臺灣國語口說和書寫中文的英語化現象

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(1)國立臺灣師範大學英語學系碩士. 論文. Master Thesis Department of English National Taiwan Normal University. 臺灣國語口說和書寫中文的英語化現象. Englishization of Oral and Written Mandarin in Taiwan. 指導教授：張妙霞 Advisor: Dr. Miao-Hsia Chang 研究生：魏肇慧 Chao-Hui Wei. 中華民國一零一年七月 July, 2012.

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(3) 摘要. 本研究旨在探討口語和書面中文西化的現象。過去諸多關於中文西化的研究指出此現象不僅侷限於詞彙和構辭層面，甚至影響句法結構。基於過去文獻所歸納之重要西化句法結構，本研究進一步分析和比較二十年來台灣書寫中文的句法西化程度和使用情形。此外，過去研究皆宥於書面中文而未有系統且完整地討論口說中文的西化現象，因此本研究特別探討口說中文之西化，並和書寫中文之結果相較。書面資料取自於新新聞雜誌和天下雜誌；至於口說資料則採用談話性節目，包括今晚誰當家、王牌大賤諜、關鍵時刻和夢想街 57 號。結果顯示書寫中文方面之西化在二十年前即已很顯著，故和現今書面中文差異不大。而口說中文的西化情形亦很明顯，顯示西化句法結構並不限於翻譯或書寫，而深入至一般日常生活，成為中文語法的一部分。此外，比較書面和口說中文後，發現西化句型的分布有極顯著之不同；而造成差異的原因主要歸因於口說和書寫此兩種不同表達方式的特色，譬如口說的即時性和互動。值得注意的是，西化句型在書面和口說中文的分布和其對應之英語句型在書面和口說英文的分布相一致，此結果進一步支持這些結構確為英語化之句型。. 關鍵字：英語化，語言接觸. i.

(4) Abstract The Englishization of Mandarin has been a hot issue since 1950s. Previous studies have pointed out plenty of Englishized syntactic structures in Mandarin. However, the latest linguistic study of Englishization of Taiwan Mandarin was conducted in 1994. Considering the rapid development in these twenty years, it is interesting to observe the development of Englishization nowadays. In addition, since Englishization of the oral Mandarin has never been systematically studied before, the present study aims to investigate the frequency and distribution of Englishization of Taiwan Mandarin in writing and also speaking. The written data used in the current research are from two magazines, 新新聞 Xinxinwen ‘The Journalist’ and 天下 Tienxia ‘Common Wealth’. The oral data are collected from four talk shows, 今晚誰當家 Jinwan shei dangjia ‘Who Hosts Tonight’ and 王牌大賤諜 Wangpai da jiandie ‘Top Spy’, 關鍵時刻 Guanjian shike ‘Crucial Moment’ and 夢想街 57 號 Mengxiangjie 57hao ‘No.57 Dream Street’. The results reveal that the Englishized structures suggested in the literature have already localized as part of Chinese grammar at least early since twenty years ago. Thus, the comparison between the writing in 1988 and in 2010 does not show significant difference. As for the Englishized structures in oral Taiwan Mandarin, it is found that they are popular in speaking, revealing that the use of Englishized structures is not limited to translation or writing but extends to the speech as common expressions. Comparing the results of the written data and oral data, there is significant difference of the distribution of Englishized structures between two language modes. The causes of difference can be attributed to the diverse linguistic features in spoken and written languages. Moreover, the distribution of examined Englishized structures in the written and oral data corresponds to the literature of written and spoken English ii.

(5) respectively, giving supports to the proposal of these structures as Englishized ones.. Key words: Englishization, language contact. iii.

(6) Table of Contents. Chinese Abstract ...................................................................................................... i English Abstract ...................................................................................................... ii Table of Contents ................................................................................................... iv List of Tables ......................................................................................................... vii List of Abbreviations .............................................................................................. ix Chapter One Introduction .......................................................................................1 1.1 Motivation and Goals ........................................................................................1 1.2 Research Questions ...........................................................................................3 1.3 Method .............................................................................................................3 1.3.1 Data Collection...........................................................................................4 1.3.2 Data Analysis .............................................................................................5 Chapter Two Literature Review ..............................................................................6 2.1 Language Contact .............................................................................................6 2.1.1 The Types of Language Contact .................................................................6 2.1.2 The Results of Language Contact .............................................................8 2.1.2.1 Contact Induced Language Change ......................................................8 2.1.2.2 Extreme Language mixture ....................................................................10 2.1.2.3 Language Death .................................................................................11 2.1.3 Interim Summary...................................................................................... 12 2.2 Historical Development of Englishization of Chinese .................................. 12 2.3 Englishization of Chinese: Diachronic and Synchronic Approaches .............15 2.4 Englishized Syntactic Structures .................................................................. 19 2.4.1 Increasing Use of Subjects ........................................................................20 2.4.2 Increased use of the copula shi ‘to be’ ...................................................... 22 2.4.3 Lengthening of sentences: modifying clauses with head nouns .................24 iv.

(7) 2.4.4 Variety of third person and impersonal singular and plural pronouns ........27 2.4.5 Extended use of the passive construction 被 Bei .......................................28 2.4.6 Use of preposition and increasing use of conjunction ................................ 31 2.4.7 當 Dang ‘When’ as a conjunction ............................................................ 32 2.4.8 在 Zai as preposition and an auxiliary ....................................................... 34 2.4.9 Increasing use of 一 Yi (one) and Classifiers ............................................36 2.4.10 Reversing the order of subordinating clauses ..........................................38 2.4.11 Pronoun before the antecedent ................................................................ 39 2.4.12 Pronominal heads with adjective or adjective clauses .............................. 40 2.4.13 Position of the Speaker in Direct Quotations ...........................................40 2.4.14 前者…後者 Qianzhe…houzhe ‘the former…, the latter’......................... 41 2.4.15 Expansion of the Construction 可能 Keneng ‘May’ ................................ 42 2.4.16 The construction of 之一 Zhiyi ‘one of’ .................................................43 2.4.17 Pronouns in possessive and object position .............................................44 2.4.18 Lexical nominalization ...........................................................................45 2.4.19 Interim Summary .................................................................................... 46 2.5 Chapter Summary ........................................................................................ 49 Chapter Three Results and Discussion .................................................................. 50 3.1 The Results of the Written Data in 1988 and 2010 ...........................................50 3.1.1 Pronouns .................................................................................................. 50 3.1.1.1 Increasing use of pronouns as subject .................................................51 3.1.1.2 Increasing use of pronouns as object and possessive .......................... 55 3.1.2 Long Pre-modifiers ................................................................................... 58 3.1.3 Insertion of Yi ‘one’ and Classifiers .......................................................... 61 3.1.4 Passive Structure Bei ................................................................................64 3.1.5 Lexical Verbal Nominalization ................................................................. 67 3.1.6 Concessive Clauses in the Final Position ..................................................70 v.

