties and in education of children (http://www.employment.gov.sk/).. 政 治 大. During the communism period, all the adults had an obligation to be employed, but after. 立. 1989 Slovak women ―faced a new challenge of a choice, which they never had during socialism:. ‧ 國. 學. a choice of staying at work and being economically and professionally active or of returning to. ‧. the ‗traditional role of women‘, in the family and with children‖ (Bitušíková 2005, p.1006).. sit. y. Nat. The position of women in politics during communism was also different than after 1989.. io. al. er. During communism, there were quotas for participation of women in politics. These quotas. n. demanded 30% participation of female politicians in the Parliament (Filadelfiová 2002). These quotas have helped to ensure at. v i n C h20% of female Uparticipation. least engchi. As an example, the. percentage of females in Parliament was 29% from 1985 to 1989, but according to Bitušíková (2005) this relatively high number of women in the legislative authorities and their participation in politics was only a formality, and their impact on decision-making was minimal. After the fall of communism, the quotas were abolished and the percentage of women in Parliament dropped down to 12%. From then on the number was changing, at the present time; the number is around twenty percent. In 1998, there were 16.9% of female candidates for posts in the Parliament; in 2002 this percentage saw an increase of 6% to 23.1%. In the 2006 elections, 8.

(17) there was a slight decrease to 22.5% of female candidates and in 2010 the decrease continued to 21% of female candidates (http://www.aspekt.sk/info_det.php?IDcentrum=132). When the numbers of female candidates for Parliament are as written, it implies that the number of female politicians who get to the Parliament after the elections is even smaller. After the parliamentary elections. of. 2010,. 15.3%. of. all. the. members. of. Parliament. are. women. (http://www.nrsr.sk/Static/sk-SK/Poslanci/zoznam_volby_2010.html). Filadelfiová and her colleagues studied possible gender gap in Slovakia based on facts of parliamentary elections in 2002. They claim that although Slovak women obtained voting rights. 政 治 大. quite early, when the first Czechoslovak Republic was established, and Slovakia signed. 立. international agreements about gender equality, there are still differences found in social and. ‧ 國. 學. political life of men and women (Filadelfiová, Bútorová et al. 2002). From 1990 until 2002. ‧. women in Parliament were represented by only 12-15%, and there were only about 10% of. sit. y. Nat. women in Government; at one point of time, there were no women in the Government. Authors. io. er. blame the processes of nominating candidates within political parties, because only parties can. al. decide who will enter the list of candidates, and the parties set the order on the list.. n. v i n Consequently, the lower numbers in C thehlist of candidates U e n g c h i result in lower possibility of entering the Parliament and Government. Normally, only few women actually appear within first ten positions on the list. Chaloupková (2004) agrees with this conclusion, and she also mentions the underrepresentation of women in Slovak politics. She compares the low presence of women in Parliament and Government with the comparatively high presence of women in political parties, but she also says that many times women themselves give up on politics, because of the fighting nature of politics, or that women are less interested in politics. 9.

(18) 1.4.. Stereotyping and gender bias. There are numerous studies related to women in politics, and some of them are concretely related to media coverage of women in politics. These studies offer various results and various points of view on the topic. Many of these studies use concepts such as stereotyping or genderbiased coverage. For better understanding of the topic these concepts need to be explained. Stereotyping means attributing assumed characteristics to all of the members of a group. Pippa Norris defines stereotyping as ―describing individuals positively or negatively on the basis. 政 治 大. of characteristics seen as common to their group‖ (Norris 1997, p.153). Stereotyping is in a way. 立. inevitable, because we often don`t have all the information we need to make an accurate. ‧ 國. 學. judgment. It serves as a shortcut in thinking. Stereotypes are common and they make up for the. ‧. information we miss about individuals. Stereotypes are unconscious, and we use them to. sit. y. Nat. evaluate situations, and to understand the world. (Everitt 2005b) But as Norris (1997) claims. io. er. stereotyping also leads to creating an inaccurate image of individual person, since it ascribes. al. characteristics to them which may be not true.. n. v i n C h is attributingUcertain characteristics to women and This implies that gender stereotyping engchi. men as a group. These characteristics only offer summary information about a group, and can be very imprecise and don`t express the uniqueness of individuals. Consequently, gender-biased coverage is coverage of men or women that is based on gender stereotyping, and depicts men and women in a gender- stereotyped manner. Previous studies found support for the claims that people use these gender stereotypes, so they can easily implement new information about a candidate into their personal portrait of the candidate (Norris 1997; Kahn, Kenney et al. 2009). 10.

