泰南之馬來民族主義與博物館 - 政大學術集成

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(1)國立政治大學國際傳播英語碩士學位學程 International Master’s Program in International Communication Studies College of Communication National Chengchi University. 碩士論文 Master’s Thesis. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. 泰南之馬來民族主義與博物館 Displaying of struggled Melayu nation and its identity Museums and the building of imaginations of Melayu Ethno-Nationalism in Deep-South of Thailand. er. io. sit. y. Nat. n. Student: a lNititorn Sura-bundith 蘇迪昂 v Advisor: ni C Barry Fong 方孝謙. hengchi U. 中華民國 109 年 8 月 August 2020. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001502.

(2) 泰南之馬來民族主義與博物館 Displaying of struggled Melayu nation and its identity Museums and the building of imaginations of Melayu Ethno-Nationalism in Deep-South of Thailand. 研究生：Nititorn Sura-bundith 蘇迪昂指導教授：Barry Fong 方孝謙. 國立政治大學. 政治大國際傳播英語碩士學位學程立 ‧. ‧ 國. 學. 碩士論文. A Thesis. sit. y. Nat. Submitted to International Master’s Program in. io. er. International Communication Studies National Chengchi University. n. al. Ch. i. i Un. v. e n gofctheh Requirement In Partial Fulfillment For the degree of Master of Arts. 中華民國 109 年 8 月 August 2020. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001502.

(3) ACKNOWLEDGEMENT This thesis would not be possible without the support of many people, especially their help and guidance to conduct this research during the COVID-19 pandemic which is proven to be a very difficult time for us all. The profound gratitude expressed in this page represents how much I appreciate wholeheartedly their kindness and efforts. First and foremost, I would like to expressed my deepest gratitude to Professor Fong ShiawChian (PhD.) who never hesitate to usher me to the right track. His expertise and experience not only suggest what an academic research should be, but also demonstrate what a good researcher should do. His constructive advices in academic theory and principle, data collection and thorough interpretation were the unparalleled guideline that was delivered with great patience and openness.. 立. 政治大. ‧ 國. 學. Secondly, I would like to extend my sincere thanks to my committee, Professor Liu Yih-Jiun (PhD.) and Assistant Professor Huang Chun-Ming (PhD.). Their invaluable contribution and guidance both inside and outside of the thesis defense room has empowered and inspired me. ‧. to navigate through this adventure with equitable direction.. sit. y. Nat. I am deeply indebted to the curators of Haji Sulong House and Museum, Jaturon Iamsopha,. io. n. al. er. and Khun Laharn Local Museum, Rasmin Nititham. This thesis would not be complete without. i Un. v. their kindness and courage during this difficult time. I am also grateful from the bottom of my. Ch. engchi. heart to the experts that agreed to contribute their insights in the in-depth interviews, as well as the participants of the focus-group discussions, museum tours and activities who shared priceless information about Melayu Patani people. Special thanks to Tohmeena family, Dr. Pechdau Tohmeena, Associate Professor Ubonrat Siriyuvasak (PhD.), Associate Professor Chung She-Fong, M.L. Nattakorn Devakula, Songsak Premsuk, Prateep Kongsip, Subhata Bhumiprabhas and members of Media Inside Out for their unwavering supports. Last but not least, I would like to use this testimonial to illustrate how I am wholeheartedly proud to be a son of my lovely parents. They have been my spiritual compass, helping me to discover the light among the dark, and showing me the existence of hope. I also wish to thanks Por Khampalikit who is always beside me and never hesitate to face any obstacle in our journey. Words could not describe how I appreciated the helps from the fighters of IMICS and i. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001502.

(4) NCCU, particularly Nomin Dambieva, Tran Hoang Hieu Thao, Yen Ting-Ju, Nguyen Ngoc Huyen, Matthana Rodyim, Tran Phuong Chi and Yu Tian-Hui as well as Li Xing-Hua and his family, Sasiwan Mokkhasen and her family, Chatnarong Muangwong, Sirichai Leelertyuth, Pataranid Ngensupaluck, Pirapa Harnhirun, Fahroong Srikhao, Kaewta Ketbungkan, Pachara Naripthaphan, Bay Chai Yong and Chen Yen-Lin who proved me the definition of friendship.. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. ii. i Un. v. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001502.

(5) ABSTRACT. This Master’s thesis aims to analyze the narratives presented in Melayu Patani local museums in deep South Thailand and their role in being a space for Melayu Patani people, an ethnonational group of people who have been struggling to maintain their nation and identity during the process of nation-building in Thailand and have been subjected to the process of cultural assimilation and violent armed conflicts for over half a century. This study excavates the antiquity of Melayuness in the historical trajectory in which the the consciousness of Melayu Patani nation has been expressed through local Melayu museums. The role of museums and their exhibitions have been appraised in being the platform to recall. 政治大. their imagined nation and to bargain with the Thai hegemony.. 立. By the method of archival research, observation, focus group discussions, and in-depth. ‧ 國. 學. interviews, two local museums have been studied and analyzed; the Haji Sulong house and museum and Khun Laharn local museum. The elements of narrative and textual characteristics. ‧. have also been examined. The study found that the museums are able to construct the. y. Nat. imagination of the collective nationalism through the stories of legendary heroes, local. sit. traditions, and the anecdotes of the struggles of Melayu people. However, there are outside. n. al. er. io. factors than hinder the mechanism of the museum to reach their purpose which include the lack. i Un. v. of sufficient resource and the interference by the authority due to the being minority of Melayu Patani.. Ch. engchi. Key words: Ethno-nationalism, deep south Thailand, identity, imagined nation, Melayu Patani, museum. iii. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001502.

(6) TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENT. i. ABSTRACT. iii. TABLE OF CONTENTS. iv. LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES. vii. CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION. 1. 1.1 Research background and problem statement. 1. 1.1.1 “why museum”. 1. 1.1.2 “the struggle of Melayu”. 3. 政治大. 1.2 Research question, objective and significance. 7. 1.3 Thesis outline. 8. 立. 10 10. ‧. 2.2 Museum. ‧ 國. 2.1 Overview. 10. 學. CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW. Nat. 2.2.2 Museum and its functions : the history of contradictory imperatives. io. 14 20. er. 2.2.3 Museum and imagined nation. y. 11. sit. 2.2.1 Museum and its principle. 2.2.4 Ethnography museum and its struggled of Ethno-Nationalism. al. 25. n. iv 2.3 The struggle of Melayu identity n Cinh Deep-South, Thailand engchi U. 29. 2.3.1 Ethnic identity and Ethno-Nationalism. 29. 2.3.2 The principle of understanding of Melayu in Deep-South, Thailand. 32. 2.3.3 Melayu in Deep-South : a history of dynamical flowing of nation and identity. 37. 2.3.4 Melayu in Deep-South : Islamization. 46. 2.3.5 Melayu in Deep-South : the struggle of Nation and its identity to Siam-Thai state 63. CHAPTER 3 RESEARCH METHOD. 73. 3.1 Research question. 73. 3.2 Research model. 73. 3.3 Research method. 74. 3.3.1 Case study research. 74. 3.4 Data collection. 75. iv. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001502.

