CHAPTER 4 OT ANALYSIS OF BANGKOK HAKKA
4.3.3 OCP-t(l)& *HD/Lr vs. NOJUMP-t&*HD/Lr
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(22) tsieHH-suMM → tsieHM-suMM ‘borrowing book’
HH-MM Hr-Hr h-l
NOJUMP-t&
*HD/MM
IDENT-T NOJUMP-t *HD/MM
1. HM-MM Hr-Hr h[l-l]
* *
2. HH-MM Hr-Hr [h-l]
*!W L * *
Tableau (22) shows the assimilation of HH tone to HM as it is triggered by the MM tone in the head position. The MM tone itself is inactive as other tonal markedness in this dialect. Nevertheless the conjoining of *MM and assimilation constraint favors candidate 1.
4.3.3 OCP-t(l)& *HD/Lr vs. NOJUMP-t&*HD/Lr
In the generalization provided in the previous section, it is mentioned that low tone dissimilation is preferred to tone melody assimilation. This is proven in mid level tone alternation. A ranking argument where OCP-t(l) & *HD/Lr should rank higher than NOJUMP-t&*HD/Lr is provided in this sub-section.
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(23) OCP-t(l) & *HD/Lr>> [NOJUMP-t&*HD/Lr
MM-LL Hr-Lr [l-l]
OCP-t(l) &
*HD/Lr
NOJUMP -t&*HD/Lr
1. MH-LL Hr-Lr l[h-l]
*
2. MM-LL Hr-Lr [l-l]
*!W L
Tableau (23) shows us how MH-LL is more optimal than the faithful MM-LL which violates OCP-t(l)&*HD/Lr constraint. This ranking shows us the preference of Bangkok Hakka grammar towards low tone melody dissimilation over tone melody assimilation.
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4.3.4 Register Tier Preservation
In every disyllabic tonal alternation in Bangkok Hakka, it is evident that every tone that changes its value keep its original register value as in Meixian Hakka. For example, when it is a high register tone, it always has high register sandhi tone and the same situation also takes place for the low register tone. The stability of the register is expressed into a similar identity constraint as follow
(24) IDENT-reg- Assign one violation mark for every tone’s register value which is not identical from the input.
(25) Preservation of high register value MM-LL
Hr-Lr l-l
IDENT-reg OCP-t(l) & *HD/Lr
1. MH-LL Hr-Lr l[h-l]
2. MM-LL Lr-Lr [h-l]
*W
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(26) Preservation of low register value ML-LL
Lr-Lr hl-l
IDENT-reg OCP-t(l) & *HD/Lr
1. MM-LL Lr-Lr [h-l]
2. MH-LL Hr-Lr l[h-l]
*W
Tableau (25) and (26) present conditions where the tones may be different in Bangkok Hakka due to the markedness constraints but the changes are not allowed in their register tier so sandhi tones in Bangkok Hakka always have similar register from its input tone.
4.3.5 Initial Target Preservation
This thesis follows the assumption that every tone in Chinese dialects has initial target specifications (cf. Yip 2001). The assumption is kept in Bangkok Hakka as shown in the following sandhi tones.
1. Yinping MM → MH, *HM, *HH
2. Qusheng HH → HM , *LL, *MM, *MH
This means that it is obligatory that every tone in Bangkok Hakka preserve their initial target and any changes of it will violate a faithfulness constraint which is expressed as follows:
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(27) IDENT- IT: Assign one violation for every initial target of tone which is not identical to input.
(28) Preservation of the initial target of Bangkok Hakka tone.
MM-LL Hr-Lr l-l
IDENT-IT
1. MH-LL Hr-Lr l[h-l]
2. HH-LL Hr-Lr [h-l]
*!W
Tableau (28) shows the ranking argument for two candidates that undergo
changes. The tone’s initial target of candidate 2 in the tableau alternates from M to H so it violates the undominated IDENT-IT. Candidate 1 wins as the initial target remain the same input-output.
