台灣原住民三族之招呼語與命名系統之研究

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(1)國立台灣師範大學英語系碩士論文 Master Thesis Graduate Institute of English National Taiwan Normal University. 台灣原住民三族之招呼語與命名系統研究 Forms of Address and Anthroponymic Systems of Three Taiwanese Aboriginal Groups. 指導教授 : 陳乃嫻博士 Adviser: Dr. Lindsey N.H. Chen 研究生 : 王詩雯 Student: Shih-Wen Wang. 中華民國一百零七年十月 October, 2018.

(2) 摘要本研究旨在探討台灣原住民族群的招呼語應用及命名系統。本研究主要包含兩種測驗 : 第一測驗為招呼語應用測驗，可得知原住民族群在不同情況下，針對不同人物所使用的招呼語差異，情境效應亦融入在此測驗中; 第二測驗為命名系統測驗，可得知不同族群的原住民的命名模式及姓名是否存在意義上的差別。兩測驗皆探討其背後反映的文化背景。本研究對象包含十二名大學生，其年齡介於十九至二十五歲，依其所屬族群分為阿美族、布農族、賽德克族，以及三位原族民老師其年齡介於五十三至六十一歲，按所屬族群亦劃分為上述三原住民族群。第一份研究結果顯示，台灣原住民依照對象年齡改變其招呼語之應用。針對不同年齡層對象使用不同的招呼語表達對其尊敬與親密程度。其中，表達親屬關係之招呼語最為廣泛運用。對於台灣原住民而言，舉凡部落裡的族人，其他部落的原住民，乃至非原住民族群，表達親屬關係之招呼語皆可展現原住民對見面對象的尊敬與友好之情。再者，在不同情境下所使用的招呼語存在差異。在公眾場合，原住民選擇使用工作頭銜或部落頭銜表達莊重。此外，第二份研究結果顯示，台灣原住民其命名系統乃繼承族內受尊敬之長輩抑或家中受尊敬之長輩姓名，以傳承其偉大精神以及表達對其的尊重。並且，在三族群當中，姓名亦可反映孩童的長幼順序。長子及長女可繼承家中爺爺或奶奶的姓名，其餘孩童則按出生順序依序繼承其他長輩的姓名。因此，台灣原住民姓名大多數不具含義。然而，在原住民女性姓名中，三族群亦可發現某些女性姓名指涉大自然事物。. 關鍵詞 : 招呼語、命名系統、台灣原住民、人名學. i.

(3) ABSTRACT The present study investigates the forms of address and anthroponymic systems of three Taiwan aboriginal groups. The study employs questionnaires and interview methods to acquire information on forms of address and naming systems of three groups—Amis, Bunun, and Seediq. In particular, it examines aboriginals’ choice of address to people in different contexts and the meaning encoded by aboriginal names, if any. Towards this end, a total of twelve university students aged from nineteen to twenty-five were recruited and three aboriginal tribal teachers were also recruited for the study. Results on the study of address forms indicate that the age of addressee is a major factor in determining the choice of address forms for the three groups. Notably, kinship terms are used often to show deference and intimacy to others, including aborigines within the same tribe, aborigines from other tribes, and even non-aboriginals. Also, the selection of address forms changes in formal and informal situations. The use of titles or tribal titles is used in formal situation. Results on naming practices reveal the naming pattern of three aboriginal groups. First, children are named after esteemed elders in the tribe or family members. By inheriting the names of these elders, aborigines show respect to them and pass down their spirits to the younger generations in the tribe. Also, primogeniture rule dominates the aboriginal society in which the first-born child has the right to be named after their grandparents. Some children are named after other elders based on their birth orders and nature-denoting names are common among female names. In general, however, names of aborigines from the three tribes do not encode specific meanings. Keywords: forms of address, naming patterns, Taiwan aboriginals, anthroponymic systems. ii.

(4) ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 歷經一年的時間，我終於有機會為我的論文劃下一個完美的句點。這一年的時間裡，我很幸運地受到許多人的幫助、支持與鼓勵。就讀研究所期間，儘管面臨些許的徬徨也曾度過不少艱困的時刻，一路上陪我走過的家人、朋友、老師是我就學路上的精神支柱。首先，最想感謝的是我的論文指導教授陳乃嫻老師。於研究或人生的道路上，老師總不吝給予我許多的啟發與建議。對我而言，老師是亦師亦友的夥伴。我深感榮幸能成為老師的第一位指導學生，老師對我的期許與教誨，我會永存心底。另外，我也要特別感謝吳靜蘭教授與葉詩綺教授擔任我的口試委員，並提供寶貴的意見，協助我完成論文。在師大就讀語言所的這段期間，除了師長之外，我也認識了許多的好同學與朋友。初次來到師大這個校園，語言所夥伴們的親切之情與對我的照護，讓我在就學的路上不孤單。一同吃飯、上課的日子，是我在師大重要的回憶。我想，我會懷念這單純快樂的學生時光。尤其，我要特別感謝俐穎對我的照顧與愛護。無論是在研究時面臨的困境或是平日的煩惱，她的鼓勵與陪伴是伴我度過這三年時光的重要力量。除此之外，我也特別感謝曾經給予我許多參考意見及提供寶貴語料的師大學生們以及三位族語老師。謝謝他們願意接受我的採訪，不吝嗇地給予我幫助。他們的耐心與熱情，是我完成論文的動力。再者，有著于哲和家人的溫暖、支持及體貼，更是引領我不斷向前的動力。回顧著研究所的三年時光，陪伴我、支持我、幫助我的所有人，感謝之情難以言喻。但願今後的每個人都能在彼此的道路上發光發熱，平安順遂。而這段短暫的求學生涯，會在今後成為最珍貴的回憶。我也會不負眾望，將帶著這份感激之情，在未來的道路上，成為一名能有所貢獻的人。. iii.

(5) TABLE OF CONTENTS CHINESE ABSTRACT ……………………………………………………………………….i ENGLISH ABSTRACT ………………………………………………………………………ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ………………………………………………………………….iii TABLE OF CONTENTS …………………………………………………………………….iv LIST OF TABLES …………………………………………………………………………..vii LIST OF FIGURES ………………………………………………………………………...viii. Chapter One INTRODUCTION ……………………………………………………………...1 1.1 Motivation …………………………………………………………………………...1 1.2 Theoretical Background ……………………………………………………………..2 1.2.1 Forms of Address ……………………………………………………………...2 1.2.2 Names ………………………………………………………………………...13 1.3 Goals and Contribution of the Study ……………………………………………….20 1.4 An Overview of the Three Aboriginal Groups ……………………………………..20 1.5 Research Questions and the Organization of the Thesis …………………………...23. Chapter Two LITERATURE REVIEW……………………………………………………...25 2.1 On Forms of Address Across Cultures ……………………………………………..25 2.1.1 Oyetade (1995)………………………………………………………………..25 2.1.2 Keshavarz (2001) …………………………………………………………….26 2.1.3 Kim-Renaud (2001) ………………………………………………………….27 2.1.4 Iragiliati (2006) ………………………………………………………………28 iv.