(7) 3.4.1 Document Analysis. 75. 3.4.2 Focus group and Obsevation. 75. 3.4.3 In-depth interview. 76. 3.5 Research context. 78. 3.5.1 Haji Sulong House and Museum. 79. 3.5.2 Khun Laharn Local Museum. 85. CHAPTER 4 FINDING AND ANALYSIS. 89. 4.1. Haji Sulong House and Museum. 89. 4.1.1 A restoration of the forged national legend. 90. 4.1.1.1. Haji Sulong Calendar, the antiquity of unity of Melayu Patani Muslims. 90. 4.1.1.2. Seven-point Declaration for Melayu right by Haji Sulong, the struggle and 96. 政治大 4.1.1.3. The house of the tragic nation and its victims 立 4.1.2. To provide the norms by being the place of training wound of Melayu Patani tragedy. 101 107. 4.1.2.3. For Melayu to be Melayu. Nat. 4.1.3. The duplication of national brand. 113 117. sit. 4.1.3.1 The picture in our minds. n. al. er. io. 4.1.4. The struggling House and its challenge of the minority museum 4.2 Klun Laharn Local Museum. Ch. 4.2.1 A restoration of the forged national legend 4.2.1.1. The hero of Laharn. engchi. i Un. 110. y. 4.1.2.2. Being a good Melayu Patani. 107. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. 4.1.2.1. The sacred heritage of the Melayuness. v. 4.2.1.2. Keris, the legend of sacred nation 4.2.2. To provide the norms by being the place of training 4.2.2.1. Painting for Melayu Patani. 117 121 126 126 126 131 136 136. 4.2.3. The duplication of national brand. 142. 4.2.3.1. The Masjid of Melayu Patani victims. 142. 4.2.3.2. The masjid of hero’s grave. 144. 4.2.4 The challenge of minority museum and the state of reluctance. 146. CHAPTER 5 CONCLUSION. 152. 5.1 Conclusion. 152. 5.2 Limitations. 159. v. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001502.

(8) 5.3 Future research. 159. REFERENCE. 161. APPENDIX. 166. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. vi. i Un. v. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001502.

(9) LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES Table 1. Being Melayu : the dynamical trajectory of being Melayu Patani in the Malay 50 peninsula. Table 2. Seven-point declaration by Haji Sulong 70. Figure 1. Annfield Plain Co-op, Beamish museum. 19. Figure 2. Melayu locals and their interactions in the community area. 29. Figure 3. The Melayu kingdom of Patani in the “Map of the Kingdom of Siam 1678”. 34. Figure 4. Mak Yong, a locally folk dancing. 37. Figure 5. Thai militants patrolled Masjid Kerisek, Pattani province. 63. Figure 6. Field Marshal Plaek. 67. 立. Figure 7. Haji Sulong bin Abdul Kadir. 政治大. 68 69. ‧ 國. 學. Figure 8. Map of Deep-south provinces, Thailand Figure 9. Research Model. 73 78. Figure 11. Haji Suloung house. 79 82. er. io. y. Nat. Figure 12. Personal belongings of Haji Sulong Figure 13. Inside of Haji Sulong house and museum. 81. sit. ‧. Figure 10. Opening of a religious school found by Haji Sulong in 1933.. Figure 14. Jaturon Iamsopha and the cast of Melayu praying timetable. n. al. Ch. n U engchi. 83. iv. Figure 15. Inside the madjid of Haji Sulong House and Museum. 84. Figure 16. Khun Laharn Local Museum. 85. Figure 17. Rasmin Nititham, a curator of Khun Laharn Local Museum. 86. Figure 18. Melayu students painting batik. 87. Figure 19. Handmade cast of Islamic calendar invented by Haji Sulong. 91. Figure 20. Azman Tohmeena and the Melayu Islamic calendar of praying time. 94. Figure 21. A few original photo of Haji Sulong. 98. Figure 22. Members of the Family of Haji Sulong at the opening of the museum. 101. Figure 23. An artwork in the permanent exhibition of the museum. 104. Figure 24. The public seminar and book launch to honor the late Kraisak Choonhavan 105 Figure 25. The reception area of the Haji Sulong house. 108. Figure 26. A letter that Haji Sulong. 111. Figure 27. Papers that recorded the struggles of Melayu people. 114. vii. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001502.

(10) Figure 28. A painting of Haji Sulong. 119. Figure 29. The origin of the funding of Haji Sulong house and museum. 123. Figure 30. A painting of Khun Laharn. 127. Figure 31. Paintings that represented the life of Melayu Patani.. 130. Figure 32. Keris in various size exhibited on the second floor of the museum. 132. Figure 33. Mak Yong or Mak Yung, a local folk dancing. 135. Figure 34. Melayu teenagers painting the patterns inspired by the Melayu birdcage.. 137. Figure 35. The batik design and painting workshop. 139. Figure 36. A local journalist in the last day of the batik painting workshop. 141. Figure 37. The model of Masjid Kerisek. 142. Figure 38. The origin of the funding of Khun Laharn Local Museum. 148. Figure 39 Picture of the last day of the batik painting workshop. 150. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. viii. i Un. v. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001502.

(11) CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION 1.1 RESEARCH BACKGROUND AND PROBLEM STATEMENT 1.1.1 “WHY MUSEUM” Most museum studies in the post-colonial era focused on the role of museums and their causal mechanisms that were embedded in the process of nation-building in new independent states. 治政大To elucidate, museums could be institution’ for displaying national identity (Dianina, 2010). 立 seen as a platform which shed light on the efforts of nationalist movements to erase the trace in the 20th century. This long-established institution has been recognized as a ‘public. ‧ 國. 學. of colonizers and excavate the past remnant memories to build a new cohesiveness entitled the ‘nation’. Scholars studied this phenomenon in diverse dimensions and analyzed the concept of. ‧. museums which have been supported by field studies in the colonized territories. Kaeppler, for example, provided model fieldworks in examining how the museums were a corridor in. y. Nat. sit. building the national identity of a number of new Pacific Island nations in the post-colonial era. al. er. io. (Kaeppler, 1994). Likewise, in Arab world, the museum was one of the initial destinations. n. where Morracan intellectuals cleaned the colonial’s traces after independence (Amahan, 1991 & Rey, 2015).. Ch. engchi. i Un. v. These studies resonate the efforts of political power, especially those nationalists, who endeavoured to concrete the new nations and their identity in the post-colonial era. The research emphasized how the cultural institutions were crucial for forging particular solidarity, such as a cultural policy that served the national identity of New Guinea by utilizing the role of museum during the administration of Prime Minister Michael Somare (Kaeppler, 1994). Likewise, Goh Chok Tong, former Prime Minister of Singapore pointed to the potential role of museums in the realm of nation building as the tool for “identifying ourselves” (Wong, 2012). Conceptually, this relationship was discovered by a number of studies that focused on the museums before the post-colonial period, such as the concept of public museums which concentrated on how the museums could be the locations for rehabilitation for alcoholics in the British context during. 1. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001502.

(12) the 19th century (Bennett, 1955). Likewise, in the concept of modern museums, the museums have been considered as part of a process of deepening class distinction in the colonial period. Bennett (1955) and Prakash (1992) studied the role of colonial museums in British Raj in the late 19th century when they were the space for Indian elites. Groups of educated aristocrats exploited the museums to distinguish them from illiterate Indians, as they could appreciate not only the impressive artifacts but also the grandeur of Western knowledge. Preliminary, hence, these studies binded museum studies simultaneously with the political and social context (Kaeppler, 1994). However, colonized countries and the nationalists had not constructed the latent museum with political purposes by themself after independence, but inherited them from those colonial rulers particularly in the colonized countries in Southeast Asia (Anderson, 1991). He associated this assumption into the context of Cambodia where. 政治大. Bayon Vihar temple had been renovated and then forged to be a symbol of the French colonized. 立. territory. King Norodom Sihanouk inherited this symbol to represent the “soul of nation”, but. ‧ 國. 學. he diminished the role of the French from the object's memory (Anderson, 1991).. ‧. However, most of the studies specified in the post-colonial museums also discovered the permanent characteristics of the museum as being the arena for negotiation of a farrago of facts,. Nat. sit. y. usurpation of meaning and bargaining the imagination of national identity among multinational. er. io. people including ethnic groups in such newly acquired territory. Extending by some fieldworks, Davidson (2005) found that the disagreement in the storytelling of slavery in the South African. n. al. Ch. i Un. v. Cultural History Museum were prohibited. Moreover, the history in South African Museums. engchi. during the apartheid was presented solely from the perspective of the White (Davidson, 2005). Museums and their role in the process of building the national identity might not succeed smoothly. In contrast, it is an unfinished project. Moreover, many cases have pushed losers who surrendered from the arena of hegemony usurpation to become otherness, both inside and outside of the museum. Examples of the minorities who have been pushed away to be marginal people were Melayu people in deep South Thailand, Karen people and Rohingya in Myanmar. The identity of the minorities who have usurped the authority have been categorized as EthnoNationalism in the meaning of Connor (2004), who pointed that these people have been impacted by the failure of the cultural assimilation in which ethnic majority unsuccessfully tries to dominate those ethnic minorities. For minorities, a subgroup nation-state who have been colonized doubly by the new nation-state itself and have been suppressed by the lack of 2. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001502.