(19) 1.5.. Contributions. As mentioned previously, the women in Slovakia haven`t reached equality with men to the extent that it is ensured in the laws of Slovak Republic. Female politicians also have a more difficult situation than men in politics. Female politicians are underrepresented in the Parliament and Government, and their chance to get on the candidate lists (and consequently to Parliament and Government) for their party is much lower than for men. This study aims to contribute to the extensive body of research on coverage of male and. 政 治 大. female politicians. It will bring new results from a European Union country that hasn`t been studied. 立. before; from a country belonging to the post- communist bloc. This exploratory study will open a. ‧ 國. 學. space for other researchers to continue studying in more detail the situation of female politicians / candidates in Slovakia and in other countries from the same region with similar historical and. ‧. io. sit. y. Nat. n. al. er. political background.. Ch. engchi. 11. i n U. v.

(20) 2. 2.1.. Literature review Private / Public paradigm. To see where the gender- bias comes from, many authors examine the influence of the role of women in the society and in the home environment from a historical point of view. For much of history, women have been perceived as family care-takers, and as a part of the family, private environment. Men in contrast were considered as a part of both private and public realm. The structures and values of these realms differ essentially (Garlick, Dixon et al. 1992; Brown. 治 政 and Gardetto 2000). Women who cross the borders into the大 realm of behavior that is considered 立. traditionally male are often considered as undermining the image of what a good woman should. ‧ 國. 學. be.. ‧. The difference between the private and the public sphere is that the private sphere is. sit. y. Nat. concerned more about the individual needs driven by natural instincts: need for food, security,. io. al. er. procreation, etc. The public sphere is universal; it includes the community as a whole, not just a. v. n. small portion of it. According to Garlick, Dixon and Allen there is a hierarchy, and the public. Ch. engchi. i n U. sphere is superior, ―it draws on man`s higher capabilities, his mind, his courage, his ability to make choices concerning the good and bad and sacrifice himself for an abstract whole‖ (Garlick, Dixon et al. 1992, p.5). This public/private paradigm influences the representation of women who crossed the boundary of the private sphere and entered the public area; and it prevents the actions of women from being considered according to the same criteria as those of man. According to Jackson and Russo (Jackson and Russo 2002, p.1), women in the mass media are often reduced to images that are ―constructed through dominant discourses of social class, race, ethnicity, sexual orientation, religion, and national. These images of women are fairly 12.

(21) restricted, and often introduce the frame of victimization and the relation between power (men) and powerlessness (women). Van Zoonen and Sreberny (2000) add to this and claim that women are often perceived through images or signs, however in contrast men are perceived in a more natural way. Ross and Sreberny (2000) note that a female politician will always be considered a woman first, but a male politician is considered as a politician. His gender is something that is rarely, if ever, brought into consideration. Media coverage of women is a frequently studied topic. In her article Uncovering the Coverage, Joanna Everitt (2005a) claims that we use the unconscious gender stereotypes and. 政 治 大. images / signs of women to understand how politicians, female and male, should behave, and our. 立. image of how women and how politicians behave usually don`t overlap.. Coverage of female politicians. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. 2.2.. sit. y. Nat. io. er. Politics is a public domain, and the information people have about politics comes in great. al. extent from mass-media; not from personal experience or from direct observation (Jimenez,. n. v i n C h This gives the media Gomez-Escalonilla Moreno et al. 2008). e n g c h i U influence over the public, but it also creates a mutually beneficial relationship between politicians and the media. They both need each other: media depend on politicians to have stories to write about, and politicians need the attention of the media in order to get the attention of the public. In her book review, Everitt (2005b, p.388) found out that all of the authors to some extend believe that ―news is produced, reported, and edited by men to be consumed by men. The result is that men‘s issues and concerns are regularly privileged over women‘s, and politics continues to be presented using a masculine narrative‖. Women and their concerns are still considered novelties. 13.