(8) 3.1.7 Other Englishized Patterns ........................................................................70 3.1.7.1 Other Prepositions .............................................................................71 3.1.7.2 之一 Zhiyi ‘one of’ ............................................................................73 3.1.7.3 前者…後者 Qianzhe…houzhe ‘the former… the latter’ ..................... 73 3.1.8 Summary and Discussion ..........................................................................74 3.2 The Results of the Oral Data in 2010 ............................................................... 75 3.2.1 Pronouns .................................................................................................. 76 3.2.1.1 Increasing use of subject pronouns ................................................... 76 3.2.1.2 Increasing use of object pronouns .................................................... 86 3.2.1.3 Increasing use of possessive pronouns .............................................89 3.2.2 Long Pre-modifiers ................................................................................... 93 3.2.3 Insertion of Yi ‘one’ and Classifiers .......................................................... 95 3.2.4 Passive Structure Bei ................................................................................96 3.2.5 Lexical Verbal Nominalization ................................................................. 98 3.2.6 Concessive Clauses in the Final Position ................................................ 100 3.2.7 Other Englishized Patterns ...................................................................... 100 3.2.7.1 Other Prepositions ........................................................................... 101 3.2.7.2 之一 Zhiyi ‘one of’ .......................................................................... 101 3.2.7.3 前者…後者 Qianzhe…houzhe ‘the former… the latter’ ................... 102 3.2.8 Summary and Discussion ........................................................................ 102 3.3 General Summary and Discussion ................................................................. 103 Chapter Four Conclusion ..................................................................................... 108 4.1 General Summary and Implications ................................................................... 108 4.2 Limitations and Suggestions for Further Research ............................................... 109 Reference .............................................................................................................. 111. vi.

(9) List of Tables. Table 1. The Englishized syntactic patterns discussed in the literature (Wang 1947, Tsao 1978, Kubler 1985, Hsu 1994, Wang 2002, He 2004, Yu 2006) ....................... 48 Table 2.1. The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of inanimate third person pronouns in the written data in 1988 and 2010 ...................................... 54 Table 2.2. The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of Englishized pronouns as subject in the written data in 1988 and 2010 ....................... 55 Table 2.3. The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of Englishized pronouns as object and possessive in the written data in 1988 and 2010 58 Table 3.1. The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of long pre-modifiers in the written data in 1988 and 2010 ................................................... 60 Table 3.2. The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of the position of long pre-modifiers in the written data in 1988 and 2010 .......................... 60 Table 3.3. The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of the number of phrases or clauses of long pre-modifiers in the written data in 1988 and 2010 ......................................................................................................................... 61 Table 4 The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of Englishized insertion of yi and classifiers in the written data in 1988 and 2010. ........................... 63 Table 5 The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of Englishized passive bei structure in the written data in 1988 and 2010. ........................................66 Table 6 The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of lexical verbal nominalization in the written data in 1988 and 2010. .....................................69 Table 7 The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of other prepositions in the written data in 1988 and 2010. .................................................... 72 Table 8 The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of zhiyi in the written data in 1988 and 2010. ..................................................................................73 Table 9 The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of qianzhe…houzhe in the written data in 1988 and 2010. .............................................74 vii.

(10) Table 10 Comparison of the number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of each Englishized pattern in the written data in 1988 and 2010. ............................. 75 Table 11.1 The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of Englishized referential subject pronouns in 2010 oral data (from high to low). .........81 Table 11.2 The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of Englishized non-referential subject pronouns in 2010 oral data (from high to low). .. 85 Table 11.3 The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of Englishized referential object pronouns in 2010 oral data (from high to low) ............87 Table 11.4 The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of Englishized non-referential object pronouns in 2010 oral data (from high to low). ....88 Table 11.5 The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of Englishized pronouns in 2010 oral data. ................................................................... 92 Table 12 The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of long pre-modifiers in 2010 oral data. ................................................................................94 Table 13 The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of Englishized insertion of yi and classifiers in 2010 oral data. .....................................95 Table 14 The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of Englishized passive bei structure in 2010 oral data. ..................................................98 Table 15 The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of lexical verbal nominalization in 2010 oral data. ................................................................... 99 Table 16 The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of other prepositions in 2010 oral data. ................................................................................ 101 Table 17 The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of each Englishized pattern in 2010 oral data. ..................................................................... 102 Table 18. Comparison of the number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of each Englishized pattern in all the data ............................................................... 104. viii.

(11) List of Abbreviations The abbreviations used in the interlinear glosses are as follows: BA BEI C/F DE. ba (把) bei (被) copula/focus marker shi (是) de (的). CL DU EXP LK. classifier durative aspect zai, zhe (在,著) experiential aspect guo (過) linking adverb jiu (就). NEG NM. negative marker nominalizer de(的). MAS PF. manner adverb suffix de (地) perfective aspect le (了). PN PT SUO. person/place name particle particle suo (所). ix.

(12) Chapter 1 Introduction 1.1 Motivation and Goals Englishization, or so called Euorpeanization and Westernization of Mandarin, has long been a subject of interest since the 1950s.1 Englishization of languages refers to a linguistic phenomenon where the linguistic features of a local language are influenced by English due to its contact with English. Since English is a lingua franca, nowadays its infulence is widespread and beyond geographical limitation, especially with the help of translation, mass media, internet and even English teaching. Englishization can be found in the countries in which there is a lack of direct contact with English native speakers, such as Japan, Korea, and China (Wang, 1947; Hsu, 1994; Shim, 1994; Baik, 1992, 1994; Fujii, 1988). The development of Englishization of Mandarin grows rapidly after May Fourth movement in 1919 (Wang, 1947; Kubler, 1985a). Since then the influence of English has been observed not only on the lexical level but also in morphology and even in syntax (Wang, 1947; Tsao, 1978; Kubler, 1985a; Yu, 2006; Hsu, 1994). Generally, the influence on the syntactic level occurrs later than the other level of changes, and it usually implies that foreign influence is deep and profound enough to affect language structures.. 1. In the previous studies, while discussing the linguistic phenomenon of Chinese influenced by English,. there are three terms used by the scholars alternatively, Europeanization, Westernization and Englishization. Early scholars tended to use Europeanization, like Wang (1947), Kubler (1985), etc. Yu (2006) used Westernization, and Hsu (1994) adopted Englishization. Since the source language is mainly from English until nowadays the dominant foreign language contact is with English, and thus in the present study the most specific term, Englishization, is chosen to replace all others to avoid possible confusion. 1.

(13) With regard to the Englishization of Mandarin in Taiwan, the renowned Chinese scholar and writer, Yu Guang Zhong, has criticized the phenomenon of Englishization in modern Chinese for years. As previous studies have shown (Wang, 1947; Kubler, 1985a; Yu, 2006; Tsao, 1978), the influence of English has always been in progress especially given the frequent contact of Mandarin and English in the last two decades. Based on this assumption, the current study aims to further explore Englishization in Chinese, and the focus is on the syntactic level. Since syntactic borrowings usually occur later than other levels and it is debated that whether syntactic borrowings can occur between different language families (Haugen, 1950; Givon, 1979; Bickerton, 1981; Thomason and Kaufman, 1988; McMahon, 1994; Thomason, 2001), it would be interesting to look into Englishization of Mandarin on the syntactic level. Moreover, previous studies only discussed Englishization in written Mandarin, but the Englishization of oral speech was left untouched. As translated works are major sources of Englishization, it is natural that the influence would be earlier shown on the written mode (Wang, 1947; Kubler, 1985a; Hsu, 1994). Wang (1947) even asserted that the Englishized syntactic structures are rarely found and rather difficult to be adopted in speaking. Thus, the present study aims at examining the validity of Wang‘s assertion. It is predicted that the usage of Englishized structures has been localized and nativized as part of Chinese grammar due to widespread English influence (Wang, 1947; Kubler, 1985a; Hsu, 1994; Yu, 2006). Therefore, the Englishized structures are expected to be frequent in use not only in writing but also in speaking. The studies of written language and spoken language reveal that due to different properties of language modes, there may be a discrepancy of the distribution of Englishized patterns between these two modes (Biber, 1988; Biber et al., 1999, 2006; Bennett, 1977; Chafe and Danielwicz, 1987; Chafe and Tannen, 1987; Chafe, 2.