(13) adequate space in the process of nation-building through cultural practice and even in the museums; is there any practice for them to express their identity among the radical assimilation? What could be the outcome if those struggled minorities in new nation state in Southeast Asian countries (Melayu in Siam-Thailand, Rohingya in Myanmar, Muslim Moro in The Philippines and so on) aspire to usurp the national identity or to maintain their identity though the national and regional museums in which they represent themself truly by including the affliction from the majorities? Their actions could result in antagonism for the majorities. The disruption of the process of nation building naturally has been accused as an effort that tries to destroy the sacredness of shared imagination. Museums, in particular, are a media that enable the process of creating imagination among members of the nation and its collectivity as they provide basis for such. 政治大. proceedings (Anderson, 1991). Hence, the museums in some post-colonized countries were. 立. considered as permanent tools not only for fortifying the nation-building process and their. ‧ 國. 學. imagination, but also for demolishing some minorities who used to have their own nation and collective identity through the actions of exclusion and otherness. Therefore, if the process of. ‧. creating imagination is necessary for a nation-state to maintain its visibility and invisible dominance among public consciousness, it is more indispensable for an ethnic group who. Nat. sit. y. previously considered themselves as a nation to create and maintain such concept among its. er. io. people to ensure its survival, even that it had been a nation without defined territory in terms of modern state and nation-state.. n. al. Ch. e. ngch 1.1.2. “THE STRUGGLE OF MELAYU”. i. i Un. v. This Master thesis intentionally excavates the efforts of minorities to protect their consciousness of nation by using the remnant of cultural heritages, even that it could only be an imagined nation due to the fact of them being colonized, and how they struggled with their nation and identity to maintain “themselves” facing with the threat of hegemony power whether it would be a social and cultural destruction or assimilation. In deep South Thailand (Former Melayu Patani states), Melayu people still have been tackling identity struggles, facing Siamese, and later Thai, nation-state’s destruction and assimilation policies. The Melayu are subjected to ‘internal colonialism’. This ethnic group has settled in. 3. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001502.

(14) the Malay peninsula since ancient times. Due to the characteristics of a seaside community and as it was a permanent trade port connecting Indian ocean and China sea, Melayu people have long been experienced dynamical flowing of identity which depended on outside factors including Islamization and colonization (Aiemueayut, 2016). Although Sultans and the elites have ruled each ancient state which was settled over the Malay peninsula and some parts of nowadays Thailand for hundreds of years, they constantly faced inside and outside factors along the historical period resulting in them being labeled as ‘weak states’ (Aphornsuvan, 2012). One of the reasons why Melayu courts needed to interact with other ancient states particularly Siam, a regional big brother, was to maintain their influences and suppress those who were against their thrones. The manner of these smaller states interacting with bigger states was in the form of traditional relations, not similar to the concept. 政治大. of colonization but was a political deal that gave patronage and assistance to each other. 立. (Luekajornchai, 2019).. ‧ 國. 學. The reason why most studies (Aiemueayut, 2016; Aphornsuvan ,2012; Bangnara, 2008;. ‧. Eoseewong 2007; Unno, 2011, and including Syukri, 2005 who wrote a classic work, History of the Malay Kingdom of Patani) that explored Melayu nation and identity needed to consider. Nat. sit. y. this antiquity of power relations because these kinds of factors have gravely impacted the. er. io. concept of “Melayuness' and its cultural elements, most importantly the interaction with SiamThailand. In the colonial era, the effort that Siam made to survive the western colonization was. n. al. Ch. i Un. v. to reform themself to become an equally civilized nation-state. The Anglo-Siamese treaty 1909,. engchi. a territorial agreement between Siam and the British Empire was not only the consequence of the nation-building process of the ancient Siamese Empire to become a singular Siamese Kingdom, but also the disruption of Melayu nation-building. The disruption especially affected three Melayu states, including Patani, which have then become parts of Siam, whereas four other Melayu states have been incorporated to British Malaya, nowadays Malaysia. Melayu people in the three states de jure became citizens of Siam even if they were totally different from Siamese people, such as in religion, language, culture and ethics. Moreover, the Sultans and the elites of those Melayu states strongly opposed Siamese occupation, as Tengku Abdul Kadir Kamaruddin, the last Sultan of Patani said “The annexation were compared to thorn under the skin that would make the pain to Siam in the future” (B. Andaya & L. Andaya, 1893 cited as Luekajornchai, 2019).. 4. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001502.

(15) Massimo Tapaelli, Piedmontese-Italian statesman stated that “we built the country of Italy, then we need to build Italian” (Luekajornchai, 2019). This speech could comparably shed light on the idea and concept of state-building of Siam after it has become a nation-state by territorial integration through a number of agreements with British and French. The major question is on how Siam built Siamese among those who were practically foreigners. Siam nation-building in Melayu. From Eoseewong’s perspective (2007), Siamese occupation over Melayu states was intentionally a territorial integration. However, the conflicts happened when Siam tried to proceed a national integration process by transforming Melayu to become “Siamese” and later “Thai Muslim”. As a result, it has been the turning point for Bangsa Melayu (Melayu ethnic group) until now. Siam bagan to proceed the national integration with those Melayu by forcing. 政治大. cultural assimilations which were inconsistent to their every day’s life, particularly religious. 立. issues. Bangnara (2008) & Aphornsuvan (2012) point out that when King Maha Vajiravudh. ‧ 國. 學. (Rama VI) of Siam, a successor to throne of King Chulalongkorn (Rama V) who built the modern nation-state of Siam, promulgated a law of enforced education in 1921, every Melayu. ‧. children was forced to study in Thai school in Thai central language which was different from their needs to study Melayu language in Muslim’s seminary school. Their disappointment and. Nat. sit. y. anger toward the perceived threats to their own identity was spreaded as compared to adding. er. io. fuel to the fire, leading to riots between Melayu Patani rebels and Siam troops in 1922. Melayu Patani then refused to pay tax and lent their land to Siamese authority.. n. al. Ch. engchi. i Un. v. Another turning point that could be compared to refueling to the fire again was the coming of Thai ultra-nationalism policy in 1939, led by Field Marshal Plaek Phibunsongkhram, a Thai nationalist and former Prime Minister of Siam-Thailand. The birth and the forging of ‘Thainess’ to replace ‘Siamese’ was to westernize and civilize the country to be as equal as other ‘modern’ countries and prevent colonization during the coming of World War II (Aiemueayut, 2016 : Aphornsuvan, 2012 ; Bangnara, 2008 ; Eoseewong 2007 ; Unno, 2011). Field Marshal Plaek Phibunsongkhram promulgated a series of Thai cultural mandates, dubbed as the Thai cultural Revolution. Thai-Islam was a new name provided by laws to replace either ‘Melayu’ or ‘Muslim Melayu’, likewise, Thailand, a new name of the nation provided a sense of unity, not a sense of diversity as found in Siam. Melayu language was prohibited, as well as Melayu Muslim costumes (Aphornsuvan, 2012). Thai authority has arrested and punished Melayu. 5. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001502.

