印尼國內對官方回應中國新疆維吾爾族政策的支持: 一個公眾外交探究 - 政大學術集成

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(1)國立政治大學國際傳播英語碩士學位學程 International Master’s Program in International Communication Studies College of Communication National Chengchi University. 碩士論文 Master’s Thesis. 立. 政治大. ‧ 國. 學 ‧. 印尼國內對官方回應中國新疆維吾爾族政策的支持:. y. sit. Nat. 一個公眾外交探究. n. er. io. Indonesia's Domestic Support for the Government’s Responses to Muslim Uighurs in a Xinjiang: a public diplomacy inquiry. iv l C n hengchi U. Student: Indira Siedharta 施愛麗 Advisor: Chyungly Lee, Ph.D. 李瓊莉. 中華民國 109 年 02 月 February 2020. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202000416.

(2) 印尼國內對官方回應中國新疆維吾爾族政策的支持: 一個公眾外交探究 Indonesia's Domestic Support for the Government’s Responses to Muslim Uighurs in Xinjiang: a public diplomacy inquiry. 研究生：施愛麗指導教授：李瓊莉. 立. Student: Indira Siedharta Advisor: Chyungly Lee, Ph.D.. 政治大國立政治大學. 學. ‧ 國. 國際傳播英語碩士學位學程碩士論文. ‧. io. er. sit. y. Nat. A Thesis. n. a International Master’s Program Submitted to in v l. ni. C hCommunicationUStudies International i e ngch. National Chengchi University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirement For the degree of Master of Arts. 中華民國 109 年 02 月 February 2020. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202000416.

(3) Acknowledgments. This master’s thesis becomes a reality with the kind support of many individuals that I would like to extend my sincere thanks to all of them. Foremost, I would like to thank my Almighty God for the countless blessings and for giving me the strength to finish this study. I would like to express my sincere gratitude to my advisor, Prof. Chyungly Lee for the continuous support, patience, and immense knowledge of my master’s thesis. Without her guidance and persistent help, this master’s thesis would not have been possible. My sincere. 政治大 their time, encouragement, and 立 insightful comments. I am truly grateful to have them as my. gratitude also goes to my thesis committee, Prof. Kang Ting-Yu and Dr. Chen Hao-Yao for. ‧ 國. 學. thesis committee. Last but not least, I would like to thank my family and friends for the love, understanding, and endless support that keeps me going until now. Thank you all for the. ‧. unwavering support and may God bless us always.. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i Un. v. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202000416.

(4) Abstract. In the realm of new public diplomacy in the 21st century, the domestic public support for foreign policy has become more crucial than ever. Public diplomacy is not only intended for the foreign public but also the domestic public as successful foreign policy has been seen as an extension of domestic diplomacy. This study examines the domestic public diplomacy done by the Indonesian government, especially in the case study of Muslim Uighurs in Xinjiang. It contrasts the Indonesian government and a government-friendly media as a communication. 政治大 that both the government and government-friendly media are not correlated to each other in 立 tool in this domestic public diplomacy process with a media framing approach. Result shows. ‧ 國. 學. framing the news regarding the Muslim Uighurs Xinjiang case. While the government media tried to cover the news more positively, the government-friendly media showed a more. ‧. negative tone instead. Regarding the news frames, the government media preferably used the. Nat. sit. y. human interest frame to “emotionalize” the news, while the government-friendly media. n. al. er. io. preferably used conflict frame to emphasize the conflict between the parties involved.. Ch. engchi. i Un. v. Keywords: domestic public diplomacy, media framing, news tone analysis, news frames analysis. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202000416.

(5) TABLE OF CONTENTS. CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................... 1 1.1 Research Background .................................................................................................. 1 1.2 Research Objectives ..................................................................................................... 5 1.3 Research Design .......................................................................................................... 6 1.4 Expected Contributions ................................................................................................ 9 CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW ............................................................................. 11 2.1 Theoretical Foundations............................................................................................. 11 2.1.1 Public Diplomacy ...................................................................................................... 11 2.1.2 Domestic Public Diplomacy and Public Opinion ............................................... 12 2.1.3 Digital Public Diplomacy .................................................................................. 14. 政治大 2.1.4.1 News Tone 立Analysis......................................................................... 18. 2.1.4 Media Framing in Public Diplomacy ................................................................. 16. ‧ 國. 學. 2.1.4.2 News Frames Analysis ..................................................................... 21 CHAPTER 3: METHODOLOGY ....................................................................................... 26 3.1 Data Collection .......................................................................................................... 27. ‧. 3.2 Sampling ................................................................................................................... 30. y. Nat. 3.3 Data Analysis............................................................................................................. 32. sit. 3.3.1 Coding Instrument .......................................................................................... 33. al. er. io. 3.4 Intercoder Reliability ................................................................................................. 34. n. iv n C 4.1 News Tone Analysis .................................................................................................. 36 hengchi U. CHAPTER 4: RESULTS .................................................................................................... 36 4.2 News Frames Analysis ............................................................................................... 40 CHAPTER 5: CONCLUSION ............................................................................................ 46 5.1 Discussions ................................................................................................................ 46 5.1.1 News Tone Analysis ....................................................................................... 47 5.1.2 News Frames Analysis .................................................................................... 51 5.2 Conclusion ................................................................................................................. 54 5.3 Limitations................................................................................................................. 55 REFERENCES ................................................................................................................... 56 APPENDIX A..................................................................................................................... 62 APPENDIX B ..................................................................................................................... 79 APPENDIX C ..................................................................................................................... 84. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202000416.

(6) LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES. Tables Table 1. News Tones ........................................................................................................... 20 Table 2. News Frames ......................................................................................................... 23 Table 3. Collection of Sample (Antaranews.com) ................................................................ 62 Table 4. Collection of Sample (Detik.com).......................................................................... 71 Table 5. Coding Sheet – News Tone (Antaranews.com) ...................................................... 84 Table 6. Coding Sheet – News Tone (Detik.com) ................................................................ 88 Table 7. Coding Sheet – News Frames (Antaranews.com) ................................................... 91 Table 8. Coding Sheet – News Frames (Detik.com)............................................................. 95. 立. 政治大 Figures. ‧ 國. 學. Figure 1. Indonesian Muslims Protest against China’s Treatment of Uighurs ......................... 4 Figure 2. Analytical Framework ............................................................................................ 9 Figure 3. Antaranews.com Logo.......................................................................................... 27. ‧. Figure 4. Detik.com Logo ................................................................................................... 29. y. Nat. Figure 5. Google trends analytics result on Muslim Uighurs Xinjiang topic......................... 32. sit. Figure 6. News Tone Analysis – Antaranews.com ............................................................... 37. al. er. io. Figure 7. News Tone Analysis – Detik.com......................................................................... 39. n. iv n C h e n(1)g................................................................. Figure 9. Sample Picture of Antaranews.com 41 chi U Figure 8. News Frames Analysis – Antaranews.com ........................................................... 40 Figure 10. Sample Picture of Antaranews.com (2) ............................................................... 42 Figure 11. News Frames Analysis – Detik.com ................................................................... 44 Figure 12. News Tone Analysis Comparison ....................................................................... 48 Figure 13. News Frames Analysis Comparison ................................................................... 51 Figure 14. Pro Sub Code – Cohen’s Kappa Intercoder Reliability ........................................ 79 Figure 15. Support Sub Code – Cohen’s Kappa Intercoder Reliability ................................ 79 Figure 16. Secure Sub Code – Cohen’s Kappa Intercoder Reliability................................... 79 Figure 17. Contra Sub Code – Cohen’s Kappa Intercoder Reliability................................... 79 Figure 18. Protest Sub Code – Cohen’s Kappa Intercoder Reliability .................................. 80 Figure 19. Insecure Sub Code – Cohen’s Kappa Intercoder Reliability ................................ 80 Figure 20. Involved Parties Sub Code – Cohen’s Kappa Intercoder Reliability .................... 80. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202000416.