(14) 1990; Chafe, 1994; DeVito, 1967, etc.). In short, it is proposed that the influence of English may elicit syntactic changes on Taiwan Mandarin; however, we do not assert that it is the only incentive of causing changes. Other factors, such as social developments, pragmatic factors, or universal tendency, may also contribute to the changes and usage of syntactic patterns. In the present study, we focus on the influence of English, while other factors will be incorporated into the discussion whenever necessarily.. 1.2 Research Questions In this thesis, we probe into Englishization of Taiwan Mandarin on syntactic level specifically. The following research questions are addressed:. 1. What are the occurrence and frequency of the Englishized syntactic structures in written Taiwan Mandarin? 2. What are the occurrence and frequency of the Englishized syntactic structures in oral Taiwan Mandarin? 3. What can possibly account for the results of Question 1 and Question 2?. In order to answer the above questions, we investigate both written and spoken data. The method for data collection and data analysis in the present study are introduced in Section 1.3.. 1.3 Method This section presents the method of collecting data and the criteria of analyzing data. For data collection, we introduce the databank of spoken and written materials to investigate the real use of Englishized syntactic structures among people in Taiwan. 3.

(15) For data analysis, we introduce the criteria used to determine Englishized syntactic structures and the measurement of their frequency.. 1.3.1 Data Collection The study investigates both written and spoken data. The written data were selected from two magazines, 新新聞 Xinxinwen ‗The Journalist‘ and 天下 Tienxia ‗Common Wealth‘. ‗The Journalist‘ is published weekly, and it is a well-known political magazine in Taiwan. ‗Common Wealth‘ is a biweekly published magazine, focusing on economic and financial issues. The reasons that we chose these two magazines are as the following: (1) their target audiences are both general public and without requirement of professional knowledge, (2) their language uses are formal in style but not too literary, and (3) their focuses, economy and politics, are different but closely related. From each magazine we selected two issues in 1988 and in 2010 respectively. The articles from 1988 were chosen to compare with the current writing to observe the changes during the last twenty-two years. The publications in 1988 were selected due to the fact that it is the earliest year that we could get the full texts from The Journalist, which was founded in March, 1987. To avoid the bias of topics and writing styles, we selected articles from two broad categories evenly, namely, hard news (economy/politics) and soft news (life/entertainment). From each issue, we chose three articles from the economic and political categories, and another three from the living and entertaining categories. We only examined the main body of the articles, excluding titles and tables of contents. The total number of analyzed magazine articles is 24. The written data in 1988 include about 52,704 morphemes, and there are 40,848 morphemes in 2010 written data. Since Hsu (1994) summarized the Englishized structures thoroughly, 4.

(16) those structures will be the focus of our attention. We will investigate whether they are still used in the current writing, and how they evolve compared with the writing in 1988. As for the spoken data, we recorded four television talk shows in 2009 and 2010 in Taiwan. Each program ran one hour without overlapping topics and was fully transcribed, amounting to four hours in total. The total of morphemes in the oral data is 61,517. Just as in the written data, the contents of talk shows fall into two broad categories, soft and hard topics. The two shows discussing soft topics are 今晚誰當家 Jinwan shei dangjia ‗Who Hosts Tonight‘ and 王牌大賤諜 Wangpai da jiandie ‗Top Spy‘, which are both entertaining talk shows. The other two shows of hard topics are 關鍵時刻 Guanjian shike ‗Crucial Moment‘ and 夢想街 57 號 Mengxiangjie 57hao ‗No.57 Dream Street‘. The topics of these two talk shows focus on economic, political and social issues. The oral data are collected for exploring Englishization of oral Mandarin.. 1.3.2 Data Analysis The current study explores the Englishization of Chinese from synchronic and also diachronic perspectives. Since we intend to discuss the Englishization of Chinese in both spoken and written languages, the same criteria of Englishization are applied to analyze the spoken and written data. The criteria are based on a summary of the literature to be introduced in Section 2.4 (Wang, 1947; Tsao, 1978; Kubler, 1985a; Hsu, 1994; Wang, 2002; He, 2004; Yu, 2006). After analyzing and categorizing all target Englishized structures, the frequency of each structure will be measured against the total frequency of morphemes in each text.. 5.

(17) Chapter 2 Literature Review In this chapter, we briefly review previous research on the notions of language contact and how it causes language change in Chinese; then we present and summarize the literature of Englishization on Mandarin, focusing on the syntactic aspect. Section 2.1 introduces the concept of language contact, and the consequences of it. In section 2.2, we discuss historical developments of the interaction and contact between Chinese and English, and the process of Englishization on Chinese. We further discuss previous studies of Englishization of Chinese in Section 2.3. Section 2.4 introduces the Englishized syntactic patterns, which is the focus of the present study. The criteria and the examples of the Englishized patterns from the literature are also provided.. 2.1 Language Contact Before discussing previous studies regarding the Englishization of Mandarin, we briefly summarize the concepts and the concequences of language cotact. This section is divided into two parts: section 2.1.1 introduces the types of language contact, and 2.1.2 is the results of language contact.. 2.1.1 The Types of Language Contact Language contact can be divided into two types in terms of the type of interaction involved. The first type involves contact through the spoken interaction mode. It is suggested that two or more languages are considered to be in contact if they are used alternatively by at least some of the speakers (Kubler, 1985a: 19; Weinreich, 1974: 1; Hsu, 1994). Lehiste (1988: 28) maintained that language contact takes place between speakers of different languages in contact situations. Thomason 6.

(18) (2001: 3) suggested that ‗language contact most often involves face-to-face interactions among groups of speakers, at least some of whom speak more than one language in a particular geographical locality.‘ Generally, it is indicated that speakers are the locus of the contact. Thomason (2001) proposed that different language groups of speakers in contact are often neighbors. A typical example is Switzerland, which has four language groups (i.e. French, German, Italian, and Romansh). An individual from one group may join another language group through social practices, such as intermarriage, colonization, immigration, and slavery. In modern society, immigration is the typical route for the occurrence of language contact; many immigrant groups in the United States fall into this category. An example of the contact through slavery is Atlantic slave trade (16th - 19th century). About twelve million Africans from the central and western parts of the continent were enslaved by Europeans and brought to the colonies in North and South America. Moreover, it is argued that language contact can occur through education and religion (McMahon, 1994; Thomason, 2001). A typical example is English as a required course in non-English speaking areas (e.g., Japan, Korea, China, Taiwan, etc.). Almost people all over the world are learning English, and many of them have never interacted or communicated with native speakers of English. Religion is another source of language contact. The languages of sacred texts contact other languages in different parts of the world through introduction of religion. For example, the spread of Latin to many countries is due to Christianity. Notice that these types of language contact may or may not have face-to-face communication between speakers of two language groups. The other type of contact, which has not been widely explored and discussed in the literature, is contact through translation (Danchev, 1984; Kachru, 1994; Steiner, 7.

(19) 2008; Wang, 1947; Kubler, 1985a; Hsu, 1994). Steiner (2008) regarded translation as an important venue of influence in language contact. Baumgarten and Ȍzҫetin (2008) proposed that language variation can be induced through language contact in translation, and the example given is the use of first person plural pronoun wir in German translated works. It is found that the use of first person plural pronouns we and wir in English original texts and German translations shows great similarities in both their frequencies and distributions. In short, there are two major types of language contact: contact with spoken interaction and contact without direct spoken interaction.. 2.1.2 The Results of Language Contact Language contact may lead to different extents of language changes on different linguistic aspects. To generalize the results of language contact, here we adopt Thomason‘s (2001) distinction into three categories: contact induced language change (i.e. borrowing), extreme language mixture (i.e. pidgins and creoles), and language death (i.e. Yingkarta), which are illustrated below.. 2.1.2.1 Contact Induced Language Change According to McMahon (1994: 209), ‗in general, the lexicon is most easily and radically affected, followed by the phonology, morphology and finally the syntax.‘ Among all aspects of contact induced lexical language change, the most common type of consequences is lexical borrowing (Thomason, 2001), for example, the French loanwords in English, like fiancé, beef, pork and so on, which is caused by the Norman conquest in 1066 (Baugh and Cable, 2002). As for phonological influences due to language contact, for instance, in English the distinction between the pair phonemes /f/ and /v/, which were originally an allophonic pair in Old English, is 8.