(22) Kahn observed this topic in numerous studies (1992; 1993; 1994; Kahn, Kenney et al. 2009) and she discovered that women have a harder time influencing the media‘s agenda than do their male counterparts. Everitt (2005b, p.388) also noted that women‘s points of view are frequently ignored by the media, and when women appear on news the way the are presented ―reflects the biases and assumptions of those who define the public—and therefore the media— agenda‖. The first studies dedicated to topics on women in media or concretely female politicians in media surged thanks to feminist movements, the research on the content of news coverage in. 政 治 大. 1970`s illustrates both the achievements and frustrations of the movement‘s efforts to receive. 立. favorable attention for itself and feminist issues (Larson 2001). The majority of the studies done. ‧ 國. 學. on women and politics can be divided into the topics of advertising, news coverage of the. ‧. women`s movement and feminist organizations, first ladies, women candidates, women. sit. y. Nat. politicians, and women in the electorate.. io. er. It seems that the results on the topic of coverage of female politicians in media are. al. changing over time. We can say these alterations reflect the changing situation of women in. n. v i n society, but women are still not equalC toh men in each aspect, e n g c h i U so the coverage of men and women also differs even in the present time according to country, social and political situation, etc. Early studies from the US (Kahn and Goldenberg 1991; Kahn 1992; Norris 1997) of the coverage of women showed that men were more frequently covered than women, and the coverage of men was more salient, which means more coverage on the front page for men and more coverage in the style section or the women`s section for women. Women`s coverage was substantially different from men`s coverage. Coverage of women was more focused on a women`s role as mother or wife, on her appearance, on ―feminine‖ personal traits such as 14.

(23) empathy, sensitivity; as opposed to male traits such as rationality, independence and the like. Media also focused more on female issues for women; these issues include those in which women are perceived as more effective in handling, such as education, child care, or health care. Men`s issues are those issues that men are perceived as more effective in handling such as the economy, crime, or war.. 2.3. The amount and prominence of coverage. 政 治 大. The fact that news is considered men`s domain can be a reason why the news stories are. 立. concerned more about men in general (Keith 2009). Also, the past research showed that men. ‧ 國. 學. were more frequently covered than women, not only in the field of politics, but in general (Kahn. ‧. 1992; Kahn 1994; Norris 1997). There have been more articles dedicated to male politicians, and. sit. y. Nat. much more coverage on the front page, whereas females tend to appear more in the later sections. io. er. of the newspapers such as culture, fashion, design and such. Bosá (2007) noted that women in. al. Slovakia after 45 years old are not likely to appear in media at all; normally only in the case in. n. v i n C h themselves,Uor artists. which they are wives of politicians, politicians engchi. More recent research has shown that differences in amount and prominence of coverage between men and women are gradually shrinking. Many recent studies in the US failed to demonstrate that female politicians were covered less frequently than male politicians (Atkeson and Krebs 2008; Kittilson and Fridkin 2008). There are actually cases where women received more coverage than men in certain periods or in certain situations, such as during the so called Year of the Women in the USA. 15.

(24) (Norris 1997); or in the 2000 Senate and gubernatorial primaries (Bystrom, Robertson et al. 2001); but there are still differences in coverage content. Fridkin and Goldenberg (1991) have said already in 1991 that the increase in coverage of female politicians can be caused because female politicians are considered as novelties in the politic arena, and they can be perceived by media as newsworthy. Even though this is an old article, it can still be applicable in the Slovak Republic‘s political environment, where female politicians rarely achieve high posts in politics. The background literature tells us that in the past there were differences in the amount of. 政 治 大. coverage of male and female politicians, but these differences have been shrinking over the. 立. recent years. Because there is no study which could tell us how it was or how it is nowadays in. ‧ 國. 學. Slovakia, there is a necessity to look into the current coverage and observe the situation.. sit. y. Nat. female presidential candidates, which is phrased as follows:. ‧. Therefore, the first research question is concerned with the amount of coverage of both male and. io. er. RQ1: Is there a difference in the amount of coverage of male and female candidates?. al. As the literature review suggests, sometimes there is no significant difference in the. n. v i n C hcandidates, but theUdifference can lay in the prominence amount of coverage of male and female engchi of coverage. The second research question will deal with this possible difference. RQ2:. Is there a difference in the prominence of coverage of male and female. candidates? 2.4.. The content of the coverage. Even though the difference in the amount of coverage is shrinking, some authors (Ross and Sreberny 2000; Kittilson and Fridkin 2008; Kahn, Kenney et al. 2009) say that it is still 16.