(16) Patani who wore Muslim uniform, and even have them subjected to public punishment (Khunthongpetch, 1986). The most significant intervention in the Muslim affairs over the former Melayu Patani states was to de facto revoke the Sharia law and its court including the studying Al-Quran (Aphornsuvan, 2012). Series of violations left Melayu Patani with no option but to lean on a spiritual leader, Haji Sulong bin Abdul Kadir (Haji Sulong Tohmeena). Haji Sulong (1895 forced disappearance) was a perpetual Muslim Melayu Patani hero who is considered to represent the soul of Muslim Melayu Patani movement. His action in protecting Melayu Patani nation and identity not only defied Thai nationalism directly but also arose consciousness of being Melayu among Muslim Melayu, inducing some of them to imagine the flourishing past of Melayu states. Moreover, the forced disappearance of Haji Sulong by Thai central officers. 政治大. made an ununited rift between the Melayu Patani people and Thai central government until. 立. now. This factor has been one of the impulses for Melayu Patani nationalist and troops to. ‧ 國. 學. unchain them.. ‧. In this sense, the process of Thai nation-state building advocated the process that Connor (2004) entitled as “Ethnic Separatism”. This concept is used to describe the failure of the cultural. Nat. sit. y. assimilation in which ethnic majority unsuccessfully tries to dominate those ethnic minorities. er. io. (Connor, 2004). On the other hand, the process of nation-state building itself is to devastate those minorities’ nations and even the diversity in such nations (ibid.). Connor (2004) gave a. n. al. Ch. i Un. v. meaning of the term nation in the perspective of ethnography as an ethnic group which. engchi. consisted of their high ethnic ego. In this sense, Melayu Patani in deep-south is ethnonationalism who has collective consciousness and relations (Smith, 2004 & Bumrungsuk 2007). Melayu Patani from this study is considered as a nation in terms of ethno-nationalism and imagined community, not in a meaning of nation in terms of modern state and nation state. Importantly, Tuansiri (2010) argued that there are many studies that ignored the conflict within Melayu Patani itself, in contrast, many of them focused on the unity of Melayu Patani. The proposal to revisit the internal conflict was considered by this study. Some studies concluded that Arab-Islamization established the bargaining with innate Melayu Patani identity particularly in the folk village scale (Aiemueayut, 2016; Tuansiri, 2010; Unno, 2011). Melayu Patani identity is diverse itself. Expressing the Melayu Patani through the cultural objects. 6. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001502.

(17) including artifacts and heritage would not be able to identify either Islam or Malay but it was mixed dynamically along the historical and political trajectory. The Bangsa Melayu (being Melayu) has been under the spotlight again when the ongoing violent conflicts have broken out in 2004, now lasting over a decade. According to an updated database from Deep South Watch, Center for Conflict Studies and Cultural Diversity in Pattani (2020), the number of deaths is 7,111 while those injured is 13,266 from the 20,564 incidents in 2004-2020. Thai central government put a lot of resources in military operation and economic development but has not even ceased the violence. In contrast, the conflict is still ongoing. Series of continuous violent incidents have prompted outsiders to consider what exactly. 政治大. happened in the deep South. Many scholars, journalists and non-governmental organisations. 立. have leaped to former Melayu Patani states as an object of study (Aiemueayut, 2016). The. ‧ 國. 學. obscure past and relations with the central government have pushed scholars and other stakeholders to shift their focus to find the answer to a basic question of who they exactly are,. ‧. making the role of the studies which focused on anthropology, ethnography and cultural study of Melayu people to become more prominent than the security aspect. The reason was not that. Nat. sit. y. outsiders never knew Melayu Patani people before, but only recently has emerged the possible. er. io. assumption that ethnic violence which has been understated over the century could be a key motivation of this ongoing conflict. This is the reason why most studies could not ignore the. n. al. Ch. i Un. v. demand for recognition of identity of Melayu Patani people, particularly when that demanded. engchi. identity has transmitted and merged into cultural practices such as everyday life, religious, arts and even local museums.. 1.2 RESEARCH QUESTION AND OBJECTIVES This Master’s thesis follows the trace of Melayu nation and identity studies, particularly in anthropological and cultural studies (Jory, 2007; Baru et al. 2008; Stha-anand, 2008; Ockey, 2011; Unno, 2011; Aiemueayut, 2016). However, to expand the study of the Melayu Patani nation and identity, this research focuses on the role of local museums and their exhibitions.. 7. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001502.

(18) Local museums are considered as public institutions and gathering places for Melayu Patani people and could influence them to become a socially-accepted individual by the power of reproducing the truths from institutional mechanisms (Sta-anand, 2008). That truth has been displayed in the form of the museum's function, which reproduces how Melayu Patani people struggled with their identity as an ethno-nationalism. The imagination of antiquity of Melayu Patani nation has been used as a conduit to connect the past and present making ‘Melayu Patani selves’. This thesis chooses two local museums and their exhibitions as case studies, Melayu Patani’s Statesman Museum (Haji Sulong bin Abdul Kadir house and museum) and Melayu Folk Museum, to analyze ‘Bangsa Melayu' (being Melayu) via the narrative elements in order to answer the question of ‘to what extent the Melayu Patani’s antiquity museums constructed the. 政治大. collective imagination of nation among Melayu Patani people in deep South Thailand’. Thanks. 立. to the combinations of archival researches which would be used as citations for the historical. ‧ 國. 學. context, the thesis is provided comprehensive and panoramic viewpoints to see the dynamic of Melayu Patani nation and identity in the deep South. Moreover, Melayu Patani nation and. ‧. identity that has been combined homogeneously with Islam and folk traditions has influenced these museums to become cultural centers which gather people to perform religious practices. Nat. sit. y. or be a part of their everyday life (Haji Sulong bin Abdul Kadir house and museum is also a. er. io. local mosque). This study, hence, needs to interact with the dynamic movement created by such locations. Importantly, status and ideology are factors that most museum studies have identified. n. al. Ch. i Un. v. as crucial for the process of shaping the narratives behind objects. Therefore, an observation, a. engchi. focus group of visitors and participants, observation and interviewing the curators is necessary for this study.. 1.3. THESIS OUTLINE In order to inform how museums constructed the Melayu Patani nation and its identity by the process of imagined community, the meaning of museums and its function as a platform to be an element of ethnic-nationalism building and the overall history of Melayuness and its identity will be discussed in the first part of the literature review. The significance of local museums that have been chosen as case studies and the methodology of the will be explained in chapter three and its research context. The finding of the field study, to shed light on how the struggled. 8. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001502.

(19) Melayu Patani nation and its identity embedded through the exhibitions in museums and how that museums’ functions built, maintained and constructed their imagination of nation and identity will be analyzed in chapter four. Lastly, Chapter five will summarize the finding within the development of museum studies and Melayu Patani studies in order to discuss the role of cultural operation in building the imagination of nation and identity, as well as research limitations.. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. 9. i Un. v. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001502.

(20) CHAPTER TWO LITERATURE REVIEW 2.1 OVERVIEW The role and implications of museums have changed and developed along the line of political and social development. Throughout history, many factors have impacted cultural establishments, including museums, which are considered as public institutions to reproduce ‘the truth’ of that society, and are subjected to contradictory imperatives. For example, in the mid-nineteenth century, to illustrate the drastic change in the function of the museums, the wife did not need to go to breweries or hospitals to find their husbands who were in alcohol rehab,. 政治大. but just went to the museums to see them (Bennett, 1955). Public museums at that time were. 立. designated by the British government as a space for “life improvement” for those working-. ‧ 國. 學. class men during the time which the government needed to refine their people to become urban citizens, as Bennett entitled this role of museum as being “useful for governing” (ibid.).. ‧. Apart from being a tool for public governing, museums also constituted the role of reproducing. Nat. sit. y. certain ideologies, especially during the process of state-building. French royal collection has. er. io. been requested to be exhibited at a so-called museum, the Louvre, to dedicate to the spirit of the revolution. Similar process of nation state-building could be found in museums in post-. n. al. Ch. i Un. v. colonial territories especially for those Southeast Asian countries, as suggested in the studies. engchi. of Indonesian National Museum by Mohr (2014), and Singapore National Museum by Wong (2012) among others. Many museum studies focused on the role of minorities through the framework of ethnicnationalism which concentrate on ethnic representation and dynamic of the threat from ethnic majorities in the public spaces such as national museums and regional museums, as demonstrated by the bargaining of ethnic groups in South African museums by Davidson (2005), the Maori’s anxiety of having their objects displayed in New Zealander museums by Newton (1994), and the proliferation of private indigenous and regional museums in Taiwan by Chang (2012). This introduction of a shifted museological framework is to demonstrate the role of museums in displaying the world outside which is full of contradictory imperatives. 10. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001502.