(20) caused by the French influence (McMohan, 1994; Baugh and Cable, 2002). The case of morphological borrowing would be like the Chinese suffix 性 -xing (e.g. 獨特性 dutexing ‗uniqueness‘) derived from English suffixes -tion, -ty, and -ness (Tsao, 1978; Kubler, 1985a). The semantic change can be a process of borrowing semantic meaning from another language, like the German word realisieren influenced by English realize. Realize in English has two meanings: ‗to make something come true‘ and ‗to understand‘. The original meaning of German realiseren is the former one, but today it also has the meaning of ‗to understand‘ due to the English affect (cf. Baumgarten and Ȍzҫetin, 2008). The most pervasive influence is syntactic change. Regarding syntactic changes, there are examples of syntactic borrowing between different language families. For example, Finnish, a Uralic language, has switched from a typical Uralic SOV word order to an SVO order due to the impact of neighboring Indo-European languages (Thomason, 2001). Thomason and Kaufman (1988) also proposed that what primarily determines the results of language contact should be the sociolinguistic history of the speakers rather than purely linguistic factors; for example, the length of contact, degree of bilingualism, the intensity of contact situation. McMahon (1994) suggested that the extent and type of structural borrowing will depend largely on social attitudes. In other words, the extent and the direction of borrowing are socially determined. Noticeably, McMahon (1994: 210) also added that ‗in cases of light or moderate structural borrowing, the features borrowed are typically those which fit typologically into the borrowing language‘. As for the possibility of written language contact resulting in syntactic change, Thomason and Kaufman (1988) proposed that most cases of slight structural borrowing involve borrowing from a prestigious literary language. In these cases, contact is through writing, and the source language may be known to borrowers only 9.

(21) on the syntactic level. The examples can be found in some Asia countries, like China, Japan and Korea. Shim (1994) and Baik (1992, 1994) proposed that the contact between English and Korean through education and translation leads to the occurrence of Englishized syntactic structures in Korean, such as multiple modifying clauses, which is influenced by the long and embedded relative clauses in English. Japanese is also influenced by English on syntactic level, for instance, the extensive use of passive structures (Fujii, 1988). In terms of the contact between modern Chinese and other languages, the major foreign influence is from English (Kubler, 1985a; Wang, 1947; Yu, 2006; Hsu, 1994). The historical development of the contact between English and Chinese, and the resulting Englishization of Chinese will be introduced in Section 2.2, 2.3 and 2.4.. 2.1.2.2. Extreme Language Mixture Extreme language mixture includes pidgins and creoles (Thomason, 2001). Pidgins and creoles usually go together, since ‗they both develop in social contexts where few or no members of different language groups in contact are bilingual or multilingual in each other‘s language‘ (Thomason, 2001: 158). However, there are still significant differences between pidgins and creoles. Pidgins are created by the first generation of two (or more) contact language groups to communicate with each other. A defining feature of pidgins is an extreme structural simplification. As it is nobody‘s native language, the use of pidgins is usually limited to the purpose of intergroup communication. A pidgin may be later developed into a creole, becoming the native language of a speech community; the grammar of creoles is much more complex compared with pidgins. Singlish is an example of English-based creole, spoken in Singapore. In the past and even today the major residents of Singapore are Chinese, followed by Malays and 10.

(22) Indians. In other words, originally Singapore was a non-English country, and its contact with English can be dated back to the colonization of British from 1819 to 1965. Even after the independence of Singapore in 1965, English is still the most important official language. However, many Singaporeans who are less educated or of lower social status cannot speak fluent English, they speak a local variety called ‗Singlish‘ instead. Singlish is greatly influenced by Chinese languages and Malay, and the influences can be found in phonology, morphology, lexicon, pragmatics, and syntax. For example, the tense and aspect of verb in Singlish is often unmarked, since Chinese and Malay are without morphologically marked tense and agreement features. Therefore, instead of saying ‗Last year I stayed three months in Germany,‘ it would be ‗Last year I stay three months in Germany,‘ in Singlish (Gopinathan et al., 1998; Choon, et al., 2004; Tan, 2005, etc).. 2.1.2.3 Language Death In contrast to the emergence of new contact languages, such as pidgins and creoles, language death is the process of disappearance of languages. It happens when all speakers of that language shift to another language or when all native speakers die all of a sudden due to massacre or disease (Thomason, 2001). Take an Australian aboriginal language, Yingkarta language, as an example. A fieldworker of this language, Dench, found that all his consultants (i.e. six speakers) have limited language ability ranging from semi-speaker to limited fluency. All speakers spoke some other languages in that area, and there are inconsistencies in the data. Thus, Dench reported that he was unable to record any texts from his consultants (Dench, 1998, cited in Thomason, 2001). In other words, this Yingkarta is regarded as a dead language.. 11.

(23) 2.1.3 Interim Summary In this section, we have reviewed previous studies regarding the types and results of language contact. We have identified that there are two major types of language contact, spoken language contact (i.e. with face-to-face communication) and written language contact (i.e. translation). We have also introduced the results of language contact, which can be categorized into contact induced language change, extreme language mixture, and language death. For the affected language aspects, aside from changes of lexicon, phonology, morphology and semantics, syntactic change is also attested. From some previous researches of Korean, Japanese and Chinese, it is shown that indirect language contacts between English and other Asian languages lead to Englishization of the local languages. Before discussing Englishization of Mandarin, to have a better understanding, we have to understand the history of the contact between English and Chinese first. In the next section, we will introduce the historical development of Englishization of Chinese.. 2.2 Historical Development of Englishization of Chinese For the initiation of Englishization, Tsien (1954) found that the impact can be traced back to the end of sixteen century, which is brought by the translation works from priests. However, the greatest number of translation was produced after 1910s. Kubler (1985a) pointed out that since 19th century many aspects of Chinese culture have been influenced by the West, including language. In the beginning, the influence was mainly on the lexical level, while the grammar of Chinese changed very little and slowly until the May Fourth movement in 1919, when the vernacular written style was proposed at that time. Wang (1947) also described the rapid change of Chinese after the founding of the Republic of China; he even claimed that grammatical change of this period is greater than the whole period from Han Dynasty to Qing Dynasty. 12.

(24) Regarding the causes of this rapid change of Chinese, it is suggested that perhaps it is due to the change of written style, from fixed 文言 wenyan ‗literary‘ style to much more flexible 白話 baihua ‗vernacular‘ style (Kubler, 1985a; Diao, 1999). As the vernacular style was a new way of writing at that time, it had not standardized yet. On the way of formulating new writing style, not only the vernacular speech but also the translated western works have an important contribution and influence as well. Another incentive of Englishization was the large amount of translations in the early years of this century. A survey by Bauer in 1964 revealed that among all books published in China from 1910 to 1935, 17.9% was translation works from Western languages, and up to 62% of them were translations of English. In fact, almost all the new grammatical features can find their traces or origins in the translation works (Kubler, 1985a). Some translators just translated foreign works words by words, and usually it was still with the grammar of source languages. That is why translations would be the incentive of Englishization. Moreover, a group of translators chose Englishized structures in their translations deliberately, who argued that faithfulness is the top priority in terms of translations, and the language use should be faithful to the source language (Yu, 2006). Many famous contemporary writers also hold this view, like 魯迅 Lu Xun, who emphasized the importance of faithfulness and contended that even though the translation may sound awkward or unnatural in the beginning, when time went by readers can accept it. What‘s more, he even claimed that the Englishized style of language should be supported, since the traditional Chinese grammar is not subtle or precise enough. Some writers were more aggressive than Lu Xun; they even took translations as a bridge of introducing and shaping a new and modern Chinese (Kubler, 1985a). The Englishization trend discussed above is not only limited to translators, but further influences the young generation of Chinese readers. Even though most Chinese 13.