(6) 2.1.5 Burt (2009) …………………………………………………………………...29 2.1.6 Akindele (2013) ………………………………………………………………30 2.1.7 Aliakbari and Toni (2013) ……………………………………………………31 2.1.8 Chen (2016) …………………………………………………………………..32 2.2 On Names and Naming Practices Across Cultures…………………………………32 2.2.1 Akinnaso (1980) ……………………………………………………………...32 2.2.2 Susan (1994) ………………………………………………………………….34 2.2.3 Exner and Bear (2007) ……………………………………………………….34 2.2.4 Adams (2008) ………………………………………………………………...35 2.2.5 Al-Zumor (2009) ……………………………………………………………..36 2.2.6 Kenji (2015) ………………………………………………………………….36 2.3 Summary of Chapter Two ………………………………………………………….37 2.4 Hypotheses …………………………………………………………………………38. CHAPTER THREE RESEARCH METHODOLOGY ……………………………………..,39 3.1 About the informants ……………………………………………………………...39 3.2 Methods, Materials, and Procedures ……………………………………………...41 3.3 Data Transcription ………………………………………………………………...46 3.4 Summary of Chapter Three ……………………………………………………….47. CHAPTER FOUR RESULTS AND FINDINGS …………………………………………...48 4.1 Forms of Address …………………………………………………………………49 4.1.1 Forms of Address Within Family Unit ……………………………………...49 v.

(7) 4.1.2 Forms of Address for Non-relatives ………………………………………...55 4.1.3 Forms of Address as Marker of Status ……………………………………...57 4.1.4 Additional Remarks …………………………………………………………60 4.1.5 Summary for Address Forms ……………………………………………….61 4.2 Aboriginal Naming Practices ……………………………………………………......62 4.2.1 Tribal Names …………………………………………………………………..62 4.2.2 Chinese Names ………………………………………………………………...65 4.2.3 Other Names……………………………………………………………………68 4.2.4 Nicknames ……………………………………………………………………..70 4.2.5 Additional Remarks ……………………………………………………………74 4.2.6 Summary for Names …………………………………………………………...75 4.3 Summary of Chapter Four …………………………………………………………...76. CHAPTER FIVE CONCLUSION AND FUTURE STUDY ……………………………….78. Bibliography …………………………………………………………………………………84 Appendix A: The Survey of Amis Address Forms…………………………………………..90 Appendix B: The Survey of Bunun Address Forms……………………………………........92 Appendix C: The Survey of Seediq Address Forms……………………………………........94 Appendix D: The Survey of Aboriginal Naming Practices ………………………………….96 Appendix E: Consent Form ………………………………………………………………….97. vi.

(8) LIST OF TABLES Table 1 Background Information on the Male Subjects ……………………………….........40 Table 2 Background Information on the Female Subjects ……………………………..........41 Table 3 Examples of Address Forms for Family Members and Next of Kins……………….52 Table 4 Forms of Address and Marital / Seniority Status…... ………………………………54 Table 5 Forms of Address to Doctors, Teachers, and Priests ……………………………….59 Table 6 Chinese Names Denote Wish to Children …………………………………………..66 Table 7 Chinese Names are the Homophony of Tribal Names ……………………………...67 Table 8 Male and Female Religious Names …………………………………………………69 Table 9 Nicknames of the Aboriginal People………………………………………………..72. vii.

(9) LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1 Tannen’s (2005) Power and Solidarity Grid ………………………………………7 Figure 2 Geographic distribution of Taiwanese 16 aboriginal groups ……………………..22. viii.

(10) Chapter One: Introduction 1.1 Motivation Whenever two or more people communicate, it is important for the individuals involved to understand how to approximately and correctly greet people and address them. Different address forms have distinct functions which shows either politeness and respect or intimacy and solidarity. People use these address forms to express their attitudes to the addressee and show their self- identity in the communication. Factors such as age, gender, social status, and occupations play an important role in the use of address forms. Furthermore, wherever there are people, there are also names. When talking or interacting with others, people use personal names to address and refer to others and thus names are a part of human life. Personal names, which may include first names, given names, and nicknames, and other types of names, have distinct meanings and functions to people. The different usage of names often shows the name bearer’s identity, social statuses, and cultural background. In this thesis, the use of address forms and naming practices of three aboriginal groups—in particular, Amis, Bunun, and Seediq—is investigated. The distinct functions of different address forms and the meaning of aboriginal names are discussed. Since aboriginal groups have existed for thousands of centuries in Taiwan, their history and aspects of their languages (e.g., syntactic, morphological, and phonological) have been studied by linguists and sociolinguists. However, a comprehensive study on their anthroponymic system and address forms have yet been explored in the literature. This paper fills the research gap by examining these features in the three Taiwan aboriginal languages. The results present the use of address forms within the family unit, the forms used to address non-relatives, and the forms used as linguistic codes to mark different social or tribal status. In addition, the study 1.

(11) reveals how foreign influences such as Chinese migration and Japanese colonization on the island have linguistic impact, if any, on these aboriginal groups. For instance, during Japanese colonization (1895-1945), the learning of Japanese language was imposed on the aboriginals; Japanese education was mandatory (Lee, 2017). After Japanese colonization, the Chinese government occupied Taiwan in 1945 and Chinese became the official language. Undoubtedly, the presence of the Chinese also had influence on the Taiwan aboriginal groups. This chapter introduces the core concepts and terminologies of address forms and names. The different functions of address forms touch on sociolinguistic concepts such as politeness, power, intimacy, and solidarity will be discussed in the chapter. In addition, the semantic, phonological and sociolinguistic aspects of names are explored in Section 1.2. Section 1.3 introduces the research subjects, goals, and the contribution of the thesis. An overview of three aboriginal groups is also presented. In particular, the section provides the geographic, demographic, and social background of these aboriginal groups. 1.2 Theoretical Background 1.2.1 Forms of Address People use distinct forms of address to express their attitudes, stances, and relationships in conversations. Address forms such as pronouns, kinship terms, names, titles, and honorific terms are frequently used and easily observed in everyday conversations. Such words reflect social norms: the choice of address form depends upon social variables such as age, gender difference, formality of settings and social distance or familiarity between a pair of speakers. Naturally, the relative frequency of different forms of address depends heavily on the context from which speech is drawn (Griffin, 2010). For instance, during introduction, people of the 2.