(21) among powers. Moreover, the concept of ‘new museum’ which expands the definition of museums to include cultural centers in local communities will be discussed. The first part of this literature review will study the role of museums as a place for building imagination in the ‘imagined’ nations, particularly in the post-colonial era, with focus on the ethnic minorities. The identity of Melayu Patani people and their dynamic characteristics will be discussed in the second part of the literature review in order to give the whole picture of Melayu nation and its identity in deep South Thailand. The struggles of Melayu Patani people will be analyzed and considered through the conceptual framework of ethnic-nationalism with highlights on their struggles with Siamese (and Thai) forced cultural assimilation policy after the post-colonial period. However, to respond to the missing information of Melayu studies, this study will also consider the role of antiquity of maritime culture, Islamization, and the. 政治大. ongoing peace process, and how they have reshaped the nation and identity of Melayu Patani.. 立. In order to emphasize the relationship between museums and the movement in recalling the. ‧ 國. 學. sense of Melayu Patani ethnic-nationalism, demonstration of the demarcation of the imagination among Melayu Patani people to call for a ‘nation without territory’ in museum. er. io. sit. y. Nat. 2.2 MUSEUM. ‧. platforms will be examined.. n. al. ni Ch 2.2.1. MUSEUM AND ITS PRINCIPLE U engchi. v. The purposes of the museums were to collect, preserve, study, interpret and exhibit material evidence. The aspirations of museum workers were to construct and organize good collection management with a sense of ideological neutrality (Weil, 1990). Public understanding of the museums was as a ‘cultural authority’, as the museums involved scholarly study and collected property of the wealthy and powerful people who related to historical events and time. Bennett (1995) categorized the museum into three characteristics consisting of a social space, a space of representation and a space of observation and regulation. These fundamental meanings and objectives of museums have been generally recognized by people who go to the museums nowadays. However, the development of museums along the historical trajectory were dynamic and fluctuating due to the political and social contexts (to be further discussed in the topic of. 11. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001502.

(22) Museum and its functions: the history of contradictory imperatives). These powerful and effective factors emphasized museums as a cultural authority and public institution. Formerly, museums were private places for preservation of relics of Christian Saints, reflected in the meaning of the word ‘museum’ in Greek which is a sanctuary to pray to the goddesses (Rambukwella, 2012). One of the crucial turning points of museum evolution occured in the era of Renaissance during the fouthteenth to sixthteenth century. In order to enlighten the public, presentation of natural objects with scientific approaches have been proliferated in the museum which arouse the museum to become a center of uncommon and natural objects (Rambukwella, 2012). Politically, the development of the museum in being a place for preservation of historical relics. 政治大. was inspected as the efforts to maintain the hegemonic power particularly the monarch and the. 立. elites. Habermas (1989) and Bennett (1995) entitled this process as the production of invisible. ‧ 國. 學. power to become visible through the public representations by the lords. For instance, the displaying of the Viennese Royal collection in Belvedere Palace in 1776 and Dresden Gallery. ‧. represented the existence and omnipresence of the Monarch (Bennett, 1995). However, these museums were not public museums in the meaning of general space for general people, but. Nat. sit. y. were reserved to royal properties only. For example, the private collection of King Mongkut in. er. io. his royal palace entitled ‘Royal Museum’ was the first museum in Siam (later, Thailand) but it was not open to the general public.. n. al. Ch. engchi. i Un. v. A milestone in the shift of the idea of museums occured with the emergence of the Industrial Revolution in the eighteenth century. The power of production and duplication led the museum to shift the focus on the kind of objects that were on display. Surely, a number of innovations produced by man were displayed separately from the natural objects. The principle of curiosity toward nature, hence, was challenged by the principle of scientific rationality and led to ‘normal’ objects slightly replacing ‘rare’ objects. The self-confidence of humanity led to the advocacy of a knowledge-based society. These types of social factors requested museums to be the space where they needed to serve the debated conversation, and impacted the way the museum exhibited the objects. The new pattern of exhibitions in the museum was to serve a clear narrative and meaning that Bennett (1995) called “intelligibility”, moving away from the displaying of narrative with 12. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001502.

(23) hidden objections. This development of the museum has not only changed its very objectives but also the management of the museum itself by shifting its focus to accommodate the expectation of the society. Moreover, the power of the Industrial Revolution and capitalism also led the newly debated meaning of museum, particularly as a cultural institution of the state, and as a tool in the process of building a new nation-state in those post-colonial territories. The development of the new states in finding necessary elements to build modern nation-states was the cause of existence of the nation's antiquity in order to demarcate the sense of brotherhood (to be further discussed in the topic of Museum and the imagined nation). In this sense, it would not be surprising if the number of archaeological and history artifacts displayed in the museum would increase after the eighteenth century (Rambukwella, 2012). Unfortunately, museums were still not opened to the public but reserved for some elites and literated people, although the ownership of the spaces and displayed objects were shifted from private to national (ibid.).. 立. 政治大. In British contexts, Evans (1999) pointed out that the consequence of promulgation of the. ‧ 國. 學. Representation of the People Act 1832, which many historians praised as the launch of modern democracy in the United Kingdom, established the political status of the general public and. ‧. also created the call for change in the museum in the nineteenth century. The consciousness of the ‘citizens’ along with the development of the emergence of nation-states required a political. Nat. sit. y. space to express the existence of the nation. The museums had then responded to this change. n. al. er. io. by providing a space for expressing the new identity of British people.. Ch. i Un. v. Across the English Channel, the French Revolution addressed the new meaning of museum as. engchi. a ‘sharing’ space (Hooper, 1989) attemptedly devastated the classification particularly between the civic and monarch. The new role of civic institutions embedded into the museum that led to the dispersion of popular culture became a process Bennett (1995) entitled ‘vehicle for popular education’. Other social classes apart from countrymen, such as the former bourgeois, also advocated for a new meaning and objective of museums. In this sense, the state and its mechanism played a crucial role in the museum (Shapiro, 1990 & Rambukwella, 2012). This process also shifted the focus of state’s cultural institutions from being entertainment providers to becoming a source for public education (Spiess & Spiess 1990; & Rambukwella, 2012). The role of museums as a place for preservation and interpretation of objects became a basic norm of the place, impacting how museums manage their administration works (ibid.).. 13. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001502.

(24) ‘New museum’ was a new concept which emerged after a movement for reformation in the twenty century when the number of archaeological museums proliferated around the world. In this concept, the objective of the museums was altered into being a cultural institution for multicultural people (Marstine, 2006 & Rambukwella, 2012), drastically different from being places for the royals, bourgeois, or even being the elements in the nation-state building process as in the past. The dynamic of people in several nations sparked a motion for the creation of political space to address their identity and to challenge the hegemony or ethnic majority since the beginning of the twentieth century. Museums, consequently, shifted their role to serve this change by transforming into an institution which Rambukwella (2012) entitled ‘the representation of multicultural society’. The concept of the national museum of Singapore, for example, was to serve multicultural. 政治大. people from diverse ethnic groups and being multifunctional, a stark example of development. 立. of a museum in the twenty-first century. In the museum, the new identity of Pan-Malayan. ‧ 國. 學. ethnicity was displayed, accompanied by diverse activities for visitors (Wong, 2012). Likewise, the emergence of Taiwanization in order to de-Sinicization was embedded into Taiwanese. ‧. museums by the establishment of regional museums which integrated the identity of local ethnic groups into a space for representation of multiculturalism (Chang, 2012). However, the. Nat. sit. y. growth of the number of museums did not result in abandoning their old characteristics. In. er. io. contrast, the multifunctionality of museums has become a trend in the twenty-first century. The combination of educational displays, entertaining exhibits and cultural interpretations are still. n. al. Ch. the main mechanisms of museums until nowadays.. engchi. i Un. v. 2.2.2. MUSEUM AND ITS FUNCTIONS : THE HISTORY OF CONTRADICTORY IMPERATIVES The representation of power and the evidence of struggles for acquiring representation in this cultural institution appear in the places entitled museums nowadays, but it required scholars to go back to the time of Ancient Greek in order to explore the long and dynamic history of representations in the museums. The term ‘museum’ itself, was originally sprouted from the Greek word ‘museion’, which means a sanctuary to realize the “Muses”, the Greek goddesses whose duty is to protect arts and science (Rambukwella, 2012). Politically, Ptolemy I Sorter (367-283BC), Ruler of Egypt, advocated for the construction of a sacred place ‘Museion’ to. 14. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001502.