(7) Figure 21. Disagreement Sub Code – Cohen’s Kappa Intercoder Reliability........................ 80 Figure 22. Private Information Sub Code – Cohen’s Kappa Intercoder Reliability ............... 81 Figure 23. Adjective Sub Code – Cohen’s Kappa Intercoder Reliability .............................. 81 Figure 24. Visual Content Sub Code – Cohen’s Kappa Intercoder Reliability ...................... 81 Figure 25. Financial Issue Sub Code – Cohen’s Kappa Intercoder Reliability ...................... 81 Figure 26. Consequences Sub Code – Cohen’s Kappa Intercoder Reliability ....................... 82 Figure 27. Morality References Sub Code – Cohen’s Kappa Intercoder Reliability.............. 82 Figure 28. Specific Behavior Sub Code – Cohen’s Kappa Intercoder Reliability ................. 82 Figure 29. Responsibility Sub Code – Cohen’s Kappa Intercoder Reliability ....................... 82 Figure 30. Solution Sub Code – Cohen’s Kappa Intercoder Reliability ................................ 83 Figure 31. Urgent Action Sub Code – Cohen’s Kappa Intercoder Reliability ....................... 83. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i Un. v. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202000416.

(8) CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION. 1.1. Research Background In August 2018, a United Nations (UN) Human Rights Panel said that they had received numerous credible reports that one million ethnic Uighurs in China are held in what resembles a massive internment camp. In an estimation of two million Uighurs and Muslim minorities were forced into “political camps for indoctrination” in China, Gay McDougall, a member of the UN Committee on the. 政治大. Elimination of Racial Discrimination cited (Nebehay, 2018).. 立. Uighurs are ethnically Turkic Muslims and there are about 11 million of. ‧ 國. 學. them in western China, Xinjiang region. According to Human Rights Watch, there. ‧. is an intense surveillance and Uighur people are required to give DNA and biometric samples. Those with relatives in 26 “sensitive” countries have reportedly. sit. y. Nat. io. er. been arrested and detained. They are made to learn Mandarin Chinese and renounce their faith. Former prisoners also testified that their entire families had. al. n. iv n C disappeared and they tortured mentally in the camp (Hughes, 2018). hphysically e n g c and hi U However, China denies the allegations and claims it as a “re-education. camp” where the people are receiving “vocational training”, as the region is facing the “three evil forces” of terrorism, extremism, and separatism (Nebehay, 2018). Numerous attacks over the past decade have been blamed on separatists in Xinjiang, including the riot that killed about 200 people Han Chinese in the regional capital Urumqi in 2009 and the attack in 2017 that killed five people and injured ten others in Pishan County (Hughes, 2018). Consequently, China treated the Uighur. 1. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202000416.

(9) community and other Muslims as “enemies of the state” merely because of their ethnoreligious identity, McDougall said (Nebehay, 2018). November 2018, there are a lot of international critiques of China’s treatment towards Muslim Uighurs. Muslim countries urged to take action over China persecution to Uighurs yet there is no major Muslim country that has been vocal about this issue except Turkey (Stubley, 2019; Younes, 2019). “I hope that Muslim countries can overcome their fears of China and address its gross human rights abuses against our community,” Mohamad Mahmoud from the Muslim Scholars of East Turkistan (SMSET) said (Younes, 2019). Turkish foreign ministry. 政治大. spokesman, Hami Aksoy, also said in a statement, “The systematic assimilation. 立. policy of Chinese authorities towards Uighur Turks is a great embarrassment for. ‧ 國. 學. humanity” (Agence-France Presse, 2019). Particularly to Indonesia, many nations. ‧. put their high expectations towards Indonesia as the most populous Muslim country in the world to establish communication with China and urge them to stop. sit. y. Nat. io. er. the mass detention in Xinjiang.. Jusuf Kalla, Indonesian Vice President, said that they are still waiting for. al. n. iv n C further reports from the Indonesian in China and would not interfere h e n gAmbassador chi U with China in handling this issue (Prihatin, 2018). “Of course, we reject or (want to) prevent any human rights violations. However, we don’t want to intervene in the domestic affairs of another country,” Kalla told journalists on Monday, December 17th, 2018, at the Fairmont Hotel, Jakarta. Numerous politicians and associations questioned Kalla’s response as Indonesia never doubted for taking a stand for persecuted Muslims in other cases. Many people compared Indonesia’s involvement in other humanitarian issues involving Muslim people, for example, the Muslim Rohingya case, which. 2. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202000416.

(10) seems to attain more concern from Indonesia’s government. Not only conducted diplomacy action with Myanmar and Bangladesh, but Indonesia also provided helps through a solidarity program named Humanitarian Assistance for Sustainable Community (HASCO) for Myanmar, that covered education, health, economics, and humanitarian relief in two years (Hasan, 2017). Indonesia’s contribution to handling the humanitarian issue in Rakhine State, Myanmar, in 2017, acquired an appreciation from UN Secretary-General, Antonio Guterres, according to the Indonesian Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Damaledo, 2017). Kalla said that this alleged human rights violation of China towards. 政治大. Uighurs might happen because of the widespread understanding of radicalism and. 立. thus, we could not intervene China in handling this Muslim Uighurs case (Prihatin,. ‧ 國. 學. 2018). As the Indonesian government considered remain silent over this Uighurs. ‧. issue, Friday, December 21, 2018, hundreds of pro-Uighur Indonesian protesters demanded an end to China’s detention of Muslim Uighurs in front of China’s. sit. y. Nat. io. er. Embassy in Jakarta, Indonesia. There were photos and videos spread in social media as well, such as Facebook and Instagram along with the hashtags. al. n. iv n C #SaveUighur, #UighurMenjerit, #UighurMuslims, #UighurdiXinjiang, demanded hen gchi U. Indonesia’s government to speak up and take actions. Indeed, in this situation where Indonesia’s position was challenged, a quick and effective communication action by the government is needed.. 3. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202000416.

(11) Figure 1. Indonesian Muslims Protest against China’s Treatment of Uighurs. 政治大 Besides conducting further actions, Indonesia’s government needs to 立. ‧ 國. 學. explain Indonesia’s position and foreign policy, firstly to Indonesian citizens itself. as “successful public diplomacy starts at home” (Huijgh, 2011, p. 70). “Domestic. ‧. public’s understanding and support of a government’s policy and their efforts to. sit. y. Nat. reach out to peers abroad are crucial to a country’s (inter)national credibility and. n. al. er. io. efficiency (Huijgh, 2017, p. 764). Therefore, Indonesia’s domestic public,. i Un. v. primarily Indonesian citizens, should have great understanding and support toward. Ch. engchi. the government’s policy and this is where domestic public diplomacy plays an important role. In the realm of new public diplomacy in the 21st century, the domestic public support for foreign policy actions has become more crucial than ever. It has to be understood as “a part of nation’s overall public diplomacy effort” (Melissen, 2011, p. 19) and neglecting the domestic dimension of public diplomacy could lead to a big failure in achieving the policy goals (Seib, 2009). The success of the conduct of public diplomacy will never be apart from the success of the. 4. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202000416.