(25) possible to observe differences in the content of the coverage. There is still more coverage concerning women`s appearance, viability or personal traits, and there is still much more emphasis on women`s issues for women in media.. 2.4.1. Gendered coverage. Some differences are found in the coverage of so called gendered coverage of politicians. Gendered coverage for women means that there is a higher trend of reporting about their marital. 政 治 大. and family status, whether they have children, and the tendency to directly mention their gender,. 立. mention that they are women or female politicians (Ross and Sreberny 2000; Bystrom,. ‧ 國. 學. Robertson et al. 2001).. ‧. Everitt (2005) has noted that women in Canada are more likely to receive coverage. sit. y. Nat. focused on their relationships, they are more likely to be described as wives of, daughters of,. io. al. background helping them, telling them what to do.. er. mothers of and even girlfriends of some man; as if they are expected to have some man in the. n. v i n Ross and Sreberny (2000) andCEveritt noted in their studies that when media are h e n(2005a) gchi U. writing about female politicians, they often mention their age, their appearance, and their clothing. Moreover, they even mention the organization and cleanliness of their offices. Sometimes female politicians are converted into sex objects, or on the other extreme are presented as asexual. If they are portrayed as a sex object that is considered disruptive to the world of politics, this can consequently diminish their credibility (Everitt 2005a).. 17.

(26) Everitt (2005a) also states that the hair or clothes of female are much more likely to be discussed than her stands or opinions, while the appearance of male politicians is rarely discussed. This research will also pay attention to the gendered coverage; there is a need to see whether Slovak female politicians are also covered by Slovak media in gendered way, therefore the third research question will be as follows: RQ3: Is the female candidate portrayed by Slovak media in gendered way?. 立. 政 治 大. 2.4.2. Viability coverage. ‧ 國. 學. The literature also points out that female politicians receive more coverage on their. ‧. viability. Further, Larson (2001), Bystrom and Banwart (2005) mention that female politicians in. y. Nat. the US receive more negative coverage on their viability. Media focus more on the kind of news. al. er. io. sit. containing ―horse- race‖ coverage, the qualifications of female politicians for the office, or. n. statements regarding her age and experience.. Ch. engchi. However, Fridkin and Kittilson (2008) didn`t. iv n find U any. differences in the viability. coverage of male and female politicians during the election campaigns in Australia, Canada, and the United States. This study will focus on the coverage of viability of the female candidate as well. This concern is expressed in the next research question. RQ4: Is there a difference in the viability coverage of male and female candidates?. 18.

(27) 2.4.3. Issue coverage. It seems that there is a persistent tendency to cover men and women differently in issue coverage and trait coverage even in the most recent studies. The difference in issue coverage expresses the difference in the substance of coverage of male and female politicians. According to Fridkin and Goldenberg (1991) male issues are considered to be those issues that men are seen as being more competent in handling (e.g. foreign policy, defense, economy, and agriculture, etc.); female issues are those where women are considered to be more capable (e.g. education,. 政 治 大. minority rights, environment, abortion, social programs, health care, etc.). As the data of their. 立. study indicate, male issues are much more prevalent in the US media than female issues, and. ‧ 國. 學. overall male issues are covered more frequently for men, and female issues are discussed more. ‧. frequently for women. Fridkin and Kittilson (2008), and Everitt (2005) confirmed these results in. y. Nat. their studies done in Canada and the US, and Fridkin and Kittilson added that ―emphasis on male. er. io. sit. issues is almost twice as likely for male candidates than female candidates‖ (2008, p. 382). These. al. results show a consistent difference in the substance of issue coverage given to male and female. n. v i n C h cross- nationallyUin this study. politicians, and the results were consistent engchi. This kind of coverage (male issues for male candidates, and female issues for female candidates) can influence the voters perceptions of the candidate: voters are more likely to perceive women talking about women`s issues as more effective and men talking about men`s issue more effective (Iyengar, Valentino et al. 1997). Candidates can take advantage of it, if they are able to direct media attention to issues convenient for them. But as it was discussed earlier in the paper, this task can be very difficult for politicians in general, and even more difficult for female politicians. 19.

(28) For the needs of this study, the issues will be divided into male issues, female issues and neutral issues. Neutral issues will be those issues specific for Slovak environment, not mentioned in previous studies, impossible to categorize as male or female issues. This study wants to examine whether the issue coverage in Slovak Republic differs significantly for male and female candidates. This will be addressed in the next question. RQ5: Is there a difference in the coverage of male and female candidates in terms of issue coverage?. 立. 政 治 大. 2.4.4. Trait coverage. ‧ 國. 學. For the definition of trait coverage some authors (Kahn and Goldenberg 1991; Diekman. ‧. and Eagly 2000; Sczesny, Bosak et al. 2004; Kittilson and Fridkin 2008) came to an. sit. y. Nat. understanding that under male traits we understand those traits that are consistently associated. io. er. with men and are perceived as agentic. Moreover male traits tend to overlap with leadership. al. traits (e.g., bold, rational, independent, objective, competitive, strong leader, unemotional,. n. v i n C hfemale traits are associated aggressive, ambitious, and tough) while with women and perceived engchi U as communal traits (e.g., sensitive, empathic, passive, dependent, noncompetitive, gentle, emotional, weak leader, and compassionate). These studies came to the conclusion that the discussion of male traits is more prevalent in general, especially for coverage of male politicians; but coverage of female traits is more common in the coverage of female candidates in comparison with the coverage of male candidates (Kahn and Goldenberg 1991; Ross and Sreberny 2000; Kittilson and Fridkin 2008).. 20.