(25) had never learned or barely known any foreign language at that time, their writings were influenced by Western languages through imitation of those contemporary writers. Thus, the Englishized usage is not limited in translations but it extends to common people‘s writing as well (Kubler, 1985a; Diao, 1999). Kubler (1985a) proposed that other social developments and changes also helped the trend of Englishization indirectly, such as the great increase of publishing. After May Fourth, not only books but also magazines and newspaper become more and more popular. Compared with the ancient literature, the language in the newspapers and magazines is close to spoken language, which is more flexible, so it carries more features of 白話文 baihuawen ‗vernacular writing‘, including those Englishized features. Thus, it can enhance the trend of Englishization as well. Another source of foreign language influence is English teaching. English is an important subject at school; in the early days, the English learning materials were mainly translated rigidly into stilted Chinese. Students needed to study hard to memorize these vocabulary and patterns, and gradually students might apply such usage to their own writing and speech. Last but not least, people‘s attitude toward Englishization is an important factor. After May Fourth movement, many young people embraced all kinds of western things and treated them as modern, logical and progressive, including languages. Kubler (1985a) observed that most writers seemed to agree that foreign borrowings can make Chinese become richer, more logical and more scientific to serve the needs of a modern society. To sum up, when vernacular Chinese writing style is under development and in flux, English is widely introduced into Chinese at the same time and even regarded as a model of modern language. Therefore, even though most Chinese are not fluent in English, English has found its way to influence Chinese through the media and 14.

(26) translation, and not only limited to lexicon but also grammar. Kubler (1985a) observed that before 1949 Englishized grammar was generally regarded not as part of Chinese grammar; however, after 1949 Englishized grammar is integrated into Chinese grammar so that most Chinese speakers under the age of sixty may not be aware of the foreign influence.. 2.3 Englishizaion of Chinese: Diachronic and Synchronic Approaches Scholars who investigated the Englishization of Chinese have approached this issue from a diachronic or a synchronic perspective, or both. The earliest systematic, linguistic and thorough research on Englishization was Wang Li‘s study in 1947, whose approach was both synchronic and diachronic. He observed the modern Chinese materials, which were collected from creative literary works in the 20‘s and 30‘s. Besides, he compared the modern materials with the novel ‗Dream of the Red Chamber‘ which was written in Qing Dynasty and assumed to be unaffected by English. Wang (1947) listed more than thirty Englishized constructions, including the increasing use of disyllabic words, the increasing use of subjects and copula, the lengthening of sentences, and so on. The constructions found in his book include morphological and syntactic levels, while he did not discuss these two levels separately. Following Wang‘s works, Tsao (1978) attempted to observe the development of many phenomena noted by Wang (1947) after 30 years. He adopted the diachronic approach to study this issue, and following Wang he also used ‗Dream of the Red Chamber‘ as the point of departure. In addition, 100 words from 論語 Lunyu ‗Confucius‘s Analects‘ were also examined. As for the modern materials, the first twenty pages of 瓊瑤 Qiong-yao‘s novel, ‗Boats‘, and a few short articles from the Central Daily News Library Supplement have been selected. Tsao (1978) is the first 15.

(27) scholar discussing Englishization of Chinese based on morphological and syntactic levels respectively. The morphological changes discussed in his study are the increase in the use of disyllabic and polysyllabic words and the use of suffix. As for the syntactic aspects, Tsao (1978) explained that the English influence on Chinese syntax has been too extensive to discuss within the scope of his study, so only several interesting aspects are noted. The syntactic structures studied in his article are the extension of bei-construction, increase in the use of yi ‗one‘ and classifiers, the expansion of 可能 keneng ‗may‘ construction. Basically, his illustrations elaborated on Wang‘s study with evidence of his own diachronic research, and the phenomenon of Englishization is further supported. Kubler‘s study in 1985 is another influential diachronic research. The data were collected from 巴金 Ba Jin‘s novel 家 Jia ‗Home‘ which have two editions, 1931 and 1957. According to Kubler, the criteria of deciding Englishized grammar were a combination of several factors: (1) a comparison of Jia with parts of the traditional novel 兒女英雄傳 Ernu yingxiong zhuan ‗Records of Heroic Sons and Daughters‘; (2) a comparison of the two versions of Jia; the literature of Chinese grammar and the opinions of native speakers, (3) and the author himself as a sensitive and objective Chinese reader. Findings were also discussed on morphological and syntactic aspects respectively. In terms of morphology, he focused on the increase use of suffix, like 們 -men, 的 -de, 著 -zhe, and some other new suffixes. As for the Englishized syntactic structures, there are more than ten constructions, such as the neuter pronouns 它 ta ‗it‘ and 它們 tamen ‗they‘, increase of subjects, the passive construction, and so on. By comparison between the two versions of Jia, it is found that the amount of Englishized structures is reduced in the revised version. In other words, the author seemed to be aware of the foreignness and unnaturalness of the usage, so he changed those Englishized structures into the traditional uses (Kubler, 16.

(28) 1985a: 80). Compared with Wang‘s (1947) study, Kubler (1985a) found three morphological innovations and some other suffixes, while the syntactic aspect basically falls within the frame of Wang‘s observation. Other more recent diachronic studies of Englishization of Chinese are conducted by linguists in Hong Kong and China (e.g., Wang, 2002; He, 2004; Shi and Zhu, 2000; Shi et al., 2003, etc.), and the commonality of all these researches is that their studies are based on the observations in the literature as mentioned above (e.g., Wang, 1947; Kubler, 1985a). That is to say, there are only a few new categories of Englishized structures, especially the syntactic aspects. Their main contribution is using statistics to support the existence of the previously found Englishized patterns, which was lacking in the past studies. K. F. Wang (2002) discussed how translation influences modern Chinese. He particularly examined the amount of multisyllabic words and the passive structure by comparing two novels ‗Dream of the Red Chamber‘ and 駱駝祥子 Luotuo Xiangzi ‗Rickshaw Boy‘, and the results reveal that the latter, published in 1936, has higher frequency of the Englishized structures than the former. Y. He (2004) also conducted a diachronic study of Englishization of Chinese; the data are from three years of Beijing Youth Daily, 1956, 1982 and 2000. He selected one article from news section and another from literature section every Tuesday to avoid the effect of writing style. The focus of the research is on the increase of sentence length, which is influenced by the long premodifiers. The result supports the hypothesis that the length of sentence indeed increases (See Section 2.4 for details). In short, both Wang (2002) and He‘s (2004) studies provide statistic evidence to support the development of particular Englishized structures in Chinese. Compared with diachronic studies, synchronic and analytic approaches are more frequently adopted in the recent studies (e.g., Hsu, 1994; Shi and Zhu, 2000; Shi et al., 2003). Most recent linguistic studies addressing this issue are done by Hong Kong 17.