(12) government in enacting interactions with multiple stakeholders at home, primarily the citizens (Bátora, 2005). Particularly in this Muslim Uighurs case, the support of Indonesian citizens towards the government is very important. To gain this support from the citizens, the government should consider their communication with the citizens to give them an understanding that leads to supporting the government’s policy. Their support to the government’s policy will support the conduct of public diplomacy abroad, thus this domestic public diplomacy is an essential step in the further process of public diplomacy conducted abroad. With this in mind, this study aims to analyze. 政治大. the domestic public diplomacy done by the Indonesian government in the case. 立. study of Muslim Uighurs Xinjiang.. ‧ 國. 學 ‧. 1.2. Research Objectives. The objective of this study is to examine to what extent the domestic public. sit. y. Nat. io. er. diplomacy done by the Indonesian government through the private media closely related to the government. As the main goal of domestic public diplomacy is “to. al. n. iv n C shape positive attitudes toward and in consequence, to make the h e nthegcountry, chi U. achievement of international policy goals easier” (Ociepka, 2008, p. 1), the government and private media here is expected to be correlated to each other as later that correlation will help to shape the public opinion desired. To achieve that objective, this study will examine both the Indonesian government media and a selected private media which in the past has reflected “loyalty” to the government’s positions and thus is expected to follow some collaborative pattern in this case.. 5. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202000416.

(13) 1.3. Research Design Based on the research objectives mentioned above, the research question of this study is: RQ: To what extent the Indonesian government can use a friendly private media for domestic public diplomacy in the case of Muslim Uighurs Xinjiang? To make it more focus, that research question is divided into operational research questions which are as follows: RQ1: To what extent the news tone of Indonesian government media. 政治大. was correlated to the news tone of friendly private media in the. 立. 學. ‧ 國. case of Muslim Uighurs Xinjiang? RQ2: To what extent the news frames of Indonesian government media. ‧. was correlated to the news frames of friendly private media in the case of Muslim Uighurs Xinjiang?. er. io. sit. y. Nat. To answer the research questions, this study will examine both the media. al. n. iv n C that the Indonesian government to communicate with the public regarding this h eused ngchi U Muslim Uighurs Xinjiang case and the selected government-friendly media that expected to be correlated to the government media yet has an important role to shape the public opinion. The media that the Indonesian government used to communicate with the public is the Indonesian government’s official news websites, namely antaranews.com. In the preliminary research, it is found that the Indonesian government mainly uses antaranews.com to cover this Muslim Uighurs Xinjiang case, that any information and update about this issue is all covered in the news coverage in antaranews.com. Antaranews.com also has other online. 6. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202000416.

(14) platforms that are covering Muslim Uighurs Xinjiang cases, such as Facebook and Twitter, but the content there are mostly links of the news in antaranews.com. While in other Presidential’s platforms (website and social media) as well as Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ platforms (website and social media), there is no content about this Muslim Uighurs Xinjiang case found, thus antaranews.com will be used as the main media to be examined in this study as the Indonesian government’s media. The selected friendly private media in this study is detik.com. Detik.com is one of the biggest private media in Indonesia. Looking at their current political. 政治大. stance through the media ownership and its achievement for its legitimate. 立. contribution in Indonesia’s diplomacy and foreign policy through the Adam Malik. ‧ 國. 學. Award 2018, detik.com selected to be used as the private media in this study. A. ‧. research done by the Indonesian Digital Association (IDA) also shows that news media has a huge role in shaping public opinion as the percentage of Indonesian. sit. y. Nat. io. er. people consuming online news is up to 96%, the highest one compared to the television, newspaper, and radio (Afrianto, 2016). Concerning this role of news. al. n. iv n C media in shaping public opinion, mentioned as the first most accessed h e ndetik.com gchi U. news media in Indonesia (Wicaksono, 2019). Therefore, this supports the selection of detik.com as the private media in this study as detik.com is expected to have an important role in providing reliable information for the public and potentially shape the public opinion. To answer the first research question (RQ1), which is “To what extent the news tone of Indonesian government media was correlated to the news tone of friendly private media in the case of Muslim Uighurs Xinjiang?”, this study employs quantitative content analysis method to analyze both the news tone of. 7. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202000416.

(15) antaranews.com and detik.com. The goal is to understand to what extent the news tone of antaranews.com is correlated to the news tone of detik.com. As the main goal of public diplomacy is “to shape positive attitudes toward the country” (Ociepka, 2008, p. 1), antaranews.com as the government media here is assumed to try to shape the news tone into the positive tone and detik.com as the private media that is government-friendly here is expected to be in the same direction with the government media as later it will help to shape the public opinion desired. To answer the second research question (RQ2), which is “To what extent the news frames of Indonesian government media was correlated to the news. 政治大. frames of friendly private media in the case of Muslim Uighurs Xinjiang?”, this. 立. study employs a content analysis method to analyze both the news frames of. ‧ 國. 學. antaranews.com and detik.com. This is based on the idea that “several actors,. ‧. including presidents and their chief foreign policy advisers, elites, and the media, are engaged in a battle to shape frames that reach the public through the media and. y. Nat. er. io. sit. greatly influence the formation of public opinion” (Gilboa, 2008, p. 64). The goal is to contrast the news frames used by both antaranews.com and detik.com as the. al. n. iv n C news frames used by the media an important role in shaping public opinion. h ehave ngchi U Figure 2 below shows the analytical framework of this study.. 8. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202000416.

(16) 立. 政治大. ‧ 國. 學 ‧. Figure 2. Analytical Framework of Domestic Public Diplomacy. sit. y. Nat. io. er. 1.4. Expected Contributions. In regards to theoretical contributions, this study will provide important. al. n. iv n C insights to academics in studying relations, especially in the field h e nbothg international chi U. of public diplomacy, as well as international communications, especially in the field of new media and media framing, as this study integrates the public diplomacy, new media, and media framing to understand the domestic public diplomacy done by Indonesian government regarding Muslim Uighurs Xinjiang issue. In terms of public diplomacy, the relationship of government, media, and public opinion has been an important subject to study yet little research examines connections between them over an extended period. Especially, in the context of Indonesia, there is still a limited number of researches about public diplomacy that. 9. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202000416.

(17) focus on the domestic dimension of Indonesia’s public diplomacy. Past study by Sukma (2011) brought important findings of soft power and public diplomacy and its main focus on inserting Islam into the foreign policy. Past study by Azra (2015, p. 131) brought important findings about Indonesia’s middle power public diplomacy as “the largest country and the biggest economy in Southeast Asia, and the third-largest democracy and the largest Muslim country in the world”. Other meaningful studies by Huijgh (2016) brought important insights about Indonesia’s public diplomacy as one of the emerging powers and it discussed domestic public diplomacy as a potential future path for Indonesian public diplomacy. While the. 政治大. latest past study by Hadiansyah et al. (2017) brought important and updated. 立. findings about social media strategies for public diplomacy that focus on the. ‧ 國. 學. SWOT and PEST analysis of the Indonesian Ministry of Foreign Affairs’s social. ‧. media account. The findings of this study thus expected to provide insights for the local and international academics in understanding more about Indonesian. sit. y. Nat. io. Xinjiang.. er. domestic public diplomacy through the most recent case study of Muslim Uighurs. al. n. iv n C Practically, this study also address the need of both academics and h ewould ngchi U. practitioners in Indonesia and other countries to understand more about domestic public diplomacy through the case study of Indonesia. This case study of Indonesia is an exceptional example of a combination between democracy, Muslim, and modernity as those three elements are strongly related to Indonesia as a democratic and largest Muslim country in the world that is now one of the emerging powers in the Asian region.. 10. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202000416.

(18) CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW. 2.1. Theoretical Foundations Public Diplomacy Scholars and practitioners have developed the definitions of public diplomacy over the time and within many related disciplines. Tuch (1990, p. 3) defined public diplomacy as “a government’s process of communication with foreign publics in an attempt to bring about. 政治大. understanding for its nation’s ideas and ideals, its institutions and culture,. 立. as well as its national goals and policies”. In this definition, Tuch (1990). 學. ‧ 國. explained that the actor of public diplomacy which in this case is. ‧. government attempts to promote their set of ideas to its foreign public. Among others, international relations and communications are. sit. y. Nat. the most two contributive fields that resemble to the study of public. io. er. 2.1.1.. diplomacy. Signizer and Coombs (1992, p. 138) defined public. al. n. iv n C diplomacy as “thehway which both U e n g c h i government and private individuals and groups influence directly or indirectly those public attitudes and opinions which bear directly on another government’s foreign policy. decisions”. In other words, in the public diplomacy process, government, private individuals, and groups influence public attitudes and opinions that directly affect the government’s foreign policy decision. In terms of tools used for public diplomacy, Gilboa (1998, 2001, 2002) suggested that state (and non-state) actors use the media as well as other channels to communicate with the foreign societies to influence. 11. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202000416.