(25) promote the city of Alexandria (Lapidge, 2005 & Rambukwella, 2012). Therefore, Museion of “Muses” originated from a political motivation but did not concern much about the presentation of objects. Consequently, sacred space itself had been politicalized within the concept of nation and its people. Hodges (1987) argued that the historical role of museums in being a site of religion and the remnants of religious objects naturally made them a place that encapsulated the ‘pride’ of the nation. Moreover, in this sense, the museum itself discursively presented the cultural identity in that territory. For example, the Tholuvila Buddha was positioned to promote the Colombo National Museum in Sri Lanka, which covertly also provided the sense of Buddhism (Rambukwella, 2012). Although the museum and its objectives nowadays have been divided into diverse dimensions, it is impossible to desert the fact that the museum itself originally was constructed by political and social commitment to promote the nation either obviously or discursively.. 立. 政治大. In British context, Tony Bennett (1995) stated that the purpose of the museum was related to. ‧ 國. 學. the political and social context (Bennett, 1955). Purposely, British museums were one of the state’s utilities that were primarily used for governing people to undergo the process of. ‧. urbanisation (Greenwood, 1888 & Bennett, 1955). In the late eighteenth century to the early nineteenth century, museums slightly became a tool which Bennett (1955) pointed out as “... a. Nat. sit. y. vehicle for the exercise of new forms of power…”. This duty was provided by the state for the. er. al. n. moral and belief.. io. museums to classify appropriate principles that people should comply with, including manner,. Ch. engchi. i Un. v. Moreover, from Colquhoun’s perspective (1806), this process provided museums as a space where people who paid a visit would aspire to become a loyal, law abiding citizen instead of being enchanted by alcoholic drinks (Colquhoun, 1806 & Bennett, 1955). This was emphasizing the role of museums in being a tool of the state to extend the power into people’s habits and social norms. Cole (1884) and Bennett (1955) also pointed out that the museums had the capacity to inform working men to better their life by avoiding drinking or visiting taverns, or by being lazy. Being a good, hard-working, and sober man was an instruction given by institutions including museums for cultural improvement, creating an ideal identity that the man should be as a nation’s members. Moreover, that identity was an outcome of the shaping process made by political elites.. 15. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001502.

(26) Conceptually, Foucault (1991) argued that the process of extending the power needs to be used not only in legal form but also in symbolic form. The high cultures, hence, were embedded in museums in order to convey its message to the targeted people by symbols. In this sense, the museum itself was also symbolic of hierarchical relation of political and social power. Bennett (1955) concluded the meaning of museum by providing how it has been used; firstly as the social space that he entitled as a space of emulation in order to make people civilized, secondly, for those objects that have been put on displayed to advocate for the enlightenment of people, he entitled that as a space of representation, and finally, when those alcoholics came to the museum, they were able to “observe” not only the displayed object but also the habit form that the museum advocated (Bennett, 1995). While the characteristics of museums have been developed along with the political. 政治大. development and social context, their accessibility and management were still primarily. 立. controlled by the bourgeoisie’s class and to respond mostly for their needs. In European. ‧ 國. 學. contexts, the proliferation of exhibitions of the royal collections in the eighteenth century represented how the museum and its functions had been used as a tool in proclaiming the power. ‧. of monarch over others. Olmi (1985) and Bennett (1955) described an interesting situation when the personal collection of Francesco I de Medici’s, Grand Duke of Tuscany, was. Nat. sit. y. displayed at the Uffizi Gallery as if to certify the power of the Medici family by being presented. n. al. er. io. at the museum (Olmi, 1985 & Bennett, 1995).. Ch. i Un. v. Moreover, some collections were exclusively preserved for people who had a hegemonic power. engchi. over the community. This exclusivity provoked a notion of museums as a space for reserved power, forging them into symbols of exclusiveness. The sense of reverence and exclusivity around the museums were reproduced in order to advocate for the status of the “hegemonic power”. Stallybass & White (1986) and Bennett (1955) emphasized that the principle of the museums was designated by behavioral causes, rather than what they called “the rule of discourse”, consisting of the freedom of speech, for example. They assured that the impact of the museum was to divide the class of culture by excluding the representation of “popular culture” (Stallybrass & White, 1986; Bennett ,1955). Another striking example of museums’ exclusivity was the studiolo of the Italian princes. The studiolo, which were basically rooms with cupboards filled with objects. The doors of the cupboards, however, were painted with cosmo symbols that reflected the contents they 16. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001502.

(27) contained, while the only person who got access to the inside objects was the prince himself. This ‘museum’ was the epitome of exclusiveness of the access to knowledge, as anyone else but the prince could only have the access to the paintings on the doors of the studiolo. The relation of power-knowledge and invisibility of preserved objects symbolized the role of museums in that era as a distinct institution that was secured for a certain class or persons with political power. The notion of visibility and invisibility in the museums was discussed by Pomian (1990) and Bennett (1955) to reflect the objectives and meanings of objects on display in the museums. Pomian (1990) argued that the object that visitors have seen was not valuable or meaningful by itself, but was valued by the access that such objects offered to the visitors to see beyond itself (Pomian ,1990). Hence, if visitors looked at some ethnic spiritual leader’s scribbles on a. 政治大. piece of paper, they might imagine the story beyond those visible characters on that paper and. 立. being able to access the sense of the invisible anecdote that was not visually put on display.. ‧ 國. 學. By developing this concept, Bennett (1955) described that the objects were not ‘just seen’ but. ‧. ‘seen through’. As a result, which has happened to various royal collections, the objects were selectively shown in order to construct ‘his or her (invisible) power to be visible’. The shifting. Nat. sit. y. of certain personal royal collections to become under the public’s eyesight was the process of. er. io. constructing invisible dominion to be visible to the people. This process is entitled by Bennett (1955) as “the semio-technique of power”. Coding was used to convey the meaning between. n. al. Ch. i Un. v. the objects (and the invisible realm behind it) and the visitors need to have the capacity to. engchi. interpret that code (beyond the object itself). In this sense, the substance of museums in this context was the toll of the state for dividing people by giving the ‘exemplary model’ through the museum. Bennett (1955) described it as an ‘institution of homogenization’. However, time is the thing people cannot disrupt. Throughout the century, the development of museums has been shaped along with the progress toward modern democratic society. The role of ‘public mass’ has proliferated consistently with the development of liberalism governments. After the 1789 French revolution, French royal collections have been requested to be exhibited at a so-called museum - the Louvre - instead of Versailles in order to dedicate them to the new republic and its people rather than adhering their links to the Monarch (Pommier, 1989 & Bennett, 1955). Moreover, the museum itself became part of the functions of the new state’s organization entitled ‘Conservatoire’. This academic institution was established in response to 17. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001502.

