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As immigration takes center stage among social and political issues faced by

governments across the globe, it is imperative for scholars and policy makers alike to study how preferences towards immigrants and immigration are shaped. However, research on immigration attitudes has been focused on traditional settler societies in Northern America, Australia and New Zealand, as well as Western Europe. Although at present, Asia has the largest inward and outward migration flows among world regions, not much mainstream attention has been given to it. Specifically, East Asian countries suffer from the demographic problems of low fertility rates, an aging population, and a dwindling labor force, and they are slowly turning to immigration as a slow but future-looking solution – but not without resistance from their publics.

Previous studies have found that cultural threats are indeed more salient in East Asia than economic threats. Thus, in this thesis, we attempted to bridge the gap in literature by focusing on the ideological determinants of support for immigration in Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan.

Using data from the fourth wave of the Asian Barometer Survey, we employ binary logistic regression and ordered logistic regression to find the relationship between the said outcome variable and key explanatory variables: defensive nationalism, social traditionalism, and social trust.

Through graphical and empirical analyses, we find that defensive nationalism and social traditionalism have a strong, negative relationship with support for immigration, while social trust has a weak, positive relationship with support for immigration. The results confirm the hypotheses in this study, that as people become more nationalistic and conventional, they will support immigration less; and as they trust other people more, they will also support immigration more. These findings might be important starting points for policymakers and immigration advocates in East Asia, as they continue to study which solutions might be more effective in reducing xenophobia, prejudice and racial discrimination in their societies.

Among the three countries included in this study, the explanatory variables seem to have the strongest relationship with support for immigration among Japanese respondents. This is a crucial point in light of the recent developments in the immigration context of Japan, where for the first time, a law inviting and allowing low-skilled foreign laborers to legally work in the country has been passed just last April 2019. Despite decades of calling for this kind of

legislation, many still criticized the move by Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s government due to its hasty nature and not being comprehensive enough to address issues of social inclusion.

In Korea, results suggest that social traditionalism has the strongest relationship with support for immigration between explanatory variables. It would be interesting to probe why defensive nationalism and social trust is not significant in Korea, and how it might be connected with the unceasing rift between the north and the south. Another question related to this, is why is social trust low in Korea in general?

Among countries, the hypotheses seem to fit Taiwan the least, although defensive nationalism has weak significance. It is highly possible that this has something to do with its unstable and possibly volatile relationship with China, whose citizens have been the subject of discrimination as neither ‘Taiwanese’ nor ‘foreigners’. Thus, instead of adherence to tradition or lack of trust in others, it might be their concern for defending their way of life that drives their reactions to immigrants and immigration.

Research Limitations. Limitations of this study include the use of cross-sectional data, which in this case, is inevitable when dealing with the ABS4 because immigration as an issue was only recently introduced among survey items. Previous research had advocated for the use of panel data to account for possible trends over time (eg. Ceobanu & Escandell, 2010;

Hainmueller & Hopkins, 2014). Another limitation related to the cause of the first is the

aggregation of immigrants into one category, instead of dividing it into two based on skill (high and low) or racial/regional groupings, something that Ford (2011) labels as a “serious

methodological shortcoming” (p. 1017).

Recommendations. Thus, it is highly recommended that future studies be able to circumvent these limitations by using additional international datasets and surveys (eg. World Values Survey), as well as national surveys from East Asian countries (eg. Japanese General Social Survey, Korean General Social Survey, Taiwan Social Change Survey, etc.) to see patterns over time. We also recommend testing the explanatory variables used in this thesis for all Asian countries to see how the results compare and contrast across different regions.

Compared to experimental studies or randomized controlled trials, causal inference is difficult to arrive at with most survey and observational data. Consequently, this study does not propose to claim causality, but merely point out relationships between political attitudes, social trust and support for immigration.

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