(19) their public opinion. Gilboa (2008, p. 60) also said “In the Basic Cold War model, the government uses its own means of communication, such as radio stations, to conduct public diplomacy”. Besides, Soroka (2003) explained that public diplomacy is “based on a complex relationship between three major components: the government, the media, and public opinion” (Gilboa, 2008, p. 62). The government, the media, and public opinion are the three major components that bear a strong connection and cannot be separated. Media specifically plays an important role as the government’s tool to bring the understanding of its nation’s ideas. 政治大. and ideals to its foreign public, thus leads to the shaping of public. 立. 學. Domestic Public Diplomacy and Public Opinion. ‧. The explanation of public diplomacy above may help to. sit. y. Nat. understand the fundamental idea of the public diplomacy concept that. io. er. 2.1.2.. ‧ 國. opinion.. is needed before going deeper into its component. Public diplomacy is. al. n. iv n C not only intended public but also the domestic public as h for e nthegforeign chi U “successful public diplomacy starts at home” (Huijgh, 2011, p. 70).. States must also consider their communication with its domestic public as the information era makes the boundaries between foreign and domestic public less clear (Zaharna, 2010; Melissen, 2013). In conducting public diplomacy, governments will have to make the same effort to win the support from the domestic public as it is to win the foreign public and thinking of public diplomacy in the broader context,. 12. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202000416.

(20) which means integrating the domestic component into its international dimension. In the realm of new public diplomacy in the 21st century, the domestic public support for foreign policy actions has become more crucial than ever. “Domestic public’s understanding and support of a government’s policy and their efforts to reach out to peers abroad are crucial to a country’s (inter)national credibility and efficiency (Huijgh, 2017, p. 764). It has to be understood as “a part of nation’s overall public diplomacy effort” (Melissen, 2011, p. 19) and neglecting the. 政治大. domestic dimension of public diplomacy could lead to a big failure in. 立. achieving the policy goals (Seib, 2009). Therefore, the success of the. ‧ 國. 學. conduct of public diplomacy will never be apart from the success of. home, primarily the citizens (Bátora, 2005).. Nat. y. ‧. the government in enacting interactions with multiple stakeholders at. er. io. sit. Huijgh (2017, p. 763) suggests that “Indonesia—a relative. newcomer to public diplomacy—has demonstrated innovation in. n. al. practice,. domestic. iv n C particularly its “intermestic” h e nthrough gchi U and. international. policy. approach (blending. considerations),. and. the. development of a niche narrative based on the coexistence of democracy, Islam, and modernity”. Indonesia has been an inspiration for the peers outside the nation and showed its development and strengths yet at the same time, there are still things to work on, especially in integrating the domestic interests into the wider look of Indonesia’s public diplomacy. Therefore, this study will help to give new insights and learnings about the practice of Indonesia’s domestic. 13. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202000416.

(21) public diplomacy, especially through the recent case of Muslim Uighurs Xinjiang. The support of Indonesian citizens towards the government’s idea here in this Muslim Uighurs Xinjiang is important and thus, making the conduct of domestic public diplomacy an essential step in the further process of public diplomacy conducted abroad. As stated by Gilboa (1998, 2001, 2002) that in public diplomacy, state (and non-state) actors use the media as well as other channels to communicate with the foreign societies to influence their public. 政治大. opinion, the main goal of domestic public diplomacy is likewise, to. 立. influence the domestic public opinion. The main goal is “to shape. ‧ 國. 學. positive attitudes toward the country, and in consequence to make the. ‧. achievement of international policy goals easier” (Ociepka, 2008, p. 1). To achieve this goal, the government uses the media, such as shaping. sit. y. Nat. io. er. the tones and frames of the news coverage, which will be further discussed in 2.1.4 Media Framing in Public Diplomacy.. n. al. 2.1.3.. Ch. engchi. i Un. v. Digital Public Diplomacy The term “digital diplomacy” appeared as the new form of public diplomacy as well as a major trend in the twenty-first century, which focuses on the usage of internet and digital media (for example, social media and websites) by a country to communicate with foreign public in the pursuit of their foreign policies (Adesina, 2017; Raschica, 2018). There are benefits and risks regarding this revolution, but, indeed, it brings out new opportunities and new strategies for the media in. 14. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202000416.

(22) disseminating the messages to foreign public in terms of public diplomacy. In the same way, digital media also carry the same important function in domestic public diplomacy. Many governments in the world have used online platforms to conduct public diplomacy and Indonesia is one of them. In line with the terms “digital diplomacy”, the media used in public diplomacy can vary, especially with the rise of new media. This also affects the practice of public diplomacy function by media as they utilize this online platform to enhance its message dissemination process. 政治大. with the public, both domestic and international public. Not only social. 立. media, but online news website has emerged as one of the effective. ‧ 國. 學. media to use to communicate with the public. Cissel (2012, p. 67). ‧. suggested, “The news media have large influence on audiences”. Especially, to react within hours or a few days to a developing issue,. sit. y. Nat. io. er. new media (for example, news media) is one of the most effective media used by senior government officials, as well as to reduce the damage. n. al. i n caused by thatC issue (Gilboa, 2008). U hengchi. v. Besides, more and more people also prefer online news websites as their source of information due to its advantages, for example, free of cost, more choices, 24/7 updates, customization, and not limited to text (Mustafa, 2018). In other words, the majority of people prefer reading online news because it is a fast, convenient, and smart way to stay updated, especially in Indonesia where is a huge size of internet users up to 132.7 million as of 2016 according to Indonesian Internet Service. 15. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202000416.

(23) Providers Association (APJII). It means Indonesia has 51% of the internet penetration rate of a population of 260 million (AEDT, 2018). A research done by Indonesian Digital Association (IDA) also showed that news media has a huge role in shaping public opinion as the percentage of Indonesian people consuming online news is up to 96%, the highest one compared to the television, newspaper, and radio (Afrianto, 2016). The existence of online news media has slowly shifted the way people consuming information as well as enhancing the role of online news media in providing reliable information that people can trust.. 政治大. As a relatively newcomer in this field, Indonesia’s effort to increase the. 立. use of digital technology in the practice of public diplomacy considered. ‧ 國. 學. stood out among other Southeast Asian states (AEDT, 2018) and thus it. the recent case of Muslim Uighurs Xinjiang.. Media Framing in Public Diplomacy. al. er. io. sit. y. Nat. iv n C To approach diplomacy in a more effective way, which is h epublic ngchi U. n. 2.1.4.. ‧. is interesting to see and learn how Indonesian government perform it in. by focusing on the effects of the revolutions in international relations and. communications,. Gilboa. (2006). mentioned. one. of. the. characteristics is the use of media framing in public diplomacy (Gilboa, 2008). Although media framing often appears in communications study, there are still few studies that integrate media framing with public diplomacy concepts (Gilboa, 2008) and that is what this study is trying to implement.. 16. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202000416.