(29) According to Bem Sex Role Inventory (BSRI), there are traits that are desirable for men and traits desirable for women within the society (Choi and Fuqua 2003; Ozkan and Lajunen 2005). Bem created the list of 20 most common male, female and neutral traits used to describe individuals. The male and female traits defined in BSRI match the male and female traits used in previous studies to define male and female traits in coverage of traits of politicians or political candidates. The neutral traits are the ones that cannot be attributed to any gender in particular (ex: happy, friendly, truthful and the like). This study will use all three categories of traits, because of the frequent use of neutral traits in Slovak media.. 政 治 大. In this study trait coverage of male and female candidate will be observed as well, and is. 立. covered in the following research question:. ‧ 國. 學. RQ6: Is there a difference in the coverage of male and female candidates in terms of. ‧. io. sit. y. Nat. 2.4.5. Tone of coverage. er. personal traits?. al. n. v i n Previous studies also centeredC their to the tone of coverage for male and female h eattention ngchi U candidates. Some authors claim that the coverage female candidates receive in the media is much more negative when compared with their male counterparts. The tone of the articles and of the headlines written about female politicians is frequently negative, or mixed, while male politicians receive much more neutral coverage (Norris 1997; Ross and Sreberny 2000; Kittilson and Fridkin 2008). Based on the results from the previous studies, the tone of the coverage will be examined also in this research and it is addressed in the research question seven. 21.

(30) RQ7: Is there a difference in the tone of coverage of male and female candidates?. 2.5. Differences between rounds. The amount of attention received by political parties or candidates from media during the election campaign can be influenced by an array of factors. A rule of equal amount of attention may be applied by some media, but this principle may be overridden by newspaper values and even journalistic judgments about the political significance or popular support of the candidates.. 政 治 大. Candidates with less support are often more dependent on media attention for popular. 立. recognition and hence for support at the polls. Media attention is particularly important because. ‧ 國. 學. voters will be initially unfamiliar with the candidates. Past research found a support for a claim. ‧. that candidates with less popular support receive less coverage (Fletcher, 1987, 1988, Jenkins. y. Nat. 1999). If the support for candidate changes the coverage might change as well.. al. er. io. sit. In this study, Iveta Radičová performed very well in the first round of elections, and she. n. received much more votes than originally expected, therefore her coverage in the second round may be different than in the first. v i n C h This issue is Uaddressed in round. engchi. the following research. question: RQ8: Is there a difference in female candidate`s coverage between the first and the second round?. 22.

(31) 2.6.. Summary. The literature suggests that even though there have been some improvements in the differences between coverage of male and female politicians in the media; there are still some differences and there is a necessity to observe these remaining differences over time as well as cross- culturally. Based on the literature review, this study aims to examine the situation in media coverage of male and female politicians in Slovak Republic during the presidential elections of 2009, research questions have been raised, and the method for the observation was created.. 立. 政 治 大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. 23. i n U. v.

(32) 3.. Research method 3.1. Content analysis. A content analysis of news stories about two presidential candidates from two important daily newspapers in Slovakia during the four weeks of official presidential campaign time was conducted. Only two candidates who passed to the second round were included in the analysis. There are various reasons to this decision: the remaining five candidates had substantially less support among voters than the two strongest candidates, so the remaining five candidates were. 治 政 probably reported as less viable independently of the gender.大 立. There was also much less coverage for them independently of the gender. Because in the. ‧ 國. 學. second round there were only two candidates, it is more consistent to include only these two. ‧. candidates even in the examination of the first round. This way the competition between one. sit. y. Nat. strong male candidate and one strong female candidate can be observed.. io. al. er. Sme and Pravda are the largest daily non-tabloid newspapers in Slovakia. Their. v. n. circulation is close to 70,000 (2007) each, they are non-partisan and they are general newspapers,. Ch. engchi. i n U. not specialized in particular subject. The hard copies of the newspapers were used, so the prominence of coverage could be observed, also the database LexisNexis doesn`t contain any of the newspapers. Due to the short time span a census was conducted. The study included the articles from both newspapers starting from March 6th, to April 4th, 20095. There were 26 issues for each newspaper, a total of 52 issues, including both election days and moratorium time, because. 5. There are no newspapers on Sunday in Slovakia.. 24.