4.3.6 Tone Duration Preservation
Due to the syllable’s property which determine the length of tone to which it is
attached to the syllable, tone alternations in Bangkok Hakka are prevented from changes in their duration value. In this analysis, the identity which tones should attach to what
syllable is protected by two constraints (Zhang 1998
)
which both are highly ranked toprevent the mismatching tone length. However, the mismatching of the tonal duration in this dialect is prevented by a faithfulness constraint.
(29) IDENT-TD- assign one violation mark for every tone which changes its duration.
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(30) Preservation of tone duration
HH-H koŋ tshap Hr-Hr
h-h
IDENT-TD OCP-T(H)
&*HD/ST
1. HM- H Hr-Hr [hl-l]
2. M- H Hr-Hr [l-h]
Tableau (30) presents two candidate sets which do not violate markedness constraint. Candidate two changes its tonal duration and thus it violates tone duration constraint so it is ruled out. Candidate 1 obeys both faithful duration and surface as an optimal output.
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4.4 Constraint Ranking and Overall Summary of Tonal Pairs
In this chapter, the interaction faithfulness and markedness constraints for
analyzing the Bangkok Hakka tone sandhi is shown. The faithfulness constraints preserve the elements of the tone while the markedness constraint chooses certain sandhi form.
Following, we can find the Hasse diagram to express the relation among constraints as the reflection of Bangkok Hakka’s grammar of disyllabic tonal alternations.
(31) Hasse Diagram of Bangkok Hakka Tone sandhi
Table (31) provides an overall test for the constraint hierarchy. The test let us see how the constraints work with kinds of tone candidates available in tonal inventories of Bangkok Hakka.
IDENT-T-HD
IDENT-T-Lr, H IDENT-reg IDENT- IT IDENT-TD
OCP-t(l)&*HD/Lr NOJUMP-t &*HD/MM OCP-c(h) &*HD/ST
NOJUMP-t &*HD/Lr
IDENT-T
OCP-t-(l) NOJUMP-t *HD/Lr *HD/ST *HD/MM
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(32) Winning and losing candidates in Bangkok Hakka tone sandhi
Input
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OCP-c(h) &*HD/ST
3 *MM-H
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4.5 Conclusion
In this chapter, OT analysis on the tonal alternations of Bangkok Hakka is presented. Similar to its Meixian counterpart, Bangkok Hakka tonal alternation are grouped into assimilation and dissimilation. The tonal alternations of Bangkok Hakka take place at tone melody and contour tier of the tone structure. Despite so, the basic OCP and NO-JUMP constraints is not adequate capture the tricky phenomena of the tone sandhi.
Thus, the concept of constraint conjunction is introduced to solve the tone sandhi. The concept conjoins the basic constraints (OCP and NO-JUMP) with several kinds of triggers in the head position. The combination with triggers like (OCP-t(l) & *HD/Lr , NOJUMP-t
& *HD/MM, and OCP-c(h) &*HD/ST) present a motivation for the certain tone to change its value. These constraints dominate general IDENT-T. OCP-t, NO-JUMP-t, *HD/Lr,
*HD/ST and *HD/MM are inactive in the grammar of this dialect.
In the overall grammar, there are several undominated identity constraints that dominate the tone sandhi constraints to show how certain tones and sandhi tones in Bangkok Hakka preserve their value and features. The faithfulness constraints are listed as follows: First, IDENT-T-Lr (LL, ML and ML) since it is clear that low register tones do not change their tonal value. Second, IDENT-reg and IDENT-IT since the sandhi tones always have the same register and initial target features as their citation tones. Third, IDENT-TD since tone duration in Bangkok Hakka does not change due to the natural characteristics of syllable where they are attached. In conclusion, this kind of approach proves to be successful in explaining the disyllabic tonal alternations phenomena in the grammar of Bangkok Hakka.
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CONCLUSION
5.1 Summary of the Thesis
This thesis presents an analysis on tone sandhi of Hakka dialects of Meixian and Bangkok using the Optimality Theory. The mechanism of constraint conjunction (CCT) is applied. The CCT promotes a combination of OCP and agreement type constraints with tonal prominence constraints. These constraints are ranked against identity constraints to show the mechanism of the tonal alternations within various dialects. Several identity constraints are also listed and they are ranked as in (1) to produce the grammar of the two dialects. In (1), the constraint ranking of the disyllabic tone sandhi of Meixian Hakka is represented and some information on the tonal alternation is summarized.