(24) Pan and Kosicki (1993, p. 53) stated that framing highlights certain parts of an issue allowing “the selected elements to become important in influencing individuals’ judgments”. In line with this definition, Terkildsen and Schnell (1997, p. 881) suggest that “framing is important whenever an issue can be presented in multiple ways which may potentially influence how people think about an issue”. In a more updated definition, Entman (2007, p. 4) defined framing is “the process of culling a few elements of perceived reality and assembling a narrative that highlights the connections among them to promote a particular. 政治大. interpretation”. For Gilboa (2008, p. 64) framing is “media selection,. 立. 學. ‧ 國. exclusion of, and emphasis on certain issues and approaches to promote a particular definition, interpretation, moral evaluation, or a solution”.. ‧. In terms of public diplomacy, Entman (2004) suggested that. “Presidents and their chief foreign policy advisers, elites, and the media,. sit. y. Nat. io. er. are engaged in a battle to shape frames that reach the public through the media and greatly influence the formation of public opinion” (Gilboa,. al. n. iv n C 2008, 64). As public is not only intended for the foreign h e ndiplomacy gchi U public, but also the domestic public, framing is also an essential component in domestic public diplomacy in influencing the formation of public opinion, thus this study needs to learn. As there are still limited studies that integrate media framing with public diplomacy concepts, especially in the context of Indonesia, it is interesting to see and learn more about how the Indonesian government and private media perform media framing in the public diplomacy process. Specifically, this study will help to understand how government and private media perform. 17. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202000416.

(25) media framing to shape the frames of the news coverage regarding Muslim Uighurs Xinjiang case in the domestic public diplomacy process.. 2.1.4.1.. News Tone Analysis News tone analysis or also known as tonality analysis is an assessment where the researcher determines whether the content of an article is favorable or unfavorable to the person, company, organization, or product discussed in the text (Michaelson & Griffin, 2005). They suggest that one of the most. 政治大. common classification is a simple categorization of “positive”,. 立. 學. assess the tonality of an overall article or the tone of a specific mention or code or assess the tone of a specific message that may. ‧. ‧ 國. “neutral”, and “negative” tone. This analysis can be used to. appear in an article. Each article will be assessed individually. sit. y. Nat. io. er. and the results can be accumulated to present an overall assessment of the tone of the media.. n. al. iv n CParticularly study, the news tone analysis will be h e n ginc this hi U. used to assess the news tone of both the government media (antaranews.com) and the friendly private media (detik.com) to answer the first research question (RQ1), which is “To what extent the news tone of Indonesian government media was correlated to the news tone of friendly private media in the case of Muslim Uighurs Xinjiang?”. The news articles of each media will be assessed individually and the results will be accumulated to see the change of the news tone over time. Then, the change. 18. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202000416.

(26) of news tone of both media will be compared to see whether they are correlated to each other. As the main goal of public diplomacy is “to shape positive attitudes toward the country” (Ociepka, 2008, p. 1), the government media here is assumed to try to shape the news tone into the positive tone and the government-friendly media here is expected to be in the same direction with the government media as later it will help to shape the public opinion desired. It is so important to have the private media in line with the government. 政治大. media as Kepplinger et al. (1989, p. 338) suggests that “The. 立. 學. the trend in press reporting can be viewed as paving the way for subsequent trends in public opinion”.. ‧. ‧ 國. trend in press reporting preceded trends in public opinion. Thus,. Table 1 below shows the guide to assess the news tone. sit. y. Nat. io. er. (also called as a coding instrument) for the news tones analysis in this study. Besides, the Support element (1b) includes. n. al. C hto “support. of ethen idea gchi. i China’s Un. v. government” as Indonesian. government’s idea is to “not intervene” China in handling this issue and thus support them to implement their full sovereignty and decide what is best for their country without any interference.. 19. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202000416.

(27) Table 1. News Tones No. 1.. I.. News Tones. Code: Positive Tone – This tone refers to the content of article that is favorable to the person, company, organization, or product (Michaelson & Griffin, 2005; Esbaugh-Soha, 2010; Freyenberger, 2013). Sub Code. Operational Definition. 1a.. Pro. Sentence contains support to the idea of Indonesian government by political allies, experts, or other politicians.. 1b.. Support. Sentence contains support to the idea of China’s government by political allies, experts, or other politicians.. 1c.. Secure. 立. Code: Negative Tone - This tone refers to the content of article that is unfavorable to the person, company, organization, or product (Michaelson & Griffin, 2005; Esbaugh-Soha, 2010; Freyenberger, 2013).. Insecure. y. 2c.. sit. Protest. Sentence contains disagreement to the idea of Indonesian government by a group representative or a political opponent.. n. al. er. 2b.. Operational Definition. io. Contra. Sub Code. Nat. 2a.. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. 2.. 治 contains Xinjiang as a secure 政 Sentence 大 (and or Muslim) people. place for Uighur. Ch. i Un. v. Sentence contains disagreement to the idea of China’s government by a group representative or a political opponent, including protest activity.. engchi. Sentence contains Xinjiang as an insecure place for Uighur (and or Muslim) people.. 20. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202000416.

(28) 2.1.4.2.. News Frames Analysis News Frames are “conceptual tools which media and individuals rely on to convey, interpret, and evaluate information” (Neuman et al., 1992, p. 60). Goffman (1974, p. 21) defined a frame as “the principles of organization which governs events – at least social ones – and our subjective involvement in them”. Gamson and Modigliani (1989, p. 3) defined a frame as a “central organizing idea for making sense of relevant events, suggesting what is at issue”. Similarly, in a simpler way.. 政治大. Campbell (2009) stated that “Frames are efficient ways to sort. 立. 學. Specifically, in this study, the coding instrument for the news frames derived from the combination of several theoretical. ‧. ‧ 國. information and create stories”, frames create ‘reality’.. frameworks mainly from Semetko & Valkenburg (2000) and An. sit. y. Nat. io. er. & Gower (2017) that discussed news frames content analysis. Based on both studies, there are five news frames identified:. al. n. iv n C conflict frame, frame, economic consequences h e nhuman-interest gchi U. frame, morality frame, and attribution of responsibility frame, which are as follows: 1. Conflict Frame: This frame emphasizes the conflict between individuals, groups, or institutions. 2. Human Interest Frame: This frame refers to an effort to personalize the news, dramatize or “emotionalize” the news, to capture and retain audience interest.. 21. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202000416.

(29) 3. Economic Consequences Frame: This frame emphasizes the economic impact of the issue on individuals, groups, or institutions. 4. Morality Frame: This frame puts the issue in the context of morals, social prescriptions, or religious tenets. 5. Attribution of Responsibility Frame: This frame presents an issue in such a way as to attribute responsibility for its cause or solution to either the institutions or individuals or groups.. 立. 政治大. These five categories of news frames will be defined into. 學. used in the news articles by both antaranews.com and detik.com to answer the second research question (RQ2), which is “To. ‧. ‧ 國. operational definitions and later used to analyze the news frames. what extent the news frames of Indonesian government media. sit. y. Nat. io. er. was correlated to the news frames of friendly private media in the case of Muslim Uighurs Xinjiang?”. As news frames is an. al. n. iv n C importanthelement in how the e n g c h i U media frames the news coverage in public diplomacy process, this study will help to understand the frames used by both antaranews.com as the government media and detik.com as the friendly private media in framing their news coverage regarding Muslim Uighurs Xinjiang case to shape the public opinion. Table 2 below shows the coding instrument for the news frames analysis in this study.. 22. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202000416.

(30) Table 2. News Frames No. 1.. I.. News Frames. Code: Conflict Frame - This frame emphasizes the conflict between individuals, groups, or institutions as a means of capturing audience interest. Sub Code. Operational Definition. Source. 1a.. Involved parties. There are two or more Semetko & individuals, groups, or Valkenburg, institutions involved 2000 in the story.. 1b.. Disagreement. There is a disagreement between individuals, groups, or institutions in the story.. 立. 學. Code: Human Interest Frame - This frame refers to an effort to personalize the news, dramatize or “emotionalize” the news, to capture and retain audience interest.. ‧. ‧ 國. 2.. 政治大. Sub Code. Operational Definition. Source. sit. y. Nat. Private information. io. n. al. The story goes into private lives of the actors.. Semetko & Valkenburg, 2000. The story uses adjectives or personal vignettes to generate feelings of outrage, empathy caring, sympathy, or compassion.. Semetko & Valkenburg, 2000. The story contains visual information that generates feelings of outrage, empathy caring, sympathy, or compassion.. Semetko & Valkenburg, 2000. er. 2a.. Semetko & Valkenburg, 2000; Arowolo, 2017; An & Gower, 2017. Ch. i Un. v. 2b.. Adjective. 2c.. Visual content. 3.. Code: Economic Consequences Frame - This frame emphasizes the economic impact of the issue on individuals, groups, or institutions.. engchi. 23. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202000416.

