CHAPTER 5 CONCLUSION
5.3 Further Issues
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they are inactive in the grammar of Bangkok Hakka. The reason is clear: they are simple and it is not possible to describe the tone sandhi phenomena in the language.
5.2 Final Remarks
Despite Meixian and Bangkok Hakka tone alternations are all about assimilation and dissimilation, they present a highly marked grammar of tonal alternations. These complexities make basic OCP and NO-JUMP constraints inadequate to capture the phenomena, and this thesis presents a solution by positing some markedness constraints and conjoined constraints. It is also assumed that certain tones have prominent status that they do not change their value. The prominence is expressed theoretically into several undominated identity constraints. Finally, the changing from citation tones to sandhi tones of the two dialects does not include the change of prominent internal features. Thus, the shape of the optimal candidate should be governed by several higher ranked
faithfulness constraints.
5.3 Further Issues
This thesis deals specifically with disyllabic tone sandhi of Meixian and Bangkok Hakka. There is possibility of trisyllabic, and syntactic tone sandhi of the dialects.
Therefore, it would be interesting to explore more from the field work, and develop it into another theoretical work. It is also interesting to see and compare the other data of Hakka and other Chinese dialects from the perspective of this constraint based model, Optimality Theory.
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