(12) same status address each other by titles and last names (i.e., Mr. Smith) but quickly shift to the reciprocal use of first names only. Nonreciprocal forms of address are common among people with different ages, social status or occupations. Students often address teachers by titles followed by their last names and, in return, are addressed by their first names. Studies on forms of address have long been of interest to researchers of language and culture. One of the earlier studies on the subject was conducted by Brown and Ford (1961), which indicated that the relationship between the speaker and his addressee determines the choice of address form. In American English, two forms of address were observed: the use of first name (FN) and the use of a title with the last name (TLN). Regarding FN and TLN types of address, Brown and Ford (1961) identified three possible dyadic patterns—the reciprocal exchange of FN, the reciprocal exchange of TLN, and the nonreciprocal pattern in which one person uses FN and the other TLN. The difference between two reciprocal patterns relies on the degree of intimacy between people. Young people have more close relations between each other than older people and members of the dyads of the same sex have more close relationship than people of different sex do (Brown and Ford, 1961). Thus, young people of same sex use more FN than old people of different sex. In modern American English, the mutual FN usually represents only a very small increment of intimacy over the mutual TLN. In other words, the use of FN indicates a closer relationship between speakers and addressees than the LN does. According to Brown and Ford (1961), there are two relations that can generate nonreciprocal patterns. People of different ages: for instance, a man who is 15 years older than others, was addressed with TLN and addressed his juniors using the FN. People with different occupational status can also generate non-reciprocal pattern. For instance, a superior who is younger than his or her subordinate uses the TLN. This provides evidence 3.

(13) that social status rather than age determines the usage of TLN. To sum, different address forms have distinct usages and the following provides detailed information on the functions of forms of address. Politeness and Honorifics Forms of address are inextricably linked to politeness, i.e., the presentation of self in communication and the negotiation of face. Ervin-Tripp (1972) indicated that the social status of the addressee and the conversational context are crucial factors that determine the usage of forms of address. In the courtroom, people receive different address forms according to their social identities, such as Mr. Chairman, while first names are preferred when introducing new colleague (Ervin-Tripp, 1972). Whether the social status of people is marked or not in different situations influences the choice of address forms. Moreover, in another reciprocal pattern, for example, people of the same age or social rank are also addressed with first names rather than job titles or courtesy titles (Ervin-Tripp, 1972). This evidence shows that familiarity is not a considered a factor within the dyads of the same age and social status and different address forms reveal the status of people in the conversation. On the other hand, in the non-reciprocal pattern, those with high occupational status, such as a priest, physician, or judge may be addressed by title alone, while an ordinary citizen or an academic person may not (Ervin-Tripp, 1972). For instance, a priest might be addressed with either his job title or “Father” with his last name while a regular citizen might be greeted with no address form. Thus, the use of address forms shows the social status of people in the conversation. For Britons, there are varieties of forms of address including formal and informal address forms. Scott (1998) indicated four British formal address forms including bare titles, titles and surnames, professional titles and surnames, and other special titles. When 4.

(14) addressing a stranger in a formal situation, bare titles such as Sir, Madam, and Ma’am are used to represent deference to those superiors and authorities. The age of a person is a factor in the choice of address forms. A young woman is addressed as Miss or Ms while there is no socially acceptable address form for a young man. Also, certain occupational titles, e.g., sergeant, clergy, and vicar, are used as alternatives when referring to those from upper social classes. In addition, title and surname are used when the addressee is known at some social distance (Scott, 1998). The titles used with surnames are Mr. used for adult male, Mister for young male, Mrs. for married adult female, and Miss for unmarried adult female. Also, it’s noted that pronouncing correct British surnames is as important as using the correct address forms. British surnames are composed of one or more last names, and the use of how many of surnames depends on the individual’s preference. It’s perfectly fine to address the person with all surnames if the individual’s preference is unknown (Scott, 1998). As for the use of professional title and surname, these are reserved for certain groups such as professors, clergy, and members of the military (Scott, 1998). For instance, a military leader, John Smith, might be addressed as Captain Smith. Other professionals like dentists, surgeons, and academics are addressed with traditional titles like Dr. (Scott, 1998). Special address forms are applied to a person with higher social rank who is a member of the royalty or the nobility. In the formal context, a non-hereditary male knight is addressed with ‘Sir’ preceding his first name and surname while a non-hereditary female knight is addressed as ‘Dame’ (Scott, 1998). Therefore, the use of British formal forms of address is influenced by a person’s age, gender, and social rank. In summary, the use of forms of address is determined by different factors including social distance, age gap, sex, and social context. Different address forms represent 5.

(15) interlocutor’s attitudes (e.g. deference or intimacy) to the addressee. One of the functions of address forms is showing politeness and intimacy. Power–Solidarity In French, the choice of pronouns of address is linked to the dimensions of power and distance and thus serves as an indication of the relations between people: tu (second person singular, informal) or vous (second person plural or singular, formal). The vous can be used as a form of respect, but it can equally serve to indicate a social distance between the interlocutors and the superiority of one of them. The use of tu, on the other hand, can be perceived as a sign of solidarity, but it can also, for instance, demonstrate intimacy with the other person (cf. Brown and Gilman, 1960). In English, forms of address can also reveal social distance and solidarity. Concurring with Brown and Gilman’s (1960), Brown and Ford (1961) also indicated that there are several address forms other than FN and TLN. First, titles (T) without names are often used like titles with last name either reciprocally between new acquaintances or nonreciprocally by a person of lower status to a person of higher status (Brown & Ford, 1961). The address form T is considered to be a less intimate but more deferential term than TLN. The second address form is last name alone (L), which is usually used to address a person you seldom meet. In the two researchers’ data, where LN is not the usual term for an addressee, it represents a degree of intimacy greater than TLN but less than FN (Brown & Ford, 1961). The third address form is multiple names (MN). A speaker may use more than one form of the proper name for the same addressee, sometimes using TLN, sometimes FN or LN or a nickname, and sometimes creating variants of either FN or the nickname. The results showed that speakers addressed their close friends by MN, which represented a greater degree of intimacy 6.

(16) than the FN. In general, the semantic meaning of the address form is the description of the relationship between speakers and addressees. For instance, the use of titles expressed the greatest distance between speakers and addressees while the use of FN or MN showed intimacy and close relationships between them. Tannen (2005) also indicated how conversation reveals power and solidarity between participants. She provided a grid (shown in figure 1) that presents the power and solidarity in the four women’s conversation. Here, four dimensions including the hierarchy and equality and closeness and distance were revealed. It’s observed that an office manager who is the highest-ranking participant has the privilege to invite other participants or shift the discussion into another one while the invitee and her subordinates of lower rank show respect and initiate a discussion with her. This realizes the power differences between the manager and her subordinate and the invitee in a conversation. However, the manager’s compliment to the invitee’s dress also makes the connections to other participants and reinforces solidarity among her subordinates and the invitee.. Figure 1. Power and solidarity grid (Tannen, 2005). 7.