(31) Sub Code. Operational Definition. Source. 3a.. Financial issue. The story mentions financial gains or losses now or in the future.. Semetko & Valkenburg, 2000; An & Gower, 2017. 3b.. Consequences. There are economic consequences of pursuing or not pursuing an action.. Semetko & Valkenburg, 2000. 4.. Code: Morality Frame - This frame puts the issue in the context of morals, social prescriptions, or religious tenets. Sub Code Morality references. 立. 政治The story 大refers to. 學. morality, social prescriptions, or religious tenets.. ‧. ‧ 國. 4a.. Operational Definition. Semetko & Valkenburg, 2000; Arowolo, 2017; An & Gower, 2017. 4b.. Specific behavior. 5.. Code: Attribution of Responsibility Frame - This frame presents an issue in such a way as to attribute responsibility for its cause or solution to either the institutions or individuals or groups.. n. al. Semetko & Valkenburg, 2000. er. io. sit. y. Nat. The story offers specific social prescriptions about how to behave.. Source. Ch. engchi. Sub Code. i Un. v. Operational Definition. Source. 5a.. Responsibility. The story suggests that individuals, groups or institutions are responsible for the issue.. Semetko & Valkenburg, 2000; Arowolo, 2017; An & Gower, 2017. 5b.. Solution. The story suggests a solution to the issue.. Semetko & Valkenburg, 2000. 24. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202000416.

(32) Urgent action. The story suggests the issue requires urgent action.. 立. Semetko & Valkenburg, 2000. 政治大. 學 ‧. ‧ 國 io. sit. y. Nat. n. al. er. 5c.. Ch. engchi. 25. i Un. v. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202000416.

(33) CHAPTER 3 METHODOLOGY. To answer the research questions, this study employs a quantitative content analysis, with a mixture of both deductive and inductive approaches. Berelson (1952, p. 18) defined content analysis as “a research technique for the objective, systematic and quantitative description of the manifest content of communication”. In line with that definition, Kolbe and Burnett (1991, p. 243) defined content analysis as “an observational research method that is used to systematically evaluate the symbolic. 政治大. content of all forms of recorded communication. These communications can also be. 立. analyzed at many levels (image, word, roles, etc.), thereby creating a realm of research. ‧ 國. 學. opportunities”.. Similarly, Babbie (2016, p. 323) defined content analysis as “the study of. ‧. recorded human communication, such as books, websites, paintings, and laws”.. y. Nat. er. io. sit. Particularly, this study will examine the news articles from antaranews.com, covering about Muslim Uighurs Xinjiang case, by using an objective, systematic and quantitative. n. al. Ch. i Un. v. content analysis method. As to examine the practice of domestic public diplomacy by. engchi. the Indonesian government through the media used, this method emerges to be the most relevant one to serve a comprehensive result through a systematic observational research. As about deductive content analysis, Elo and Kyngäs (2008, p. 107) explained that it “is useful if the general aims were to test a previous theory in a different situation or to compare categories at different time periods”. While inductive content analysis “is used in cases where there are no previous studies dealing with the phenomenon or when it is fragmented” (Elo and Kyngäs, 2008, p. 107). In other words, the researcher. 26. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202000416.

(34) will create a set of guides to do the assessment (i.e. coding instrument) from past studies before the start of the assessment (i.e. coding) and then adds to them through reading the overall data. The details and process regarding the data collection, sampling, data analysis, and intercoder reliability will be explained further in this chapter.. 3.1. Data Collection The data of this study will be collected from the selected news media, which are antaranews.com and detik.com. 1. Antaranews.com. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學 sit. io. Antaranews was founded in 1937 by Adam Malik,. n. al. er. Nat. y. Figure 3. Antaranews.com Logo. i Un. v. Soemanang, A.M. Sipahoetar, and Pandoe Kartawigoena (founding. Ch. engchi. fathers). Later in 1962, Antara officially became a national news agency under the president of the Republic of Indonesia. Antaranews.com then launched in January 1996 with the purpose to serve the public’s right to receive accurate, complete, and helpful information immediately. This portal also served in two languages (bilingual), Indonesian and English, so that the world community could also learn the whole as well as credible information about Indonesia today.. 27. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202000416.

(35) Indeed, antaranews.com delivers real-time information on various events from Indonesia and around the world, under Perum LKBN Antara (The Indonesian News Agency), which is owned by the Indonesian Government, supplying news reports to the many domestic media organization. The total visits of antaranews.com for the last six months is 5.97 million with the top five biggest audience from Indonesia, United States, Singapore, Malaysia, and Australia. Recently, in 2019, Antara received Adam Malik Award 2019 from the Indonesian Ministry of Foreign Affairs for the category of the. 政治大. best online media, especially in providing accurate and objective. 立. information about Indonesia’s diplomacy (Pramudyani, 2019).. ‧ 國. 學. Concerning Muslim Uighurs Xinjiang case, antaranews.com. ‧. is the main tool used by the Indonesian government to communicate the Muslim Uighurs Xinjiang case with the public, as what the. sit. y. Nat. io. er. researcher has mentioned earlier. As the purpose of this study is to examine the practice of domestic public diplomacy by the. al. n. iv n C Indonesian government the media used, and with all this h e n g cthrough hi U. information above, antaranews.com serves as a good fit for this study to represent the government media in analyzing the practice of Indonesia’s domestic public diplomacy in the case study of Muslim Uighurs Xinjiang.. 28. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202000416.

(36) 2. Detik.com. Figure 4. Detik.com Logo. Detik.com was originally founded in 1998 by Budi Darsono, Yayan Sopyan, Abdul Rahman, and Didi Nugrahadi and now owned. 政治大 The word “detik” itself means “second” (in time) as the founders 立. by Trans Corp. under CT Corp. which owned by Chairul Tanjung.. ‧ 國. 學. began with the idea to be the first to publish the latest or breaking news. Detik.com is now known as one of the biggest digital media. ‧. in Indonesia and already expanded itself into a media group called. Nat. sit. y. Detik Network, which consists of CNN Indonesia, CNBC Indonesia,. er. io. Haibunda, Female Daily, Beautynesia, and Insertlive.. n. aThe l Ctotal visits of detik.comnfori vthe last six months is as huge U h ewith n gthec h as 181.49 million topi five biggest audience from Indonesia, United States, Singapore, Malaysia, and Australia. In 2018, Detik.com also received Adam Malik Award from the Indonesian Ministry of Foreign Affairs as the appreciation for its legitimate contribution in Indonesia’s diplomacy and foreign policy by providing accurate and objective information for the public (Fatmawati, 2018). Concerning Muslim Uighurs Xinjiang case, detik.com pays attention and covers that issue pretty well. It covers the issue from a. 29. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202000416.