(29) and China scholars (e.g., Wang, 2002; He, 2004; Shi and Zhu, 2000; Shi et al., 2003, etc.), and their methodology and findings are basically within the frame of the literature (e.g., Wang, 1947; Kubler, 1985a). Though there are a few new structures, the influence of Cantonese or local usage of Putonghua cannot be excluded (cf. Shi and Zhu, 2000; Shi et al., 2003), which is different from Taiwan Mandarin and their findings cannot be directly applied to the present study. The latest synchronic study of Englishization of Chinese in Taiwan is Hsu‘s dissertation in 1994. Aside from continuing the study of Englishinzation on modern Chinese in Taiwan on a morpho-syntactic level, there are two main contributions of her study; firstly, she discussed written and spoken Chinese respectively. Second, she explored the sociolinguistic factors of Englishization of Chinese, that is, speakers‘ attitudes toward Englishized structures and the influence of speakers‘ background on their attitudes. The investigation includes analysis of collected data and questionnaires. The data consist of thirty-minute radio news in 1990 and published materials from newspapers, magazines and creative writings from 1989 to 1994. Since the focus of her study is sociolinguistic factors, the parts of discussion of morphological and syntactic features are a summary of the literature (e.g., Wang, 1947; Tsao, 1978; Kubler, 1985a; Yu, 2006) and with some supporting evidence from her data. In the present study, the categorization of syntactic patterns is based on her summary, which will be further illustrated in Section 2.4. With regard to the questionnaire, it aims at testing speakers‘ usage of certain Englishized structures and also the acceptability toward them. The results of questionnaires show that the extent of using and accepting the Englishized structures is greatly influenced by the compatibility of the patterns with the native grammar. In addition, personal background differences, such as age, education, and the knowledge and proficiency of English, influence the usage and attitudes significantly. The 18.

(30) analysis also reveals that though the degree of the usage of Englishized patterns correlates with the degree of acceptability, there is discrepancy between the rates of these two. The rate of usage is far lower than the rate of acceptability, which suggests that people are more conservative toward using those borrowed forms than accepting them. As for the distinction between the written and oral modes, Englishized patterns are mainly confined to the written mode; in the spoken mode, there are mainly morphological Englishized patterns, but not the complex syntactic patterns, which supports Wang‘s hypothesis in 1947, that it is difficult for the Englishized patterns to affect the oral speech. Aside from linguists, the famous scholar, 余光中 Yu Guang Zhong, a well-known English translator and Chinese writer who was born in the 1920s, has been aware of the widespread Englishization of Chinese and has presented extensive discussion on the Englishized patterns of Chinese (Yu, 2006). Though his viewpoints are prescriptive, his observations and examples, which will be elaborated in 2.4, provide an important reference for Englishization of Chinese. To sum up, Wang‘s (1947) study provides a thorough and systematic list of Englishized structures, which is a representative and widely-cited research. The following Englishization researches are all influenced by or based on his findings. From all these diachronic and synchronic researches, the Englishization of Mandarin is supported.. 2.4 Englishized Syntactic Structures Since the focus of the present study is the syntactic structures of Englishized sentences/utterances, in this section, we introduce the Englishized syntactic structures in the literature. In the following, the introduction of each Englishized syntactic structure will be mainly based on Hsu‘s (1994) categorization, and other related 19.

(31) studies will be cited and my viewpoints will be incorporated in the discussion as well.. 2.4.1 Increasing Use of Subjects Noticeably, the examples of this category provided in the literature are all pronouns as subjects, and thus here ‗subjects‘ in fact refers to ‗pronominal subjects‘ (Wang, 1947; Kubler, 1985a; Yu, 2006; Hsu, 1994). In traditional Chinese, the subject can be omitted once it is recoverable from the context or the subject is a habitual use (Wang, 1947; Kubler, 1985a). Chinese is generally regarded as a topic-prominent language (Chao, 1968). On the other hand, English is a subject-predicate language. Grammatically, an English sentence must have a subject and a predicate. As for Chinese, sentences containing only a predicate are more common in Chinese than in English due to the frequent omission of pronominal subject (Norman, 1988). It is proposed that once the subject can be understood from the context, it can always be omitted (Liu, 1964). Besides, in traditional Chinese if a subject has already occurred in conditional, temporal, and concessive clauses, it may not reappear in the main clause. In short, the use of subjects in modern Chinese increases due to the influence of English, since subjects are required in English sentences. The examples of the Englishized use from the literature are illustrated as below. In (1), the underlined pronouns can be omitted traditionally.. (1) > 小孩子做事，完全由於他的興趣。他可以寫字， Xiaohaizi zuo shi, wanquan youyu ta de xingchu ta keyi xie zi, Little child do thing ,totally because his DE interest. He can write word, 但他並非欲成一書家。他可以畫畫，但他並非欲成 dan ta bing fei yu cheng yi shujia ta keyi huahua, dan ta bingfei yu cheng but he and NEG want be a writer. He can paint but he and NEG want be 一畫家。他更非欲以寫字畫畫，得到所謂世間名利恭敬。 yi huajia ta gengfei yu yi xiezi huahua, dedao suowei shijian mingli gon jing a painter. He NEG want as write paint get so-called world fame respect 20.

(32) ‗That a child doing things is totally due to his interests. He can write but not because he wants to become a writer. He can draw but not because he wants to become a painter. Most of all, he doesn‘t want to gain fame and fortune through writing or drawing.‘ (Wang 1947: 316). Another type of Englishized use of the subject is the generic use of pronouns (Wang, 1947). Traditionally, when the subject refers to common people rather than a specific referent, the subject usually can be omitted as well. On the other hand, the Englishized uses would adopt 我們 women ‗we‘ or 你 ni ‗you‘ to refer to generic subjects as the cases in English, such as in (2) and (3).. (2) > 不說謊包含有兩種意義：一、我們所說的話， Bu shuo huang baohan you liang zhong yiyi: yi 、women suo shuo de hua, NEG tell lie include have two CL meaning: one, we SUO say DE words 就恰是我們所想說的話。二、我們所說的話 jiu qiashi women suo xiang shuo de hua er、women suo shuo de hua Just exactly we SUO think say DE words. Two, we SUO say DE words 我們都由肚子說出來了，毫無餘韻。 women dou you duzi shuo chulai le, hao wu yu yun we all from belley say out PF total NEG rest rhyme ‗There are two meanings for not lying. First, what we said is just what we want to say. Second, what we said we all said, without embellishment.‘ (Wang 1947: 318) (3) > 你要發現你的朋友的真，你得有與他單獨的機會。 Ni yao faxian ni de pengyou de zhen, ni dei you yu ta dandu de jihui You want find you DE friend NM real, you get have with he alone DE chance 你要發現你自己的真，你得給你自己一個單獨的機會。 Ni yao faxian ni ziji de zhen, ni dei gei ni ziji yi ge dandu de jihui You want find yourself NM real you get give you self one CL alone DE chance 你要發現一個地方，你也得有單獨玩的機會。 Ni yao faxian yi ge difang, ni ye dei you dandu wan de jihui You want find one CL place, you also get have alone paly DE chance. ‗If you want to find your friend‘s genuine, You need to have opportunities to get alone with him alone. If you want to find your own genuine, you need to have opportunities to be with yourself alone. If you want to discover a place, you also need to have opportunities to have fun alone.‘ (Wang 1947: 319). However, the use of second person pronoun as a generic pronoun may be a universal tendency. In many languages, certain pronouns have a conventionalized generic use, 21.

(33) such as English ‗you‘ and ‗they‘ (Mithun, 2003). In other words, the generic use of ni may not be Englishized but universal usage. In fact, it is found that there is a generic use of ni in the ancient literature work 西廂記 Xixiangji ‗Romance of West Chamber‘, which was written in 13th century (Yuan, 2008). Therefore, the claim that generic pronouns are Englishized usage may not be valid. We may only suggest that due to the influence of English the occurrence of generic pronouns increases in modern Chinese. In short, it is suggested that the increase of subjects started to appear after the May Fourth period, since people consider subjectless Chinese sentences as illogical and too vague. They think it is clear to add a subject to a sentence so that the readers do not need to guess the meaning from the context (Kubler 1985a). In the present study, a standardized criterion to judge Englishized pronominal subjects is whether the pronouns are omissible and the deletion of them does not influence the context.. 2.4.2 Increased use of the copula shi ‘to be’ Wang (1947) proposed that among the three types of sentences in Chinese: narrative, descriptive, and assertive, only narrative sentences require verbs as predicates. On the other hand, a descriptive sentence takes adjectives as predicates and does not require any verb before the adjectives, such as 天氣很好 tianqi hen hao ‗The weather is good‘. However, due to the fact that in English the copula ‗be‘ is required in the descriptive sentence, 是 shi started to be used in Chinese as an equivalent of ‗be‘. Wang (1947) further proposed that traditionally if 是 shi is used in the descriptive sentence, the structure is always 是…的 shi…de and the frequency of use is not common. However, Hsu (1994) found that such a use is very popular in Taiwan, as in (4).. 22.