(17) Factors influencing forms of address According to Brown and Gilman (1960), the use of second personal pronouns which express power and solidarity is determined by considering sociocultural factors such as age, gender, and context difference. Based on their research, “T/V system” depicts that formal pronoun (e.g., Latin tu) and informal pronoun (e.g., Latin vous) express power and solidarity, respectively. Formal pronouns appear to show the asymmetry of power relationship and are usually used in formal context while informal pronouns show the symmetry of power relations and are usually used in informal context (Brown and Gilman, 1960). The following sections discuss the factors (e.g., age, gender, and contexts) that influence the selection of address forms and the function of formal and informal address forms are presented. Age Within the family, age is a crucial factor determining the use of address forms. Dickey (1997) indicated that someone who is younger than the speaker is always addressed by first name, nicknames, or a term of endearment. Also, people address family members of the same generation with the same address forms as mentioned for younger generations. When addressing elders or family members of the ascending generations, kinship terms are used. However, the addressing pattern seems inapplicable to the family in which parents are divorced. Children may use kinship terms to address their biological parents and first names to address their step-parents (Dicky, 1997). Thus, the use of address forms within the family unit is dependent on age difference, and the function of using kinship terms is to express solidarity among family members. In Chinese, age also plays an important role in the choice of address forms. Unlike English, Chinese has kinship terms to address both family members and close friends and 8.

(18) colleagues. The polite address form, the [Old + Last name] form is used to address friends or colleagues who are middle-aged (Qin, 2008). For instance, a person may address his 50-year-old male friend as 老王 (Lao-Wang, lit. Old-Wang.) to show his respect to him. Young people usually address each other with first names (Qin, 2008). In addition, in the non-reciprocal patterns (e.g., the address forms used between employers and employees), the younger person addresses the older person with [Old + Last Name] form and the older person would address the younger one with first name (Qin, 2008). Therefore, seniority and age are major factors in the Chinese address system while age has limited effect on American address system. Gender In addition to age, the gender of the speaker and addressee is also a factor that determines the choice of address forms. Kramer (1975) indicated that men have more freedom to use address forms for women and men while women are restricted in the use of address forms. He investigated the percentage of address form usage by men and women in dialogues of English novels. For instance, in the short story “Robinson Crusoe Liebowitz” by Leonard Michaels, the central character, a twenty-four-year-old Jewish woman, gives no address forms. But, she was referred to as ‘Joyce’ by her ex-boyfriend; ‘Joycie’ and ‘Joyce’ by her fiancé, and ‘Collich’ by her boss. Furthermore, when addressing, Marco, a cab driver, men address him with his name, like “Thanks, Marco.” while women may say “Thanks.” In comparison to address forms for addressees of either the same genders or the opposite genders in fictional works, men also have more varieties of address forms than women. In the case of addressing people of the opposite gender, it’s observed that women address men with either first name or a formal address term (e.g., Gentlemen, Dr. Powers) while men address 9.

(19) women with personal names, titles or terms of endearment such as Miss, Dear, Woman, Madam and so on (Kramer, 1975). Regarding to the preference for address forms by men and women, there is also a significant difference between them in terms of age. It’s reported that young females avoid using any address forms when addressing clerks and old females use Miss for female clerk of all ages and sir for male clerk (Kramer, 1975). Nevertheless, older males reported that they asked for help without using any address forms. The result shows that women and young men, with low social status, are more concerned about the correct use of address forms. In summary, the asymmetry of using addressing forms reflects the different social ranks of men and women in the United States. Rubin (1980) examined students’ use of address forms to professors reflects sex role stereotypes. In terms of preference of address forms by male and female students in both public and private contexts, different genders reveal significant difference. Male students prefer to use two types of address forms including titles (e.g., Mr., Ms., Miss, Mrs.) and last names and titles (e.g., Dr.) or just last names while female students prefer to use the professor title and last names. Although the use of address forms doesn’t reflect the degree of acquaintance that students of different genders have to their professors, it’s still observed that first names rather than titles with last names are used more often by students to express their acquaintance with professors (Robin, 1980). Moreover, in comparing the address terms used for professor of different age, it’s noticed that young female professors (ages from 26 to 33) are addressed with first names in private contexts and young and old male professors are addressed with title and last name. The symmetrical use of address forms is found for young female professors rather than males. This result may be associated with traits of male and female professors. The traits of female professors are open-minded, accessible, adaptable, 10.

(20) and a good listener while male professors are considered to be less open with their students (Robin, 1980). Therefore, address forms for male and female professors may reflect student’s perception of the sex role stereotypes to their professors. Contexts In either formal or informal situation, people choose appropriate address forms to show respect or intimacy to the addressee. For instance, it’s considered to be rude if one addresses her friend with a nickname in a formal situation. Therefore, in addition to social distance between speakers and addressee, context is also an important factor in the choice of address form. Solé (1978) indicated that the selection of Spanish pronouns (e.g., tú and usted) also depends on the context of the speech event. For example, in formal contexts, the reciprocal use of formal pronoun, usted, is required because of the emphasis on the transaction of the impersonal nature (Solé, 1978). Regardless of the personal relationship between interlocutors, Spanish may use the pronoun usted in formal contexts such as court sessions, large business meetings, congress debates, class and oral examinations at the high school and college level. Also, in Christian sacraments, the pronoun tú is evident when people refer to the fatherly or motherly aspect of the saints in prayers and songs while the pronoun usted is seen when people refer to the lordly aspect of the saints. On the other hand, in silent prayers, inner dialogue, and artistic expressions, the use of pronoun tú is quite frequent because the contexts are subjective and intimate (Solé, 1978). The social conventions are not applied to the speech where the ego and the object are evoked. In addition, the use of pronoun tú and usted can be varied in advertisements and proverbs. In political slogans, the pronoun tú is generally used because they tend to be normative and are spoken in a paternalistic tone. However, in commercial advertisements, the pronoun usted is more common in the purpose of the 11.