(37) long time ago and still keep on doing it even until now. Besides, and looking at their current political stance through the media ownership, detik.com is considered as close to the government. Chairul Tanjung, the owner of CT Corp., which detik.com is now belonged to, mentioned as one of the media conglomerates ‘behind’ Indonesian President, President Joko Widodo, that now Chairul Tanjung’s daughter is also one of the presidential special staff (Sukirno, 2019; Daud, 2019). Before the Indonesian Presidential election in 2019, he also appeared as one of the candidates of the head of President Joko. 政治大. Widodo’s campaign team (Supriatin, 2018). Accordingly, it is. 立. mentioned that President Joko Widodo can use detik.com, which is. ‧ 國. 學. the number 1 media in Indonesia as a strong media coalition (R17,. ‧. 2017). Considering the fact that it is one of the biggest and most accessed news media in Indonesia with huge number of readerships. sit. y. Nat. io. er. and its political stance, it is safe to say that detik.com serves as a good fit for this study to learn more about Indonesian domestic. al. n. iv n C public diplomacy, especially in this Muslim Uighurs Xinjiang case. hen gchi U 3.2. Sampling. As the sampling method, this study employs the non-probability sampling, namely purposive sampling to gather the data. It is a sampling method, “which the researcher uses pre-determined criteria as the basis for selecting the actual sample for investigation or examination. In this method, the subjects are selected from the population-based on their ability to meet certain specified characteristics or quality” (Senam & Akpan, 2014, p. 472). Particularly in this study, the researcher has. 30. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202000416.

(38) specified certain criteria regarding the media content as well as the time range to make sure the quality and clarity of the sample. The news articles selected from both media are all of the news articles with the topic Muslim Uighurs Xinjiang published from November 2018 until June 2019 as the data shows that the topic about Muslim Uighurs Xinjiang starts from November 2018, then significantly increasing during that time and slowly decreasing afterward, but still keep going until June 2019 (as seen in Figure 5 below). Especially in November 2018, the international critiques towards Indonesia that considered as remain silent regarding Muslim Uighurs Xinjiang case. 政治大. started to appear, thus it is expected as the time when the Indonesian government. 立. started to implement the domestic public diplomacy. News articles then will be. ‧ 國. 學. collected using the keyword “Uighur” by excluding the irrelevant results, for. ‧. example, articles with unrelated topic, articles with only photo or video, or articles that are written by or taken from other media to understand more the stance of both. er. io. sit. y. Nat. antaranews.com and detik.com itself.. After going through that process, there are 68 news articles from. al. n. iv n C antaranews.com and 52 newsharticles detik.comUthat will be examined for this study. engchi The complete collection of the selected news articles can be seen further in Appendix A (page 62).. 31. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202000416.

(39) Figure 5. Google trends analytics result on Muslim Uighurs Xinjiang topic in Indonesia. 立. 3.3. Data Analysis. 政治大. ‧ 國. 學. After collecting and assessing the data through the coding process, the researcher will analyze it based on the theoretical foundations (Chapter 2), which. ‧. are mainly public diplomacy, domestic public diplomacy, digital public diplomacy,. y. Nat. sit. and media framing in public diplomacy. Prasad (2008) suggests that the unit of. n. al. er. io. analysis in content analysis study vary with the nature of data and the purpose of. i Un. v. the research, for example, a sentence, or a paragraph, a news item or an article. Ch. engchi. containing a symbol or a theme, or a group of facts can be a unit. Specifically, the unit of analysis of this study will be the sentences in the news articles that later will be coded based on the coding instrument (Table 1 & Table 2). This is related to the fact that in one news article (or even a paragraph), there is possibly more than one main idea within, so using sentence as a unit of analysis will help the researcher to grab comprehensive insights from each news article.. 32. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202000416.

(40) Coding Instrument To assess the news articles, this study will use a set of guides, which is mentioned before as the coding instrument. Both the news tone analysis and news frames analysis have their coding instruments, which are Table 1 (page 23) and Table 2 (page 26). This section will discuss how to assess the data based on those coding instruments in detail. Firstly, to examine the news tone, this study will use sentence as a unit of analysis of this study. As some sentences may contain more than one idea, the researcher will code the tone of a sentence and one. 政治大. sentence can only be in one sub-code, either pro, support, secure, contra,. 立. protest, or insecure. Then, to calculate the news tone of one article, this. 學. ‧ 國. study will use the formula from the past study by Matthew Esbaugh-. ‧. Soha (2010) titled “The Tone of Local Presidential News Coverage”, which said, “in the quantitative analyses, tone equals positive sentences. sit. y. Nat. minus negative sentences divided by total sentences, multiplied by 100. io. er. 3.3.1.. for cleaner presentation” (Esbaugh-Soha, 2010, p. 128). So, the. al. n. iv n C researcher will use this formula to U calculate the news tone of all news he ngchi articles.. After calculating the news tone of all news articles, to see the shifting of the tone from November 2018 until June 2019, the researcher will see the shifting of the news tone from the first until the last article in timely order and put in a graph to make it easier to see. That way, the news tone from November 2018 until June 2019 can be seen clearer from Figure 5. The same process is applied to both antaranews.com and detik.com. To know whether the news tone of both media is in the same. 33. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202000416.

(41) direction, this study will compare the news tone analysis graphs of both antaranews.com and detik.com. Secondly, to examine the news frames, the coders will analyze whether an article use certain news frames and one article can be coded to more than one news frames. The goal is to contrast the news frames used by both antaranews.com and detik.com as the news frames used by the media have an important role in influencing public opinion. To do the coding, the researcher will have to answer there is (1) or there is no (0) for each of the news frames. There is (1) means there is that certain. 政治大. news frame used in the article and there is no (0) is there is no that certain. 立. news frame used in the article. In the end, the result will show which use. ‧ 國. 學. frames used by both antaranews.com and detik.com in their coverage. ‧. about Muslim Uighurs Xinjiang. Each of them could possibly emphasize different news frames in their news articles and this study aims to. sit. y. Nat. io. er. understand what news frames they used and how they used it in their news articles regarding the Muslim Uighurs Xinjiang case.. n. al. Ch. engchi. i Un. v. 3.4. Intercoder Reliability Intercoder reliability is an essential step of a content analysis research. It is “near the heart of content analysis; if the coding is not reliable, the analysis cannot be trusted” (Singletary, 1993, p. 294). In line with this explanation, Lombard & Snyder-Duch (2002) also stated that “Intercoder reliability, more specifically termed intercoder agreement, is a measure of the extent to which independent judges make the same coding decisions in evaluating the characteristics of messages, and is at the heart of this method” (p. 587).. 34. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202000416.

(42) Accordingly, along with the researcher, one coder will code the news articles separately and later compare the results in terms of intercoder reliability. There are ways to measure intercoder reliability and this study will use Cohen Kappa’s reliability test and “it was reported as the most widely used index for reliability” (Wang, 2011, p. 15). The Kappa can range from -1 to +1, where 1 represents perfect agreement between the coders. Cohen suggested the Kappa values 0.81-1.00 are considered as almost perfect agreement, while 0.61-0.80 is substantial, and 0.410.60 is moderate but inadequate (McHugh, 2012). In this reliability test between two coders, 18 subcodes of this study have. 政治大. been tested with an average Kappa values of 0.84 as the result and is considered as. 立. almost perfect agreement. The complete result of the reliability test can be seen in. ‧ 國. 學. Appendix B (page 79).. ‧. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. 35. i Un. v. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202000416.

(43) CHAPTER 4 RESULTS. 4.1. News Tone Analysis To begin this section, this study first discusses the findings of the news tone analysis to answer the first research question (RQ1), which is “To what extent the news tone of Indonesian government media was correlated to the news tone of friendly private media in the case of Muslim Uighurs Xinjiang?”. As the main goal of public diplomacy is “to shape positive attitudes toward the country” (Ociepka, 2008, p. 1),. 政治大. the government media here is assumed to try to shape the news tone into the positive. 立. tone and the government-friendly media here is expected to be in the same direction. ‧ 國. 學. with the government media as later it will help to shape the public opinion desired. To. ‧. answer this question, this study first looks at the news tone of antaranews.com as the government’s media of public diplomacy, then see the news tone of detik.com as the. sit. y. Nat. io. er. selected private media and analyze whether they are correlated to each other. Figure 6 below shows the news tone analysis result of antaranews.com.. n. al. Ch. engchi. 36. i Un. v. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202000416.