(33) newspapers are allowed to report also during the moratorium period, although they cannot publish the results of polls. The unit of analysis for this research are newspaper articles, all the articles whose main headline contains one or both candidates` names; the word candidate and all its possible versions due to Slovak declination and gender of nouns; the word election, but not the verb vote; and the word campaign were included. The articles whose headline includes the word vote were not included, because these articles are more concerned about the voters, not about the candidates. The articles in form of. 政 治 大. interviews were not included because these kinds of articles don`t represent how the media report. 立. on candidates, but how the candidates talk about themselves. The articles placed in the section. ‧ 國. 學. Advertising were also excluded, because it is a place paid by candidates and therefore it is. sit. y. Nat. the candidates.. ‧. expressing what the candidates want to say, this doesn`t indicate how the media are representing. io. er. There were 173 articles which fulfilled the criteria to be included in the analysis, of which. al. 94 were from daily newspaper Sme and 79 were from the daily newspaper Pravda. Nine articles. n. v i n C hcriteria mentionedUabove were not related to the two included in the analysis based on the engchi candidates, but to the elections in general sense, about other candidates, or about other politicians related to the elections. Because they fulfilled the criteria they remained in the analysis. In order to analyze the content of articles, the coding scheme used by Miki Caul Kittilson and Kahn Fridkin (2008) in their study called ―Gender, Candidate Portrayals and Election Campaigns: A Comparative Perspective” was adapted. This increases the validity of the measurement and creates a possibility of comparison of results with this study.. 25.

(34) The codebook was created and written in both English and Slovak language; coding sheet used only English. The researcher served as the first coder, and the second coder, a Slovak native female, coded approximately 10% of all the articles. There were two training sessions before coding the articles, the researcher offered explanations of all the concepts from the codebook, followed by a demonstration of how the researcher would have done coding of a selected article. The 10% of the articles to be coded by the second coder were selected using a simple random sample, in order to do that, a list of all the articles was created and a table of random numbers was used to select the articles.. 政 治 大. 33 out of 40 variables showed 100% agreement between the coders, and the. 立. Krippendorff's Alpha of all these variables was 1. The remaining seven variables showed. ‧ 國. 學. intercoder reliability with Krippendorff's Alpha from 0.633 to 0.927, these variables were all. ‧. measured in interval-ratio levels, which makes it difficult to have 100% agreement.. y. Nat. For the variable length of article the Krippendorff's Alpha was 0.633 6 . The variable. n. al. er. io. sit. number of sentences about female candidate showed the Krippendorff's Alpha level of 0.7287.. 6. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. This variable was coded as a total number of sentences in the article, the difference between the two coders was in. all the cases one sentence. For example coder one coder the article as having 30 sentences while the coder 2 coded the same article as having 31 sentences. When coding all the articles, this disagreement was solved by counting the total number of sentences twice to prevent any mistakes 7. The differences between the coders were only of one sentence, and only in articles longer than 28 sentences. While. coding all the articles, more attention was paid to who was the subject of each sentence in order to decide, whether the sentences were talking about female candidate or not.. 26.

(35) Similarly, the variable number of sentences about male candidate noted the Krippendorff's Alpha level of 0.8018. The variables number of horse race sentences for female candidate, number of horse race sentences male candidate, tone of article for female candidate, and tone of article for male candidate had Krippendorff's Alpha level between 0.857 and 0.927, which is according Neuendorf (2002) acceptable in most situations. To see the detailed results of intercoder reliability test see the Appendix II.. 立. 政 治 大. 3.2. Research questions. ‧ 國. 學. The review of international and Slovak literature about women in media and women in. ‧. politics leads to the research questions related to women in Slovak politics and women in Slovak. sit. y. Nat. media. This is an exploratory study, there are no previous studies and therefore no results that. io. er. could be used to hypothesize the outcome of the questions, consequently this study only use. al. n. research questions, without using hypothesis. The questions are in detail explained in the. i n C literature review; here is only a summaryhof the questions: U engchi. 8. v. The differences between coders were only one sentence. These differences happened only in articles longer than 37. sentences. While coding all the articles, this was also resolved by paying more attention on the subject of each sentence.. 27.