(21) exchange of source and addressee (Solé, 1978). To sum, the Spanish pronoun tú is used when the object or ego is more concerned in the conversation and the pronoun usted is used when personal relationship between interlocutors is not the main concern in the speech. Moreover, Kretzenbacher, Clyne, and Schüpbach (2006) also showed that the selection of pronouns (e.g., sie and du) is dependent on the situational context in German. They indicated three types of usage including the reciprocal use of informal pronouns (du), the reciprocal use of formal pronoun (sie), and the non-reciprocal use of two pronouns. In German, the conception of the social distance is a crucial factor that determines the choice of formal and informal pronouns. The reciprocal use of informal pronoun du is common between parents and children and close friends. Parents are addressed with the pronoun du and they also address their children with the same pronoun. However, when addressing peripheral family members such as the parents of the spouse or brother- / sister- in- law, the non-reciprocal use may be applied because of the length of the relationship (Kretzenbacher, Clyne, and Schüpbach, 2006). Thus, the reciprocal use of informal pronoun du is seen in the situation where speakers realize the close social relationship between them and addressees. On the other hand, the reciprocal use of formal pronoun sie is seen in the interaction with strangers and authorities or people with hierarchical relationships. The pronoun sie is generally used in formal contexts. Nevertheless, the degree of familiarity with the environment may cause the variation of using formal and informal pronouns. For instance, a person may use either du or sie to address an assistant of a shop which he/ she goes regularly. In the case of the non-reciprocal use of two pronouns, it appears in the context where potential embarrassment is likely to occur or the coincidental appearance of both intimate partner and people with different hierarchy in a group (Kretzenbacher, Clyne, and Schüpbach, 12.

(22) 2006). For instance, the reciprocal use of informal pronoun du in the workplace is seen among colleagues while the reciprocal use of formal pronoun sie is seen to the clients. Also, the non-reciprocal pronoun is more common in the network practice instead of individual relationship. In summary, the use of two German pronouns du and sie is associated with the context in which the speaker realizes the social distance between his or her interlocutors. The informal pronoun du reflects speaker’s perception of his greater social distance than the addressee, and the formal pronoun sie reflects speaker’s perception of his lower social distance than the addressee. 1.2.2 Names Semantic aspect The field of anthroponymy also involves the semantic meaning (or lack thereof) of personal names. As Nuessel (1992) defined it, a name is (at least) a noun phrase that has denotative meaning but no connotative meaning. Kripke (1972) proposed the descriptive theory of names in which a name is selected from a description. In other words, any object that can be described or referred to can be used as a name (Kripke, 2001). The application of description theory is usually seen in the case of baptism as shown in the following example: Example (1): Let the thirteenth star in the sky be called “Alpha Tauri” (Kripke, 2001: 171) Since the reference of names might be a description, people use names which have reference as the chain between interlocutors within the communication. By passing along names, people can acquire the information of a person, e.g., who the person is, what he/she did, and the personality traits of the person, etc. In general, names refer to the definite noun phrase.. 13.

(23) However, it is still apparent that the reference of names could vary in different situations since it might change between interlocutors in the community or across generations. For some people, names are labels without semantic meanings. McWeeny et al. (1987) and Cohen (1990) claimed that personal names are meaningless. For instance, the name John carries no information about its bearer’s gender, or age; consequently, it is difficult for people to form an image of that person and remember his or her name. For others (cf. Brennen, 2000), however, names are meaningful and can play a guiding role in their behavior. Although a person named Matthew might not think too much of his name, another person named Matthew could be strongly attached to the name, perhaps for religious reasons (Brennen, 2000). Lawson and Roeder (1986) compared the semantic differences of three types of women’s names including full first names (FFNs), short names (ShortNs), and affectionate names (AFFNs). For example, Susan and Barbara are representatives of FFNs; Sue, and Barb are ShortNs; and Susie, and Barbie are AFFNs. Men and women’s different conceptualizations of women’s names with various forms reveal diverse semantic meanings encoded in names. Women preferred ShortNs the most but disliked AFFN forms, while men’s reaction to the three forms indicate that the most preferred is the AFFN form (Lawson and Roeder, 1986). Thus, different preferences for names exist between men and women. From a woman’s perspectives, AFFN forms are usually associated with immature and dependent images; however, men do not feel threatened by AFFN forms (Lawson and Roeder, 1986). The image of AFFN forms results in people’s bad reactions to them. In addition, the response to names might be biased because of exposure to television since people’s perceptions to names are often influenced by TV program characters. For example, the name 14.

(24) of a female character, Ann, is more preferred by women than men since it represents a feminist slant in a TV program, One Day at a Time. In summary, the perception of names can be different between the two sexes and names are related to specific images which are derived from the characteristics of a person. Peterson (1989) also discussed the semantic features of names by commenting on Bengt Pamp’s and Vibeke Dalberg’s arguments about the difference between appellatives and proper names. In Pamp’s view, proper names in conversation have semantic features. A proper name is seen as a mono-referential noun phrase or phrase which is used to designate a referent in communication. People acquire the meaning of a word when they talk about it. Contrary to Pamp’s viewpoint, Dalberg stated that proper names have associative meanings but not conceptual meanings. In other words, proper names have meanings when speakers interpret their meanings and the semantic features of proper names are revealed through speakers’ pragmatic knowledge in the conversation. Therefore, based on Dalgberg’s assumption, Peterson (1989) indicated that the semantic features of the same referent might change in different noun phrases, for instance, “the man I saw you with yesterday” and “the man with the green hat” refer to different semantic meanings. Phonological aspect Although there are limited studies in the connection between the phonological information and names, Klerk and Bosch (1997) indicated a relationship between different consonantal preferences and the symbols they carry in men’s and women’s nicknames. The higher frequency of the occurrence of the vowel /i/ in female nicknames than male nicknames entails that the vowel /i/ is associated with the concepts such as small, sharp, and bright (Cutler et al., 1994). This phenomenon is also reflected in the choice of female names which 15.

(25) contain the stressed vowel [i:] such as Lisa and Tina. Female nicknames that connote friendliness are short forms. Male nicknames, on the other hand, are usually considered to be slightly derogatory such as G-man and Gruntal (Klerk & Bosch, 1997). In addition, the favored consonants in male and female names also result in different images of names in both sexes. For instance, the voiced plosives, such as /b/, /d/, and /g/, which sound harder, louder, and more energetic, are more likely to be used in male names (Klerk & Bosch, 1997). Whissell (2001) indicated that different emotional information is encoded in the distribution of phonemes in the names of sexes. Regarding the beginning and ending phonemes of names of the two sexes, most women’s names ended in schwa or /i/ (e.g., Susie), while men’s names ended in /ɚ/ (e.g., Peter) followed by /o/ (Whissell, 2001). Specifically, men’s names are more likely to end in consonants, especially obstruents, rather than in vowels. The phoneme /i/, classified as a soft and pleasant sound, creates the image of female names as softer and more pleasant while obstruents, classified as active and unpleasant, creates the image of male names as more active and unpleasant (Whissell, 2001). In addition, the initial phonemes /j̆ /, /r/, and /d/ in male names create the image of activeness and cheerfulness and the beginning phonemes /m/, /k/, and /j̆ / in women’s names create the image of passiveness and softness (Whissell, 2001). Thus, the phonological information of names can be used to predict gender and the distribution of phonemes in names is not random. Barry and Harper (2003) also proposed that the final letter of a name could identify a person’s gender. They indicated letters used in names were associated with male and female attributes, by examining popular names in 1950 and 1990. Names in 1950 and also 1990 ended in sonorants (e.g., l, m, n, or r) since male names were popular in these two years (Barry and Harper, 2003). Male names ending with sonorant consonants were John, William, 16.