(44) News Tone - Antaranews.com 100.00 80.00 60.00 40.00 20.00. TONE. 0.00 -20.00. 1 3 5 7 9 1113151719212325272931333537394143454749515355575961636567. -40.00 -60.00 -80.00 -100.00 -120.00. December 2018. -140.00 November 2018. 政治大 TIME. 立. June 2019. Figure 6. News Tone Analysis – Antaranews.com (November 2018 – June 2019). ‧ 國. 學 ‧. Figure 6 shows the fluctuating of antaranews.com’s news tone from time to time, starting from November 2018 until June 2019. Looking at the overall result, the news. sit. y. Nat. io. er. tone of antaranews.com in this Xinjiang Uighurs Muslim case is rather negative than positive with an average number of -12.46. The numbers of the tone itself range from -. al. n. iv n C 118.18 until 77.78 and it is safehto say that startingUfrom the middle of the graph, the engchi. tone gradually becomes more positive than before, or at least slightly higher on the average than in the first half graph. Looking back at the lowest news tone, it is happened right on December 21, 2018, when the protest, which demanded an end to China’s detention of Muslim Uighurs Xinjiang in Jakarta took place. There are numerous sentences with negative tendencies as the article mainly said about how Indonesia’s foreign policy of being “independent and active” should not limit Indonesia in defending the truth and fight all actions that threaten the freedom of human life. It should not limit Indonesia to take a. 37. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202000416.

(45) firm stand in handling this humanitarian issue. Especially in that article, Fadli Zon, Indonesian Deputy Chairman of the People's Representative Council also said that Indonesia, as the biggest Muslim country in the world, has to take a stand in fighting the human rights violation that is now faced by the Muslim Uighurs in Xinjiang. Indonesian government has to take a clear, firm position dan should not stay still seeing what is happening in Xinjiang as Indonesia values “independent and active” foreign policy. However, right after that news article, the news coverage gradually becomes more and more positive, meaning that the Indonesian government tried to shape a more. 政治大. positive image towards the public and this is where the domestic public diplomacy takes. 立. place. Numerous parties expected Indonesian government to speak up about this issue,. ‧ 國. 學. while Indonesian government itself decided to not be so vocal, as there is possibility. ‧. that this issue is caused by radicalism, meaning that China also has their right to protect their country and no country can interfere them in handling this issue. Indonesian. sit. y. Nat. io. er. government then realized that the support from its domestic public is needed, especially in this kind of crisis where the government has a different agenda with what the public. al. n. iv n C expected, and domestic public diplomacy been so important more than ever. h e n ghas chi U. While looking at the end of the graph, where the news tone is getting more positive, it happened when antaranews.com mostly covered live reports from Xinjiang. China invited several diplomats to come and see the real situation in Xinjiang and despite whether the setting is real, the news articles talked about how the situation in Xinjiang is fine, stable, peaceful, and how the people there look happy that it is hard to believe about the bad things that people outside said about the camp. They mentioned how warm is the greeting from China’s government there and tried to show it to the public that the situation is okay.. 38. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202000416.

(46) In practicing this whole public diplomacy process, the Indonesian government used antaranews.com as one of their major media to promote their idea through the news articles that covered this issue. This is expected to help shape a positive public opinion towards the government and later gain their support to make the international policy goals easier. The next question that comes up is to what extent this public diplomacy is done by the Indonesian government correlated to the government-friendly media. To answer that question, this study will further discuss the news tone of detik.com and see whether it is correlated to the news tone of antaranews.com.. 立. 100.00. 政治大 News Tone - Detik.com. ‧ 國. 學. 80.00 60.00. ‧. 20.00 0.00. y. a lDecember 2018 iv n Ch U e n g c h i TIME. n. -80.00. io. -60.00. sit. -40.00. 1 3 5 7 9 11 13 15 17 19 21 23 25 27 29 31 33 35 37 39 41 43 45 47 49 51. er. -20.00. Nat. TONE. 40.00. -100.00 November 2018. June 2019. Figure 7. News Tone Analysis – Detik.com (November 2018 – June 2019). Figure 7 shows the fluctuating of detik.com’s news tone from time to time, starting from November 2018 until June 2019. Looking at the overall result, the news tone of detik.com in this Xinjiang Uighurs Muslim case is rather negative than positive with an average number of -31.23, lower (more negative) than antaranews.com. The numbers of the tone itself range from -84.62 until 39.39 and it is safe to say that detik.com’s news tone is more negative in the average as only around 15% of them. 39. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202000416.

(47) reached the positive numbers. However, at the end of the graph, the tone gradually becomes more positive too.. 4.2. News Frames Analysis After discussing the news tone, the second research question (RQ2), which is “To what extent the news frames of Indonesian government media was correlated to the news frames of friendly private media in the case of Muslim Uighurs Xinjiang?”. First, Figure 8 below shows the news frames analysis of antaranews.com from November 2018 until June 2019.. 立. ‧ 國. y. 31%. 28.50%. n. al. sit. 28.50%. er. io. 40.00%. Figure 8. News Tone Analysis Comparison. Nat. 60.00%. ‧. 80.00%. News Frames - Antaranews.com. 學. 100.00%. 政治大. 20.00% 0.00% Conflict. Ch. 3.30%. engchi. Human Interest. i Un. Economic Consequences. v. Morality. 8.70%. Attribution of Responsibility. Figure 8. News Frames Analysis - Antaranews.com. Figure 8 shows that all five news frames are found in antaranews.com’s news articles, with the human interest frame as the most dominant one 31%. In the second position and slightly lower than the human interest frame, there are conflict and morality frames, both 28.50%. Less than 10%, there is attribution of responsibility frame with 8.70% and economic consequences frame as the lowest one with 3.30%.. 40. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202000416.

(48) Looking at the human interest frame as the most dominant one, the result shows that between the three subcodes in this frame (private information, adjective, and visual content), visual content came up as the highest and followed by adjectives and private information subcodes. 45 articles from all 68 articles included a picture in their news coverage as they tried to emphasize and generate feelings of empathy from the public. Figure 9 below is the sample picture of Uighur children in Xinjiang smiling at the camera that they put in their news article.. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i Un. v. Figure 9. Sample Picture of Antaranews.com (1). The selection of the pictures is supporting the government’s idea, especially around March 2019 when they did the live report from Xinjiang, saying that the situation there was stable and people in the camp were looking fine. Figure 10 below is the other sample picture of when Uighur people in the camp performing by singing their traditional song. Along with the picture, in the news, they also mentioned that the Head of Xinjiang Autonomous Region, Shohrat Zakir, said that his people feel comfortable. 41. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202000416.

(49) with that situation (in the camp). Obviously, through this human interest frame, antaranews.com tried to generate a positive feeling toward the public about this Muslim Uighurs Xinjiang issue to get a positive impression and support from the public.. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學 y. sit. io. n. al. er. Nat. Figure 10. Sample Picture of Antaranews.com (2). i Un. v. Next, the conflict frame and morality frame came up as the second most used. Ch. engchi. news frames in antaranews.com’s news articles with only slightly lower numbers than the human interest frame. In the conflict frame, the result shows that in their news articles, antaranews.com tried to emphasize the conflict between the parties by mentioning the parties that involved in this issue from the government, Muslim organization, experts, and politician. While in the morality frame, antaranews.com tried to refer to morality and religious tenets, especially related to human rights and Muslim religion. Understanding that this Muslim Uighurs Xinjiang is a humanitarian issue with such a strong mixture of religious issue, especially towards Indonesia, as the biggest Muslim country in the world, it is reasonable for these news frames to come up as one. 42. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202000416.