(28) the ‘political demand’, culminating from the evolving aftermath of the Révolution Française during 1789 to 1799. Hence, museums also gave public access to the invisible and intangible narrative of the state to become visible by being constructed in the public setting rather than in the reserved location that would trigger memories about the collapse of the monarch. By this process, the public was increasingly informed about ‘the visible state’. The functions of museums during and after the French Revolution were also the subject of study for Hooper (1989) and Bennett (1955) who emphasize on the contradictory imperatives of this public institution. The result of the Revolution paved the way for the museums in having a crucial role in building the new truth. The scholars believed that the emergence of a sense of public sharing among the displayed objects, which had been exclusive for those who have hegemonic power to have the access, was evidence in the promulgation of the values of. 政治大. democracy and the republic (Hooper, 1989; Bennett ,1995). People who become the ‘citizens’. 立. of the ‘republic’ had the right to access these knowledge exposed in the museum with the sense. ‧ 國. 學. of (equal) sharing. Hence, the museum itself was a kind of public institution that provided the driving force to popular education (Bennett, 1995).. ‧. Gramsci also focused on the role of museums in representing the existence of the subordinate. Nat. sit. y. class (Gramsci, 1985; Bennett, 1955)). The museum, in this sense, was another stage for those. er. io. minorities to bargain power with hegemonic power particularly in the late nineteenth century. Bennett (1955) gave evidence by travelling to visit the museums in British and its. n. al. Ch. i Un. v. commonwealth territory of Australia. In British context, the establishment of the outdoor. engchi. Beamish Museum, for instance, was evidence of how those North Eastern people have struggled with their identity. The recorded voice, which was used to narrate the display objects and setting, was in Geordie accent. This accent is almost the contrary to the Standard British Pronunciation, or commonly known as BBC English, due to its primarily association to people with working-class backgrounds. When Beamish’s people experienced this outdoor museum, they could take pride in the region of Beamish and particularly its antiquity as a hub of industrialization.. 18. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001502.

(29) Figure 1 : Annfield Plain Co-op which has been preserved in Beamish Museum, England, where visitors can experience the shopping in the early 1900s. Simulating how the Co-op interacted with members in the form of dividend, this building reminds of the birth of the Cooperative movement and represents the hub of industrialization from the working-class who were proud to be the “North”. (@Beamishlivingmuseum, 2020). 政治大 Another evidence of representation 立 of subordinate class in museums given by Bennett (1955). ‧ 國. 學. was in the southern hemisphere territory of British commonwealth. The Hyde Park Barracks in Sydney identified itself as the ‘space against the Empire’. Hyde Park Barracks displays the important events in Sydney through the recount of alternative history. The event of the opening. ‧. of Sydney Harbour Bridge, which British royal representative was not invited to celebrate, was. sit. y. Nat. displayed in order to emphasize the thought of people who try to oppose colonial rule. Moreover, the given narrative of the period during the migration from British to Australia was. io. n. al. er. represented in the museum by the stories of general people who had to struggle in order to. i Un. v. transport and settle also represented the economic and social problems in that time. To sum up,. Ch. engchi. Hyde Park Barracks itself emphasized the role of museums in producing the sense of nation and its people with their ownly-ordinary storytelling. Museum itself has developed to be not just corridors of windowless rooms to display objects but also the arena for the state to diversify its power in building the truth, a necessary element for the politics of power. Shifting the museum and its function to certify the power of the state and the citizen rather than the monarch was an example that the museum has been developed along with the way the world outside the museum has changed. Museums also were an autonomous tool for the minorities in order to express themself by clashing with the hegemony. The concept of visible and invisible provides a vital element for the construction and conveyance of invisible narrative and concept to become visible for the people’s domain. 19. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001502.

(30) through the presentation of objects, a functional instrument either for the dominion or subdominion in projecting their power.. 2.2.3. MUSEUM AND THE IMAGINED NATION The above section elaborated on the meaning of museums in being a public institution that provide space for expression of contradictory imperatives of power in the political and social contexts. However, it is irrational to assume that all the displayed objects in such museums only link or reflect the tangible heritage in the outside world. By way of illustration, when Malaysian Chinese visited an ethnic chinese museum in Melaka to see ancient Chinese artifacts. 政治大. which have been brought to the region after the arrival of Zheng He, a renow Chinese navigator during the early Ming dynasty, their consciousness could experience certain evocation that. 立. emerged at the moment when the visitors saw those artifacts, particularly in those who, by the. ‧ 國. 學. concept of ‘seeing through’, have an access to the latent coding given through the exhibition’s narrative. However, by seeing those artefacts, the consciousness among Melayu Chinese has. ‧. been evoked to some degree, either they have direct association with Zheng He or regarded him as a spiritual symbol of Chinese people in Melaka or not. This study will further discuss. Nat. sit. y. the intangible effect of the museum, which is the creation of imagination of nation among. n. al. er. io. people that has emerged when they come to visit.. Ch. i Un. v. Although imagination appears to be a natural occurrence for people, it is a powerful tool that. engchi. could cause love and even hate among people themself, as Anderson (1991) posed an interesting question that brotherhood (through the mean of imagined relationship among people) possesses the power over millions of people to consent to the imagination that they called nation by forging sentimental legitimacy that embedded deeply in the imagined community. What is the role of museums in this process particularly if the nation is literally a forged and fabricated thing? Why is the museum necessary for those who want to construct an imagination of nationhood? These questions lead to studies which focus on the role of museums in building the nation through the process of imagination. Many museum studies in the post-colonial era which focused on the role of museums in the nation-building process of the new independent states in the 20th century were related to the. 20. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001502.

(31) concept of imagined community, coined by Anderson (1991). However, the role of the museums in this process, from Anderson’s perspective, was not to individually act as a single element but collaborate with other elements such as the creation of maps, social consensus, and powerful mediation of printed language. In the concept of imagined community, Anderson (1991) recognized the role of museums in building the nation by supporting the impulsion of printing technology, particularly in new nation-states in the post-colonial period. Anderson (1991) pointed out that museum is one of the tools that are used in creating a sense of nationalism among nationalists and nationalism movements, along with the creation of census and map, through the process of “causal mechanisms” : firstly, providing a space with a function to allow the restoration of the forged legendary of the “nation” (which is exhibited by collected objects) which were hunted and positioned by the census of antiquity.. 立. 政治大. ‧ 國. 學. Secondly, providing legitimate power for the states or nationalists by acting as “the guardian of collective traditions” which gathers/escorts/revives those heritages that can be a part of. ‧. lustrous antiquity. The museums usually hunt and discover objects of heritage (and some ‘losing gem’) in the name of archaeology, and then position the objects as scared or legendary. Nat. sit. y. which people should respect the past they represent. Anderson gave an example of how states. er. io. positioned the ancient heritage in imposing and training people such as portraying historic sites in grandeur style to instruct the later generations to be proud and respect of their powerful. n. al. Ch. i Un. v. ancestors. States or nationalist could claim the legitimacy by identifying and acting as the protector of collective traditions.. engchi. Thirdly, proceeding the role of creating the duplication of the “national brand” ("infinite reproducibility"-his term, the benefaction from Printed technology) which can be biographies of hero/nationalists, (forged) geography of territory and even postal stamps, in order to construct and emphasize the public opinion (‘who are we’) that are embedded in their imagination. Moreover, they could tell which are “not” our nation and which should be considered as otherness. Anderson gave an example of King Sihanouk and his command to duplicate the “Bayon” in building the scared of Khmer against ex-colonizer, French. Hence these three causal mechanisms, museum could extend the sense of nation and its identity by providing a space for collecting and recalling the glorious past of the would-be nation, 21. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001502.