(26) Samuel, and Walter. However, in terms of names in 1950 only and 1990 only, it was observed that the percentage of final letter e associated with feminine attributes increased (Barry and Harper, 2003). Female names ending with e phonemes include Jane, Alice, Anne, and Rose. Therefore, the use of letters reflected different attributes in names used by different sexes. Sociolinguistic aspect Skipper (1986) discussed that the use of nicknames was related to the nature of work and helped to build solidarity between people. There are several types of nicknames that describe an individual’s personality, physical appearance, behavior, or even the life of an individual (Skipper, 1986). In addition to serving as a representation of an individual, nicknames have social meanings which represent intimacy within a group and even have an impact on a person’s behavior. Since coal mining involves cooperation and team work, coal miners need to maintain a high level of solidarity to make work successful. The use of nicknames helps coal miners to develop solidarity. Although some of nicknames contained either negative or sexual connotations, most coal miners accepted their nicknames since they felt that it made them a member of the group. In other words, the negative implications of nicknames lose its meanings and nicknames become a symbol of acceptance and group membership (Skipper, 1986). Furthermore, all female workers accepted their nicknames because they were the minority within an all-male occupational work environment, and nicknaming helped them become acculturated and induced solidarity. Laurie and David (2007) showed that women’s choice of last name after marriage is associated with women’s age, age at marriage, community size and education level. Women who choose to keep their birth surnames are those who married later and have higher levels 17.

(27) of education (Laurie and David, 2007). They kept their professional careers and kept their birth surnames or by using hyphen. The two different choices reflect that women’s selection of last name at the time of marriage is related to social expectations and traditions. Moreover, the selection of last name for women also reveal the norms, values, and social changes they experienced within the society where they lived (Laurie and David, 2017). For instance, married couples were required to have the same last name in Japan while most of women kept their birth surnames when they married in Spain. In many countries, the use of double surnames for women have increased. It’s reported that the use of double names may lead to gender equity. Thus, women’s selection of last names not only influences self-identity but also challenges the patriarchal legacy of the naming norms. Furthermore, Kerns (2011) also proposed that the choice of North American women’s surnames—whether to acquire her spouse’s surnames or retain her birth surname—is associated with women’s ethnicity, age, and feminist self-identification. Women who choose to change their surnames show their commitment to the marriage while those who choose to retain their birth surnames are concerned about maintaining their professional reputation, autonomy, and personal identity. Those who choose not to change their surnames often identify themselves as feminists. Thus, women’s self-identification of being a feminist plays an important role in the choice of women’s surnames. In addition, it is also observed that white women more often than black women choose to change their surnames upon marriage and identify themselves as feminists. Young women do not consider themselves as feminists since they think the choice of names is not the only way to express their identities. In general, Kerns (2011) showed that names helped women shape their identities and challenge social expectations. 18.

(28) On the whole, in addition to serving as an identifier, personal names have other purposes, including expressing the named person’s self-concept and indicating cultural inclusion. Personal names also carry specific meanings such as the name bearers’ personality or characteristics and cultural backgrounds. The examples provided are contrary to the proposal that personal names as identity markers lack meaning. Extension to cross-cultural studies So far, the concepts in the classic literature focused mainly on English and European examples but names can reflect different cultural backgrounds and naming practices. It’s important to also look at how other cultures encode meaning in names. For instance, names can also be used to commemorate either people or objects. Among Native Americans and some African communities, child’s name is the commemoration of things that mother see upon giving birth or birth dates (Seeman, 1983). For example, Tallulah refers to running water and Kwaku means Wednesday. Africans, especially Yoruba, names which indicate significant events of the family represent positive values to the name bearer and names are the sketch of ones’ lives to North American Indians. In Chinese, given names encode the information about genealogy. For example, the second Chinese given name is the one used among the same generation of the family. Therefore, names are meaningful with both denotative and connotative meanings to people in different cultures. The meaning of personal names varies from person to person. Also, the use of forms of address can differ from culture to culture. For instance, a quantitative difference in customs characterizes the use of the curtesy names in Chinese culture and the use of first names in western culture, especially in the currently dominant American usage (Chao, 1956). Furthermore, in the comparison of the use of address forms in 19.

(29) America and South Africa, there is also a significant difference since South Africans prefer to use title with first name (TFN) and title with last name (TLN) to show familiarity while English prefer to use nicknames or first names (Akindele, 2013). More literature reviews about forms of address and names across cultures will be presented in Chapter 2. 1.3 Goals and contribution of the study Under the premise that form of address and personal names are important elements in our daily conversations, this thesis seeks to contribute to the interdisciplinary field of language and human studies by investigating address forms used by the aboriginal people and the naming systems. In particular, the three groups of interest are Bunun, Amis, and Seediq. As in-depth studies of personal names and address forms have not been pursued before, the findings of this study can enrich our understanding of the aboriginal language as well as the Taiwan aboriginal culture. By comparing the groups, the study also highlights the unique differences between the groups. The examination of address forms of aboriginal groups lends insights into the social system of the aboriginal and their cultural backgrounds. It reveals how factors such as age, gender, and occupation affect their use. In addition, personal names and naming practices of Taiwan aboriginal tribe vary from group to group. Towards this end, the investigator seeks to find whether aboriginal personal names have meaning and if so, how that might reflect on the culture. In general, the study on aboriginal form of address and personal names will reveals how they connect individuals to their cultures and communities. 1.4 An overview of three aboriginal groups This section provides an overview of the three aboriginal groups of interest in this study. Amis, Bunun, and Seediq are three of 16 Austronesian languages spoken in Taiwan (Formosa). 20.

(30) today. Briefly, the following provides some background information (e.g., geographical, demographical and social) about the three groups. Traditionally, Bunun lived in the mountainous interior of Taiwan and small family groups roamed the Central Mountain Range (De Busser, 2009). In the 17th century, Bunun was regarded as a “Goshan Tribe” living in high mountains and was called “the guard of Mt. Yushan” since people treated it as a holy mountain. Unlike Bunun tribes, Amis tribe is mainly situated on the plains instead of mountains. They were originally called Pangcah ‘humans’ before they were called Amis (“Northern people”) by Puyuma (台灣原住民族資訊資源網, 2015). Until now, most of Amis refer themselves as Pangcah, and only Farangaw Amis (馬蘭阿美族) use the name, Amis (台灣原住民族資訊資源網, 2015). Finally, Seediq became the 14th Taiwanese aboriginal groups in 2008. The Seediq people originated from Truwan (德鹿灣), in Nantou county (原住民族委員會, 2010) and one of their unique cultural feature is their face tattoo; they believe that their spirits can become immortal with tattoos. One of the three aboriginal groups, the Amis is the biggest in terms of demographics (based on the data collected on March, 2017) while that of Seediq is the smallest. The estimated populations of the three aboriginal groups are as follows: Amis, 177000; Bunun, 50000; Seedqi, 10000 people (台灣原住民族資訊資源網, 2015). Geographically, the Bunun people—divided into six subgroups based on their surnames—are scattered throughout Kaohsiung, Nantou, Hualien to Taitung. Most of them live in the areas of Central Mountain Range, in particular in Nantou county. The Amis is distributed in the east of the Central Mountain Range, areas including Hualien and Taitung counties. Most of Amis live in the East coast plains and only few live in the mountains. In 21.