(36) RQ1: Is there a difference in the amount of coverage of male and female candidates? RQ2: Is there a difference in the prominence of coverage of male and female candidates? RQ3: Is the female candidate portrayed by Slovak media in gendered way? RQ4: Is there a difference in the viability coverage of male and female candidates? RQ5: Is there a difference in the coverage of male and female candidates in terms of issue coverage? RQ6: Is there a difference in the coverage of male and female candidates in terms of personal traits?. 政 治 大. RQ7: Is there a difference in the tone of coverage of male and female candidates?. 立. RQ8: Is there a difference in female candidate`s coverage between the first and the. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. io. sit. y. Nat. 3.3. Measures 3.3.1. The amount of coverage. er. second round?. n. al. All the measures used in. v i n C research this h e n garec hdiscussed i U in. detail in the Codebook. To. measure the amount of coverage of candidates, each article was coded as covering only female, mainly female, equal weight, mainly male, only male, and not about candidates. Because the unit of analysis is the newspaper article, the articles needed to be coded in a way to express to what extend each candidate is mentioned in each article. Based on the preliminary review of the articles, there weren`t many articles talking about only one of the candidates, many of the articles mentioned at least once the other candidate, that is why there is a necessity to distinguish to what extend do they mention the other candidate. This measure can be 28.

(37) used in interesting ways in analysis. Many questions can be raised when defined in this way9. For some uses this variable can be recoded to use only three categories 10 . Category not about candidates was used, because there was also a possibility of article fulfilling the criteria to be included in the analysis, but eventually not discussing any of the two candidates. Other measure for the amount of the coverage will be the number of sentences for each candidate in the article. The sentences will be counted because sentences are closed ideas, and even though they can differ in length, they are easier to be observed as other possible measures 11. If both candidates were mentioned in the same sentence, this sentence was counted for both candidates.. 立. 政 治 大. ‧ 國. 學. 3.3.2. The prominence of coverage. ‧. sit. y. Nat. For the prominence of coverage the location of the article was observed 12 . The. io. al. er. newspapers are different in the format, one is folded and the other is not. For the newspaper Sme. n. (folded), there was a measure of location front page below the fold and front page above the fold;. 9. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. Example: Are there more only male or only female articles? In the articles of equal weight, whose name appears. more often in the headline? In the articles coded as mainly male / mainly female, how much space is dedicated to the other candidate? Are only female articles shorter or longer than only male articles? Etc. 10. Male, Male and female, and Female.. 11. Paragraphs can differ significantly in length; lines used in each newspaper differ in the length; words are difficult. to count when hard copies of newspapers are used, when counting words there is a lot of chance of error. 12. Front page, national news, local news, sections like culture, women, etc.. 29.

(38) for the newspaper Pravda (not folded) there was a measure of location in the upper side of the front page or lower side of the front page13. Attention was also paid to whether the candidates` names were mentioned in the headline. The number of pictures of each candidate was also counted.. 3.3.3. Gendered coverage. Gendered coverage emphasizes gender characteristics of candidates in articles, and. 政 治 大. includes mentions of marital status, information about spouse, partner or children of. 立. candidate 14 . Direct mentions about gender of the candidate 15 were also counted: ―Miss. ‧ 國. 學. Radičová‖ and ―Mister Gašparovič‖ counted as direct mentions of the gender as well. The reason. ‧. is that in reporting normally the title of miss/ mister is not mentioned, the Slovak media practice. sit. y. Nat. is to use only the surname of the politician.. io. al. er. As the literature review suggests the physical appearance of female is sometimes mentioned by. n. the press, therefore there was a measure for the number of sentences mentioning physical 16. appearance of candidates .. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. Considering that the Slovak language has male and female nouns, the word candidate in female form17 did not count as gender coverage.. 13. Comparable with below and above the fold.. 14. Number of sentences about the spouse or partner were counted; it was also observed whether children of the. candidates were mentioned. 15. Example: this woman, the first woman, miss Radičová / mister Gašparovič, this man, etc.. 16. Example: clothes, accessories, hair, make up, etc.. 30.