(32) training people to be part of such nation by informing them of the collective norms (that are forged by the states or nationalists), and infinitely reproduce such narrative and anecdotes. In Melayu state occupied by Thailand, the replication of portraits of an iconic ‘hero’ found to help shaping collective imagination. The uncountable portraits of Haji Solong Tomina, a Melayu spiritual leadership, have been duplicated into cover of several books and posters as a “hero” who tried to emancipate Melayu Patani identity from an assimilation of Thai central state. Moreover, there were a number of prints made by Haji Solong Charity about significant and controversial topics such as the event of his forced disappearance from Thai central state (Stha-anand, 2008). On the other hand, visitors who come to Haji Sulong museum would be stunned with his numerous portraits on several occasions, one of the outcomes from the function of duplication of printed technology. Moreover, the display of his portraits in his own. 政治大. house, which became the museum nowadays, helped Melayu Patani people to directly connect. 立. with Haji Sulong’s legacy. This connection advocated and smoothened the process of creating. ‧ 國. 學. imagination toward the existence of the nation of Melayu Patani.. ‧. Similar process of building imagination could be observed In Taiwan, where regional museums were built on the concept of Taiwanization. The duplication of Tao canoe throughout many. Nat. sit. y. indigeous museums in Taiwan was one of the examples. The study of indigenous materials and. er. io. culture in Taiwan and mainland China by Varutti (2014) suggested that Tao canoes were depicted in museums in mainland China as a symbol for ‘Gaoshan’, a collective name for all. n. al. Ch. i Un. v. indigenous groups in Taiwan. In Taiwan, however, the canoes represented the relations of. engchi. Taiwan (as Taiwan) with the Oceanic region, a move that reflected the intention to garner a distinct national identity (Varutti, 2014). The duplication of Tao canoes in Taiwan were politicized discursively in the sense of Taiwanization. Considering the political and social contexts, Indigenous rights has gained attention and developed into an important issue in Taiwan in early 1990s. Indigenous movements have tried to raise and push for momentum for Taiwanese to revise their policy and recognize them as one of the parts of the nation-in-building (Brown, 2004; Ku, 2005 ; Simon,2008; Varutti,2012). The status of the 14 tribes then has been officially guaranteed and has received recognition and acceptance from the Taiwanese government, which positively have an impact on other minority groups who were also seeking acceptance (Varutti, 2014).. 22. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001502.

(33) Studying the concept of creating imagined communities in the name of nation building, Anderson (1991) identified a crucial role of ‘homogenous empty time’ for the process of building collective imagination among members of the nation. This concept, originally proposed by Walter Benjamin, is an element of the people’s imagination to constantly assume and be aware that there are other people living their life among and with us, even if they have not known and met each other (Anderson, 1991). In other words, no matter their location, they constantly realise the existence of others that share their identity with some form of relations. While the development of technologies and innovations were a factor that hastened the imagination of the collateral world of life, the creation of clocks, maps, and the media which were aroused by capitalism further advocated the homogeneous empty time proceeding. To emphasize the role of this concept, Anderson (1991) interpreted the fiction of Mas Marco. 政治大. Kartodikromo “Semarang Hitam”, published in 1924. This fiction depicted the story of a man. 立. who was reading the newspaper and found an article about social injustice describing the. ‧ 國. 學. desperate life and death of a homeless person in the setting of the City of Semarang. He then became furious about the system which provided wealth for a small group of people but caused. ‧. poverty for the mass. Anderson interpreted this fiction by using the concept of homogeneous empty time and argued that the awareness of connection among Indonesian was embedded in. Nat. sit. y. the story. That man represented Indonesians who struggled with the colonial ruler and the. er. io. “injustice” society. The setting of the story is not limited to his city alone but to general Indonesian society as the backdrop of Semarang Hitam would be familiar to some Indonesian.. n. al. Ch. engchi. i Un. v. This fiction gave a picture of connection among the protagonist, Indonesian public and the dead homeless, no matter where they were or no matter they have not known each other personally before, they were all connected. Surely, the collateral imagination of the people (who struggle in life) made them assume that there were other people who were living their struggles just the same as them. Homogeneous empty time proceeded to fulfil the creation of the imagined community among them as a collective group of Indonesians who were against the colonial ruler. Moreover, the role of newspapers as a ‘cultural outcome’ also hastened the collective imagination and impacted how national-state constructed their history. Homogeneous empty time, argued by Anderson (1991), was correlated with the concept of memory and forgetting and the composition of the national biography which were the vital element to assure the preservation of national memory. The collective imagination has been further reproduced by the communicated mechanism such as birth certificates and even photographs. 23. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001502.

(34) By the concept of homogenous empty time, the national biography was produced to create the sense of shared, collective memories among the mass. For the same reason that when people recalled their memories as a child, they would often refer to the collective groups of friends and shared past memories, the nation building process used this pattern to provide people to recall themselves as a member of the collective group by using the available biography of nations and its (dead) heroes. Similarly, museum studies refer to the concept of homogeneous empty time. Bennett (1995) pointed out that the past is freezed into the museum by the concept of present, and the frame of present was a tool to organize those objects which were in the past (Bennett, 1995). In this sense, the bridge of imagination between the present and the past was connected. However, for. 政治大. the museum, the present was more influential in building imagination by the ability to give a. 立. ‘text’ into those objects.. ‧ 國. 學. Bennett (1995) and Greenblatt (1987) gave an example to picture this concept by comparing. ‧. the museums to a natural park, which was forged as a pure nature place. However, that park actually was not a pure nature place by itself but because of it is being compared to a city.. Nat. sit. y. Natural park was therefore a given context that has been described through ‘text’ such as the. er. io. frame of laws and regulations to divide the park and the city, and such text was reproduced by publications of guide books or information posters. Likewise, in the museums, the past was. n. al. Ch. i Un. v. also forged by the frame of the given text. It was a paradoxical process which was influenced. engchi. by the present’s thought. The museum and its functions provided the text of objects by the frame of present (Bennett, 1995 & Greenblatt, 1987). Hence, the objects and the idea of the past they represent does not have the meaning by themselves but are imposed by the present’s needs. In conclusion, the museum itself is a tool of the present’s thoughts and ideas, possessing a similar role to the biography of a nation which is organized by the people in present time to provide a place of realization and association with the common past, creating the sense of community with others. The consciousness of nation and its identity of people is recalled not only on a personal level but also on the communal level. In short, the museum itself provides the homogeneous empty time as a function for visitors to go back to the past and recall themself their brotherhood in a community. In this sense, it would not be surprising if those visitors who 24. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001502.

(35) went to the museum of Melayu Patani spiritual leader, saw the objects and realized how they were the children of Melayu Patani nation. In this process, the consciousness of being Melayu emerged from the past affecting the imagined community among Melayu Patani nowadays. The imagined community, on the other hand, is the effort of hegemony power in such a nation to build something “common” embedding to people’s consciousness and imagination, which generates the sense of belonging among each other. The process of establishing national identity used key common characteristics such as common religion, common language, and common culture to ease the process of producing similar imagination and facilitate the dissemination of the idea (Huntington, 1981). This framework has greatly impacted the role and objectives of the museum as a cultural element that is of service to the nation-building process either for those nation-states or ‘stateless nations’. As a result, national museums have. 政治大. become the location for the collection of the acquired sense of feeling, a combination of sharing. 立. memories among nation stakeholders, and being a hub of social, cultural and religious norms. ‧ 國. 學. (Kaltsas, 2007).. ‧. Lastly, the museum has been increasingly used as one of the tools in the reconstruction processes of national identity by including indigenous as one of the new national identities.. Nat. sit. y. Museums, in this sense, are a tool that offer a distinct perspective in the creation of the new. er. io. definition of identities as they are the locations where the concepts of national identities and otherness are artfully shaped, validated, and circulated among the members of such ‘imagines. al. n. community’ (Anderson, 1991).. Ch. engchi. i Un. v. 2.2.4. ETHNOGRAPHY MUSEUM AND ITS STRUGGLED OF ETHNONATIONALISM To explore the definition and role of ethnographic museums, it is worth discussing an example of academic work illustrated by Eidheim et al (2012) who experienced an ethnographic museum in Tromsø, Norway, which demonstrated a relation between museum and ethnopolitics. Eidheim et al (2012) recorded the setting process of an exhibition about Sami people under the name ‘Sápmi – Becoming a Nation’, which means ‘a nation without border or statehood’. The exhibition portrayed a central concept of the development of Sami. 25. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001502.