(31) addition, Amis can be divided into three subgroups such as North, Central, and South Amis (原住民族委員會, 2010). Some Amis groups even scattered to Pingtung County such as Manzhou (滿洲), and Mudan (“牡丹”) townships. Finally, originating from Nantou county, the Seediq live in the Central and East Taiwan. Seediq is divided into East and West Seediq by the Central Mountain Range. The distribution of East Seediq is in the areas of Hualien mountains while West Seediq is distributed at Nantou county. The geographic information of three aboriginal groups is shown in Figure 2 (中華民國原住民知識經濟發展協會, 2016). Figure 2. Geographic distribution of Taiwanese 16 aboriginal groups. The social hierarchy and religious practices of three aboriginal groups also play an important role. There are six clans in Bunun groups, and each clan is based on the patrilineal family. Thus, the most elderly man is the leader of the family and the male elderly dominates the whole tribe. In Bunun, there might be three male elderlies who take charge of the ceremony. 22.

(32) and tribal governance. The Bunun believe that all creatures, whether alive or not, are spiritual beings, and they have different ceremonies to celebrate their god. In contrast to Bunun, Amis is famous for their matrilineal society and harvest festival. Woman is the leader of each family and men have to live in their wives’ houses after marriage. However, Amis men still engages in hunting and politics, while women mainly take charge of housework and farming (原住民族資訊資源網, 2015). Similar to Bunun, the Amis also believe in the spirits of all creatures and value their names which presents the spirits of name bearers. As for Seediq, four groups based on their different functions are noted. The first group is composed of people with kinship relationship, the second holds the ceremony, the third deals with crime and safety, and the fourth is in charge of hunting. In particular, people in the first group will choose one man as their leader as needed. To reiterate, one of unique features of Seediq culture is facial tattoos. The Seediq think they can be recognized by their ancestors with tattoos when they die. 1.5 Research questions and the organization of the thesis The three Taiwan aboriginal groups in consideration all have a rich culture and language that are valuable for us to learn and to preserve. The study aims to contribute to aboriginal language research by investigating and comparing their forms of address and naming systems. Specifically, the study furthers our understanding of the relationship between the use of address forms and naming practices and their cultural backgrounds. In summary, this study seeks to answer the four research questions: i.. What kinds of forms of address are used to refer to reciprocal and nonreciprocal relationships among the aboriginals of the three groups?. ii.. Do factors such as gender, age, social status, and occupation play important roles in 23.

(33) the use of aboriginal forms of address? iii.. In terms of address forms, what variations can be observed within the groups?. iv.. What kinds of meanings (e.g., nature, personality, gender), if any, do aboriginal personal names encode? Relevantly how they reflect the name bearer’s cultural backgrounds? The thesis is organized as below. Chapter 1 introduces the theoretical background of the. topic including some relevant issues related to address forms and names. The research goals as well as an overview of the three aboriginal groups are presented. Chapter 2 highlights some relevant literature concerning the study of address forms and personal names across cultures. Chapter 3 describes the methodology used in this thesis. Chapter 4 provides the findings and a comparative analysis of aboriginal forms of address and the naming systems of the three groups. Finally, in Chapter 5, concluding remarks concerning the issues and suggestions for future research will be discussed.. 24.

(34) Chapter Two: Literature Review This chapter reviews some works that illustrate the diverse ways that forms of address are manifested, in particular as used in non-English-speaking societies and cultures. Section 2.1 presents empirical studies of address forms in various discourse contexts. Section 2.2 presents studies of naming practices and the sociocultural meanings behind some of the names. Finally, in Section 2.3, a brief summary of this chapter is provided. 2.1 On forms of address across cultures 2.1.1 Oyetade (1995) Oyetade (1995) indicated different functions of Yoruba address forms in the conversation. In Yoruba society, names are often used as address forms including kinship terms, titles, personal names, and surnames. In the non-reciprocal patterns, title and surname are common address forms. For example, a young subordinate may address his boss with title and surname (TSN), and they get either first name or surname alone in return. Also, the king of Yoruba is addressed as bàbá ‘Father’ or kábíyèsí ‘King’ by the chief, who is inferior to the king, and the king addresses the chief with a title alone, without showing any respect. In the family, children address their parents with kinship terms and receive personal names. However, it’s notable that age, which is more important than rank, change this norm. For instance, an older subordinate would address his young boss with TSN and the boss returns the same address form; moreover, the chief addresses an elderly man with courtesy by using kinship terms such as bàbá ‘Father’. On the other hand, in reciprocal patterns, personal names which express solidarity and intimacy are used often. Personal names are used reciprocally among friends, close associates, and members of the same peer (or age) group (Oyetade, 1995). In the workplace, the reciprocal exchange of TSN is used between colleagues at the 25.

(35) initial stage. Then, the use of mutual exchange of personal name (PN) is used after they are familiar with each other (Oyetade, 1995). Within the family, siblings address each other with personal name directly and so do other children. There is a special type of address form, called Tekonym, was used between couples. Teknonym is described as a special category of names characterized by the combination of father or mother’s name plus the personal name of a child, usually the first-born (F/M +PN = TKM). For instance, the husband addresses his wife as ìyá X ‘mother of X’, and his wife will do so, in turn. Salami (2004) indicated that Teknonym is typically used in informal contexts by spouses who preferred it to first name (FN) as an address term if they have children. Married couples prefer addressing each other with Teknonym rather than FN. Therefore, in Yoruba, address forms are complex semantic systems that deal with the social relationship between interlocutors. 2.1.2 Keshavarz (2001) Keshavarz (2001) indicated two variables including social distance and the degree of formality of social context result in varied usage of forms of address. In Persian, two personal pronouns /to/ and /s̆oma/, which are used to refer to a single person, indicates different social distance. The pronoun /to/ in Persian indicates intimacy; whereas, /s̆oma/ shows distance. In his study, he investigated the use of /to/ and /s̆oma/ in informal and formal contexts. In informal familiar contexts, age and social distance are important factors that determines the use of /to/ and /s̆oma/. When addressing family members like grandfather, grandmother, father, and mother, /s̆oma/ is used more often than /to/ whereas the pronoun /to/ is used more often between spouses (Keshavarz, 2001). In formal contexts, the frequency of using /s̆oma/ increases even in the case of addressing younger brothers and sisters and children under 12. Here, gender instead of age is a crucial factor in the use of address forms in formal contexts. 26.