(39) 3.3.4. Viability coverage. Viability coverage focuses on chances of candidates to succeed in the elections. Statements about horse- race coverage18, possibility of candidates to pass to the second round or win the elections, mentions about candidates` qualifications for serving in the office, and past experiences, as well as statements about the lack of qualification of candidates were counted. The mentions about successfulness or unsuccessfulness of campaign were counted as well.. 立. 治 政 3.3.5. Issue coverage 大. ‧ 國. 學. Issue coverage is the kind of coverage focusing on issues or policies; it includes. ‧. explanations of candidates` opinions about issues, candidates` plans to change policies in the. sit. y. Nat. future, etc. The number of articles mentioning issues was counted and the issues that appear were. io. er. measured. To assess this concept an open- ended measure was used; the reason is that the issues. al. being discussed in Slovak environment are different from the issues being discussed in other. n. v i n Cthe environments, or in previous research, had to observe what issues were mentioned in h ecoder ngchi U each article and code each issue.. 17. Male form: kandidát, female form: kandidátka.. 18. candidates actual position in the polls. 31.

(40) 3.3.6. Personal trait coverage. Personal trait coverage is characterized by expressions of personal characteristics of candidates. The articles mentioning personal traits were counted and the traits mentioned were measured. This concept was measured as the previous one, using an open- ended measure, for the same reason as the previous concept. The coder had to observe what traits were mentioned in each article and code them.. 政 治 大. 3.3.7. General tone of headline and article. 立. ‧ 國. 學. The tone of the headline and the tone of the article were observed separately. Because in. ‧. each article there can be male and female candidate mentioned; tone of the article for each. sit. y. Nat. candidate were coded separately. So there will be a measure for the tone of the coverage of. io. er. female and the tone of the coverage of male candidate in each article. The tone will be evaluated. al. based on the overall impression for given candidate after reading the article.. n. v i n Positive tone is the one whichC ish affirmative, convenient e n g c h i U and favorable for the candidate.. It expresses agreement or support with candidate`s personality, or with what the candidate said or did. Neutral tone is the one which lacks bias, the author is not taking any side, it is the tone which is not positive, nor negative. It doesn`t make any judgments. Normally it is just statement of facts. Mixed tone is when both negative and positive tones are coexisting at the same time.. 32.

(41) Negative tone is opposed to the positive one. It is inconvenient, unfavorable for the candidate; it expresses disagreement, contradiction and opposition to the candidate. Because Sme and Pravda are considered non-partisan, non-tabloid newspapers, it is expected that the tone in many cases would be neutral. There is a difference between mixed and neutral coverage, mixed tone means that there were positives and negatives mentioned about the candidate, which is different from the neutral coverage, which lacks bias.. 3.3.8 Differences between rounds. 立. 政 治 大. The coverage of female candidate in the first and the second round was compared. The. ‧ 國. 學. research question eight related to these differences is a summary question including various. ‧. categories: the researcher looked into the differences in the amount of coverage, prominence of. er. io. sit. y. Nat. coverage, and content of coverage as well.. al. After the collection of data was concluded, the researcher did the analysis of the data.. n. v i n Hence this study is a census; thereC is hno need to deal U e n g c h i with sampling, and sampling errors. Percentages, means and crosstabulations were used for analyzing and comparing the results.. 33.

(42) 4. Findings 4.1. Descriptives. As mentioned previously, there were a total of 173 articles included in the analysis, of which 94 (54.3%) were from daily newspaper SME and 79 (45.7%) from daily newspaper Pravda. The articles were almost equally distributed between the first round and the second round. The first round accounted for 48.6% of the articles and the second round had 51.4% of the articles. Almost a quarter of the articles were published on Mondays (23.1%), and least articles were published on Fridays (8.1%).. 立. 政 治 大. As two different daily newspapers were observed for male and female candidate coverage,. ‧ 國. 學. the researcher looked into differences between the two newspapers; however their coverage had. sit. y. Nat. differences.. ‧. very similar characteristics, therefore there is no need to pay attention to inter newspaper. io. al. er. In terms of news source, about ninety percent (89%) were written by reporters, while the. v. n. rest of the articles came from news agencies, readers or other newspapers (Figure 1). In order to. Ch. engchi. i n U. be able to create the whole picture of how the Slovak newspapers portray female and male politicians, the analysis included all the articles that fulfilled the criteria independently from what was the source of the article19. 19. The articles in form of letter to editor, written by readers, may be more subjective, but there is always a. gatekeeper who chooses these and not other articles, so it also expresses the way how media portray the politicians. Articles from advertising sections were not included, because it is a paid advertising which doesn‘t express the newspaper‘s point of view. Articles in form of interviews were excluded as well, because these articles express how the candidates talk about themselves.. 34.

數據

Figure 2: Author of the Article
Figure 3: Location of the Article
Figure 4: Amount of Coverage
Table 1: Crosstabulation of Location of Article and Sex of Candidate
+4

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