(34) (4) 這花是紅的。 Zhe hua shi hong de This fower C/F red NM ‗The flower is red.‘ (Hsu 1994: 87). Aside from this usage, there is a new Englishized structure, namely, a sentence without de 的 but only shi 是, as realized in the following examples:. (5) 真的是活潑外向。 Zhende shi huopo waixiang Real C/F lively outgoing ‗Is really lively and outgoing‘ (Hsu 1994: 87) (6) 其發出的聲音是非常大。 qi fachu de shengyin shi feichang da it generate NM sound C/F very huge ‗The sound it produced is extremely loud.‘ (Wang 1947: 322) (7) 轟炸機頭上有兩三個發動機，發出來的聲音 Hongzhaji tou shang you liang san ge fadongji, fa chu lai de shengyin Bomber head up have two three CL generator, generate come NM sound 是很沉重。 shi hen chenchong C/F very heavy ‗There are two to three engines on the head of the bomber, the produced sound is very heavy‘ (Wang 1947: 322) In Chinese, this structure may be used for emphasis, for example, 天氣是好 tianqi shi hao ‗The weather is good‘. It is suggested that this structure is a nominalized structure, and its function is to emphasize the nominalized part or mark the contrasts, (Chao, 1968; Li and Thompson, 1981). Noticeably, in Dong‘s (2004) investigation, many instances of shi have gradually become a word-internal element rather than a copula verb. There are many disyllabic X-shi structures, and X refers to a conjunction/adverb, i.e. 還是 haishi ‗still‘, 總是 zongshi ‗always‘. In these instances, shi is not a copula verb linking a subject and complement, and not a focus marker, either. In other words, it is a lexical internal element rather than a copula. This proposal is supported by examining the use of copula shi in the first twenty chapters 23.

(35) of the novel ‗Dream of the Red Chamber‘. It is found that the instances of ‗shi + adjective predicate + (de)‘ mainly serve as emphasis marker, and almost all of them take the X-shi construction (namely, lexical internal element), e.g. 都是 doushi ‗all‘, 就是 jiushi ‗even if; exactly‘, 卻是 queshi ‗but‘. Moreover, from the remaining examples in ‗Dream of the Red Chamber‘, the claim that shi as copula ‗be‘ as an Englishized structure is countered against, since those instances are neither for emphasis nor as X-shi construction, i.e. 不知是真是假 buzhi shi zhen shi jia ‗Don‘t know if it is true or false‘. Based on the literature, the sentence 不知是真是假 buzhi shi zhen shi jia ‗Don‘t know if it is true or false‘ should be a further Englishized pattern as it is even without de. However, since this example is found in ‗Dream of the Red Chamber‘, the suggestion of ‗shi + adjective + (de)‘ as Englishization may not be valid. Moreover, Payrube (1999) proposed that shi serving as copula ‗be‘ is a result of grammaticalization. Therefore, in the present study, the use of the copula shi ‗to be‘ will not be regarded as Englishization and further analyzed.. 2.4.3 Lengthening of sentences: modifying clauses with head nouns In English, the adjectival phrases or clauses can appear before or after the noun; however, in traditional Chinese, the modifier always precedes the noun, and if the adjective is too long and complicated, then usually the whole sentence is divided into several short sentences (Hsu, 1994). While translating English modifying clauses into Chinese, people need to make adjustment and the resolution is to put the long clauses or phrases before the noun and mark it with the subordinating particle 的 de. Hsu (1994) observed that the translators make the following adjustments while translating English relative clauses: (1) move the relative clause before the head noun, (2) delete the relative pronoun or adverbial, and (3) add the subordinating marker de 的 after the 24.

(36) adjectival clauses. It is a new style affected by English and incorporated with Chinese and English structures, as the following examples. (8) >那些自騙自的相信不曾把他們自己的人格混到著作 na xie zipianzide xiangxin buceng ba tamen ziji de renge hundao zhuzuo These self-lie-self believe never BA they self DE personality mix work 裡去的人們，正是被那最謬誤的幻見所欺的 li qu de renmen, zhengshi bei na zui miuwu de huanjian suo qi de inside go DE people, just BEI that most wrong DE illusion SUO cheat NM 受害者。 shouhaizhe victim. ‗Those who believe that they‘ve never mixed their characters in their works are just the victims who are deceived by the wrongest imaginations.‘ (Wang 1947: 329) (9) > 現年 42 歲，畢業於政治學校，先後曾多次獲得 Xian nian 42 sui, biye yu zhengzhi xuexiao, xianhou ceng duo ci huode Now year 42 year,graduate at politics school, first after ever many time get 水墨畫首獎的林 XX，對於動物的描繪一向有 shuimohua shoujiang de lin X X, duiyu dongwu de miaohui yixiang you Chinese painting first prize DE Lin XX, to animal NM depict always have 獨特的說法。 dute de shuofa unique DE sayings. ‗Lin XX, who is 42 years old, graduated from the political school, obtaining first prizes of Chinese painting many times, has his unique view on descriptions of animals.‘ (Hsu 1994: 89) (10) >我決不原諒任何事先沒有得到我的同意就擅自 Wo juebu yuanliang renhe shixian meiyou dedao wo de tongyi jiu shanzi I never forgive any in advance NEG get I DE approve LK presume 引述我的話的人 yinshu wo de hua de ren cite I DE word DE person ‗I never forgive anyone who cites my words without getting my permission in advance.‘ (Yu 2006: 50) (11) > 那家公司並不重視劉先生在工商界 na jia gongsi bing bu chongshi liu xiansheng zai gongshangjie That CL company and NEG repesct Liu Mr. at business world 已經有了三十多年的經歷的這個事實 yijing you le sanshi duo nian de jingli de zhege shishi already have PF thirty many year NM experience DE this fact ‗That company doesn‘t respect the fact that Mr. Liu has had over thirty years‘ experiences in business.‘ (Yu 2006: 50) The lengthening of Chinese sentences or pre-modifiers can be caused by an even 25.

(37) more fundamental difference between Chinese and English (Pan, 1997; Wei, 2005). It is known that English is a hypotaxis language, i.e. the sentences are embedded with one and another, and connected with connectives. On the other hand, Chinese is a parataxis language, i.e. the arrangement of clauses is one after another without connectives showing the relation between them. Thus, English sentences can be very long and complicated with the embedding structure, while there is no such subordinating structure in Chinese, which makes traditional Chinese sentences much shorter. Nevertheless, due to the English influence, sentence subjects and objects are now often modified by long, embedded clauses marked with the subordinating particle 的 de. However, though it is agreed that long pre-modifiers are a result of Englishization, the problem is the lack of objective and concrete criteria of judging long pre-modifiers in the literature. In other words, it is unclear how long the pre-modifier sould be for it to be taken as an Englishized structure. A criterion is proposed by Lian (1993: 67), who defined a long pre-modifier as one containing two ‗a little bit long‘ phrases or clauses. Following Lian‘s criterion, He (2004) simply regarded two or more than two modifiers as long pre-modifiers, and applied this criterion to examine the newspaper articles in Mainland China in 1956, 1982 and 2000 respectively. The result showed that there are three tokens of long-premodifiers in 1956 data, but only one in the selected articles of 1982, and then in the data of 2000 there are eleven tokens. Though the difference between the results in 1956 and in 1982 is not significant enough, the occurrences of long pre-modifiers in 2000 data increase significantly comparing with the data in 1956 and 1982. Therefore, the general tendency of lengthening of sentences is further supported by He (2004). She also counted the average words per sentence in her study. It is shown that the length of a sentence increases from 35 to 43 words per sentence from 1956 26.