(36) When addressing people of the opposite sex, people tend to be politer and more deferential because of the social distance. 2.1.3 Kim-Renaud (2001) In some East Asian languages, honorific markers are commonly found. An honorific is a grammatical form that shows respect or social deference. In Korean, for example, different grammatical honorific forms are used based on age, parentage, social status, and sex (Kim-Renaud, 2001). In particular, honorific marking is revealed in nouns. For instance, the suffix nim, which literally means “honorable person”, is attached to the noun to represent the referent of the noun is socially superior to the interlocutor (Kim and Sells, 2007). The noun Uysa-nim ‘doctor-Hon’ is used to refer to the higher social status of doctors. Also, the suffix nim can be attached to the kinship term when the referent is socially superior to the speaker. For example, the kinship terms such as son and daughter are attached with the suffix nim as atu-nim ‘son- Hon’ and tta-nim ‘daughter- Hon’. Even if the addressee is younger than the speaker, the honorific suffix nim can still be used. In western address systems, a title like “President” or “Dr.”, which represents a person’s occupational position or an academic achievement can serve as an honorific suffix (Kim- Renaud, 2001). Different titles are used based on the addressee’s age and gender. For example, a young Korean male is addressed with the title kwun ‘Mr.’ and a young female is addressed with the title yang ‘Ms.’ In terms of the address form to refer to an older woman with respectable social position, a title yesa (lit. “a lady scholar or writer”) is used (Kim-Renaud, 2001). On the other hand, the use of kinship terms such as ‘elder sister/ brother’, ‘aunt’, and ‘uncle’ express the intimacy between speakers and the addressee. The expression of these kinship terms shows that the addressee is seen as a family member, who deserves respect, 27.

(37) love, and care (Kim-Renaud, 2001). For example, a sweet elderly lady may feel close to the speaker when addressed as acwnmenim ‘respectable aunt’. In summary, it is a common practice to use references instead of pronouns for people in Korea. In addition to expressing deference, Korean kinship terms show the speaker’s respect and intimacy to a person. 2.1.4 Iragiliati (2006) Different forms of address are needed to communicate effectively within a specific institutional setting. This was shown in Iragiliati (2006), which examined medical discourse between doctors and patients in East Java, Indonesia. Conveying information correctly to patients by using the proper terms of address has a direct influence on the success of the medication itself. He indicated the importance of politeness in relation to the use of terms of address in doctor-patient interaction and emphasized local cultural values in the formulation of the curriculum for the Indonesian Medical Faculty and Nurse Program. Data from Iragiliati (2006) included interactions between the medical students and patients in the follow-up sessions in the wards at the pediatric and obstetric departments. The results of Iragiliati’s study showed that the use of different address forms followed Brown and Levinson’s (1987/2004) politeness strategies and Kartomihardjo’s (1970) use of terms of address seen in the kinship system of Indonesia. In the pediatric department, positive face is achieved through closeness by the use of intimate forms of address such as personalization to acknowledge intimacy (i.e., Javanese version of “Ma’am,” Buk, to a patient’s mother and the Indonesian version of “Dear,” saying, to the patient) or the use of social identity markers to establish solidarity by using the Indonesian version of “Ma’am” (Bu) to an elderly woman or the Javanese version of “Sir” (Pak) to an elderly male (Iragiliati, 2006). Negative face is achieved through impersonal forms of address and by acknowledging a lack of common 28.

(38) status (i.e., the Javanese version of “little brother,” Dimas, and calling names with truncated forms using the last syllable in a name, like “Mad” for “Ahmad”). In the obstetric department, positive face was achieved by acknowledging intimacy in Indonesian (i.e., Bu for “Ma’am”) or the use of social identity markers to establish solidarity through Indonesian kinship system (i.e., the Indonesian version of “Ma’am,” Bu). In summary, different forms of address were used to achieve politeness and soften the interaction in medical discourse. 2.1.5 Burt (2009) Burt (2009) indicated that there is a social semantic connection of names of Hmong-Americans. For Hmong-Americans, they usually name children after household objects or nature (Burt, 2009). The “strength” of names is determined by the meanings of names and parents will re-name the child if the name is not suitable to the child’s personality. Hmong also regard the name as a protector which keep the child away from the spirits and parents would choose to name their children after the household objects. Thus, the social semantic connotation of names has a huge impact on the naming practice of Hmong-Americans. In addition, the choice of maturity names for men and the choice of married name for women also reflects the social semantic connotation of Hmong names. In Hmong community, men obtain the honorary name or the maturity name after the marriage. The maturity name is seen as the representatives of attending both sides of the family and thus it is usually an honorific which has the connotation of honor or maturity to the name bearer (Burt, 2009). For instance, the examples for maturity names are Fwm (“to revere, honor, respect), Tswv (“leader or master”), and Txawj (“educated, skillful, and able”) (Burt, 2009). For Hmong women, they prefer to choose a married name which reflect their birth clan membership for themselves after they marry and choose names which reflect Hmong 29.

(39) affiliation for their children (Burt, 2009). Thus, the change of names represents the change of life status of Hmong people. 2.1.6 Akindele (2013) The various relationship dynamics encoded by address forms can also be seen in Sesotho, a language spoken in South Africa and Lesotho and the speakers of Sesotho are called Basotho. In an analysis of Sesotho forms of address by Akindele (2013), three conclusions were drawn. First, the term TLN for formal occasion or setting was preferred for people conversing with an unfamiliar addressee or for subordinates. The only polite way of enacting social relationships at that level is the use of TLN. The person with the higher occupational status also has the privilege of being addressed by title plus last name (TLN) while addressing the other person by first name (FN). Second, the use of TFN, TLN, and Teknonym are favored outside the workplace in informal situations. As noted by Akindele (2013), address forms are used as a marker of familiarity and as an indicator of deference to the addressee. Third, Bosotho people prefer to use TFN, TLN, and Teknonym for married people with or without children in either face-to-face interactions or when they are being talked about. The reason is that the use of terms shows familiarity to the parties involved, as well as respect for the person addressed. As the informants explained, the use of first name and nickname is foreign to Bosotho culture since they do not reflect one’s social or economic status within the Bosotho cultural continuum, so they tend to be avoided (Akindele, 2013). Furthermore, there is a different use of address forms between Bosotho women and men. Women used TKM and TLN more than men did. Akindele attributes the reason to the fact that women took more pride in being addressed with TKM and TLN since these titles enhance their social status within the society. This also accounted for TKM being used as 30.