(46) Hasse Diagram of Meixian Hakka tone sandhi
IDENT-T-HD IDENT-LL,ML, H IDENT-reg IDENT-IT IDENT-TD
OCP-t(l) & *HD/Lr OCP-T-HM
NOJUMP-t &*HD/Lr
IDENT-T
OCP-t-(l) NOJUMP-t *HD/Lr,
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Several identity constraints that determine the shape of the output of the sandhi are undominated/highly ranked. For example, the register and initial target value of Meixian Hakka Sandhi Tone remain the same as its citation tone. And this requirement is fulfilled by positing IDENT-reg and IDENT- IT. Several tones which do not undergo changes are also protected by undominated single identity constraint on their tone value (IDENT-LL, ML, H). Moreover, IDENT-T-HD (following Lin 2011) gives a prediction that only the left syllable of the domain may undergo changes.
Because the tonal alternations are triggered by assimilatory and dissimilatory forces which require certain tone features in the head position, two conjoined constraints and a single contour tier OCP constraint need to dominate IDENT-T. These constraints are ranked below the identity constraints which define the shape of the output sandhi.
Furthermore, since the the dissimilation of low level tone melody is preferred over assimilation, the dissimilatory constraints which demand the violation of both OCP-t(l) and *HD/Lr are ranked higher than its assimilation counterpart. Since high falling/HM possess unique characteristics which cannot be captured by other constraints, the OCP-T-HM constraint is needed and it does not interact with NOJUMP-t &*HD/Lr. The ranking argument of Bangkok Hakka tone sandhi provided in the Hasse diagram (2).
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(2) Hasse Diagram of Bangkok Hakka tone sandhi
From diagram (2), it is shown that several identity constraints that govern the possible tone/shape of the output of the sandhi rank higher than other constraints. The tonal change in Bangkok Hakka is closely related to its input tone with no changes in their register value, initial target specification, duration etc. Alternations of tone of Bangkok Hakka are triggered by a variety of constraint conjunctions depending on the head position features. Nevertheless, they are still within dissimilatory and assimilatory type tone sandhi. When these markedness constraints are not interacting with each other, they sit comfortably below the shaping identity constraints such as NOJUMP-t &
*HD/MMand OCP-c(h)&*HD/ST. However, since the low tone melody dissimilation is preferred, OCP-t(l) & *HD/Lr always ranks higher than NOJUMP-t &*HD/Lr. Finally, several markedness constraints are ranked below the General IDENT constraints meaning
IDENT-T-HD IDENT-T-Lr, H IDENT-reg IDENT-IT IDENT-TD
OCP-t(l) & *HD/Lr
OCP-c(h) &*HD/ST NOJUMP-t &*HD/MM
NOJUMP-t &*HD/Lr
IDENT-T
OCP-t-(l) NOJUMP-t *HD/Lr, *HD/ST *HD/MM
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they are inactive in the grammar of Bangkok Hakka. The reason is clear: they are simple and it is not possible to describe the tone sandhi phenomena in the language.
5.2 Final Remarks
Despite Meixian and Bangkok Hakka tone alternations are all about assimilation and dissimilation, they present a highly marked grammar of tonal alternations. These complexities make basic OCP and NO-JUMP constraints inadequate to capture the phenomena, and this thesis presents a solution by positing some markedness constraints and conjoined constraints. It is also assumed that certain tones have prominent status that they do not change their value. The prominence is expressed theoretically into several undominated identity constraints. Finally, the changing from citation tones to sandhi tones of the two dialects does not include the change of prominent internal features. Thus, the shape of the optimal candidate should be governed by several higher ranked
faithfulness constraints.
5.3 Further Issues
This thesis deals specifically with disyllabic tone sandhi of Meixian and Bangkok Hakka. There is possibility of trisyllabic, and syntactic tone sandhi of the dialects.
Therefore, it would be interesting to explore more from the field work, and develop it into another theoretical work. It is also interesting to see and compare the other data of Hakka and other Chinese dialects from the perspective of this constraint based model, Optimality Theory.
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