(38) data to 1982 data, and then it increases to 51 words per sentence in 2000 data. Thus, it is revealed that the tendency of lengthening of sentences is more and more obvious. Besides, she also pointed out that lengthening of sentences occurs more in the literary writing than the news report, which corresponds to Hsu‘s observations (1994); that is, long pre-modifiers are commonly used in newspaper and to a lesser degree, in magazines. Noticeably, He (2004) observed that comparing the examples in 2000 with the cases in 1956 and 1982, the use of a series of short modifiers 的的不休 de de bu siou ‗de repeatedly occurs‘, mentioned by Yu (2006), decreased. It may reveal that long pre-modifiers are widely accepted and its structure is further nativized to avoid the repetition of de (He, 2004). In other words, the writers noticed that too many repetitions of de in a sentence is unnatural in Chinese, so they deleted the redundant use of de which is influenced by the translation of ‗of‘in English. This change implies that the use of long pre-modifiers is no longer restricted to the translation works but also natural writing.. 2.4.4 Variety of third person and impersonal singular and plural pronouns Third person pronouns for the inanimate objects, 它 ta ‗it‘ and 它們 tamen ‗they‘, are very rare in traditional Chinese (Wang, 1947). Kubler (1985a) argued that 它 ta ‗it‘ was originally restricted to the object position and usually preceded by the coverb 把 ba. Chao (1968) also maintained that 它 ta ‗it‘ occurs mostly in the object position and very rarely as subject. What‘s more, 它們 tamen used as neuter ‗they‘ was not in any position but expressed by ta instead. In other words, the use of 它們 tamen ‗they‘ referring to inanimate objects did not exist in traditional Chinese. Chao (1961) also commented that the use of 它們 tamen ‗they‘ is not grammatical given that there is no plural form of 它 ta ‗it‘. He proposed that tamen is not used for 27.

(39) inanimate things in any position unless they are personified. Traditionally, when an inanimate thing needs to be mentioned in the text, the same noun phrase would be repeated in use, or the singular form ta is adopted. However, influenced by ‗it‘ in English, the inanimate pronouns ta and tamen are frequently used and the usage is exactly as other animate pronouns nowadays, as exemplified in (12) and (13).. (12) 在場的人都說，這是廣東來的月餅， Zaichang de ren dou shuo, zhe shi guangdong lai de yuebing, At scene DE man all say this C/F Guangdong come DE mooncake > 只是看著不敢吃它。 zhishi kanzhe bugan chi ta only look dare NEG eat it ‗Everyone at the scene said that it is the moon cake from GuangDong, and dared not eat it but just look at it.‘ (Hsu 1994: 93) (13) 據說這些棺材是完全沒有主的， Jushuo zhexie guancai shi wanquan meiyou zhu de, According to these coffin C/F whole NEG master NM > 它們在這裡放了二十年。 tamen zai zheli fang le ershi nian They at here put PF twenty year ‗It is said that these coffins are without owners, and they have been put here for twenty years.‘ (Kubler 1985: 79) Another study in support of inanimate pronouns as an Englishized structure is the comparison between two editions of 家 Jia ‗Home‘ in 1931 and 1957 by Kubler (1985a). It is found that in the new version of Jia the tokens of pronouns 它 ta ‗it‘ and 它們 tamen ‗they‘ decrease. It can be inferred that the use of neuter ta and tamen may not be natural and traditional-like and therefore altered in the second edition.. 2.4.5 Extended use of the passive construction 被 Bei The Englishization of passive structure has long been a research interest. In classical Chinese, the use of 被 bei is limited to unhappy or unhoped events and ordinarily accompanied by an agent (Wang, 1947; Kubler, 1985a; Huang, 1963, etc.). However, in modern Chinese the passive constructions are no longer restricted to 28.

(40) describing negative meanings or requiring the presence of an agent. Moreover, 被 bei originally was limited to past passive sentences, but now it can be used for present or future ones, as in (14).. (14) 我不會被你這句話嚇倒。 Wo buhui bei ni zhe gou hua xiadao I not BEI you this sentence words frightened ‗I won‘t be frightened by your word.‘. Hsu (1994) summarized the developments of passive constructions, as illustrated below. First of all, the use of passive constructions increases in modern Chinese. Traditionally, the frequency of using passive structures was lower than modern Chinese, and in most cases the passive marker was not overtly expressed, as bei in (15) would be omitted in the traditional Chinese.. (15) 他的低下的出身一直被保密著。 Ta de dixia de chushen yizhi bei baomi zhe He DE low NM origin always BEI coceal DU ‗His inferior origin has been concealed.‘ (Yu 2006: 47) Besides, what is used to be expressed in an active voice is replaced by a passive one in modern Chinese, such as (16). Hsu (1994) observed that some verbs are commonly found in this type of usage, like 問到 wendao ‗ask‘, 詢及 xunji ‗ask‘, 通知 tongzhi ‗notify‘, 招待 zhaodai ‗treat‘ and 允許 yunxu ‗allow‘, and the examples could be found in newspapers, creative writings, and even more in the technical articles in the magazines. (16) 四位演員二十七日早上被通知要到新聞局 Siwei yanyuan ershiqi ri zaoshang bei tong zhi yao dao xinwenju four actor twenty-seven day morning BEI notify want go Bureau 陪伴李總統觀賞喜宴。 peiban Li zongtong guanshang xiyan accompany Li president see wedding banquet 29.

(41) ‗The four actors were notified on the morning of the twenty seventh to go to the Bureau of Information to accompany President Li to view the movie ―The Wedding Banquet.‘ (Hsu 1994: 95). In addition, there is a tendency of violation against the traditional usage of 被 bei. Aside from the use of non-negative meaning, without agent and non-past tense, Wei (1953) found other two situations in which bei would be omitted in traditional use: (a) the subject of the sentence is inanimate, and (b) there is no need to express the agent of the action. Thus, bei in (17) can be omitted since 土匪藝術 tufeiyishu ‗degenerate art‘ is an inanimate referent. As for (18), the agent of the action does not need to be expressed overtly since it is recoverable from the context, and consequently the passive marker can be omitted as well.. (17) Entartete Kunst 中文被翻做土匪藝術到底是 Entartete Kunst zhongwen bei fanzuo tufei yishu daodi shi Entartete Kunst Chinese BEI translate as robber art on earth C/F 什麼意思？ sheme yisi what meaning ‗Entartete Kunst is translated as ‗degenrate art‘ in Chinese. What exactly does it mean?‘ (Hsu 1994: 96) (18) 你們都該 (被) 打。 Nimen dou gai (bei) da You all should (BEI) beat ‗You all should be beaten.‘ (Hsu 1994: 96). Last, in classical Chinese, there are other words denoting the passive voice, such as 給 gei, 讓 rang, 叫 jiao, 挨 ai, and so on, while nowadays 被 bei seems to replace all of these phrases most of time (Kubler, 1985a). It is suggested that the preference of bei may be due to the similar pronunciation of bei to ‗by‘ in English (Chao, 1968). In Kubler‘s (1985a) study, the original version of 家 Jia has 272 tokens of bei, while 巴金 Ba Jin reduced or altered 116 of these in the revision. Some of them were 30.