以優選理論分析梅縣與曼谷客語變調 - 政大學術集成

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(1)國立政治大學語言學研究所碩士論文 National Chengchi University Graduate Institute of Linguistics Master Thesis. 指導教授: 蕭宇超. 政治大. Advisor: Yuchau E. Hsiao. 立. ‧. ‧ 國. 學 sit. y. Nat. 以優選理論分析梅縣與曼谷客語變調. io. n. al. er. Meixian and Bangkok Hakka Tone Sandhi: An Optimality Theory Analysis. Ch. engchi. i n U. 研究生: 李平周 Student: Johnny Lee. 中華民國一百零三年七月 July, 2014. v.

(2) MEIXIAN AND BANGKOK HAKKA TONE SANDHI: AN OPTIMALITY THEORY ANALYSIS. By. 立. 政Johnny治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. al. Ch. i n U. Requirements for the Degree of. engchi. Master of Arts. National Chengchi University July, 2014. sit. io. in Partial Fulfillment of the. er. Nat. Graduate Institute of Linguistics. y. A Thesis Submitted to the. v.

(3) 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. Copyright © 2014 Johnny All Rights Reserved. iii. i n U. v.

(4) ACKNOWLEDGEMENT. I would like to express my sincere gratitude to my thesis advisor, Prof. Yuchau E. Hsiao, for his generous assistance and advice. Prof. Hsiao spent a lot of his time guiding me through my research. He spent hours of his time to read my thesis draft, discuss important points with me, and give me constructive comments. Aside from advising me on my thesis, Prof. Hsiao has given me great counseling, and has helped me in more ways than I can described.. 立. 政治大. I am also deeply indebted to Prof. Hui-shan Lin and Prof. Chin-wei Wu who had. ‧ 國. 學. been willing to become the committee members for my thesis. Both Professors have. ‧. patiently reviewed the draft thoroughly, and have provided me with useful ideas for the. sit. y. Nat. development of my thesis. Indeed, it is due to their thoroughness and detailed comments. io. er. on the draft that should help improving the quality of the thesis.. al. n. iv n C h eHer, Institute of Linguistics: Prof. One-Soon i UWan, Prof. Chiung-chih Huang, n gProf. c hI-Ping I would like to extend my gratitude to the entire faculty members of the Graduate. Prof. Rik De Busser, Prof. Kawai Chui, Prof. Hui-chen Chan, Prof. Huei-ling Lai, Prof. Chien-ching Mo, Prof. Claire H. H. Chang, and Prof. Judy H. Y. Yu for introducing me to various areas of linguistics. They have been caring, and have provided me with a priceless array of knowledge. My grateful acknowledgement is also due to the secretary of the Institute, Ms. Hui-Ling Tzeng, who has been providing invaluable support during the duration of my studies.. v.

(5) I would like to express my sincere appreciation to the Theoretical Phonology Laboratory members. They have shared a lot of their experience in undertaking phonology related research. Notably, I am indebted to Wang-cheng Ling, Tzu-chuan Huang, and Henry Chen for the guidance and discussion on Tone Sandhi and Optimality Theory. I am thankful to all my classmates: Liz Wang, Henry Chen, Patricia Hsieh, YiLing Wang, Louis Shih, Jennifer Yang, Tristy Chen, David Chang, Angela Chen, Carlos. 政治大 have been caring and helping 立me to assimilate with the life of the institute and Taiwanese. Kang, Bruce Huang, Lily Yang, Yin-Ru Chen, Scorpio Deng, and Mi-Shan Shu. They. ‧ 國. 學. culture. They created study groups, taught me important Chinese, and brought me to various places in Taiwan. I would say the life in the Institute could not have been so easy. ‧. and happy without them.. y. Nat. sit. I am particularly indebted to Mr. David Prentice and Ms. Zoe Magraw-Mickelson. n. al. er. io. who helped me to proofread the draft of my thesis. Their help and discussion have. i n U. v. enabled me to take the language of the thesis into a different level.. Ch. engchi. My master’s program has been sponsored by the Aceh Government via Elite Study in Taiwan. For all of this support, I would like to express deepest my gratitude to both the Aceh Government and Elite Study in Taiwan. Finally, my parents, my sisters, my aunties, and Vicky Liao deserved special thanks for their continuous encouragement, patience and support.. vi.

(6) Johnny Lee. Curriculum Vitae Personal information Name: Address: Telephone: Email: Date of birth: Place of birth: Nationality:. Johnny Lee (李平周) Taipei, Taiwan(台北市文山區新光路一段 101 號 4 樓) Jl. Twk. M. Daudsyah No. 120 Banda Aceh, Indonesia +886-975675488 Johnny_lie84@yahoo.com 26 October 1984 Banda Aceh, Indonesia Indonesian. Education. 學. 2002-2009. 立. Master of Arts in Linguistics National Chengchi University, Taiwan Bachelor Degree in English Teaching and Education Syiah Kuala University, Indonesia. ‧. ‧ 國. 2010-2014. 政治大. Work experience. y. Nat. sit. io. 4-Way Voice 四方報 Taipei Proof Readers and Columnist • Providing final check on Indonesian translation before publication • Supporting title choosing and editing • Writing articles on 3C stuffs and cultural aspects of Indonesian • Occasional on field interpreter. n. al. er. 2012-2014. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. 12/09 – 7/10. Human Resource Development Committee of Aceh Assistant for Aceh-Taiwan Cooperation • Managing contact with Taiwan universities representatives • Supporting Mandarin administration for Mandarin teaching and learning process. • Taking care of administration matters of scholarship applicants. • Conducting regular meeting with scholarship recipients. 07/09 – 12/09. Sparkassen Bank Interpreter and Assistant for Banking Expert • Interpreting field visit for loan recovery • Bridging the communication between the German bankers with some policy makers of Indonesian Local Banks (BPD Aceh) • Tracking loan outstanding of joint credit provided for local entrepreneurs. 03/09 – 06/09. GTZ Economic Recovery and Microfinance Banda Aceh Technical Assistant for a Senior German Banking Expert • Supporting setting up Joint Training Academy for BPR/S (Micro Finance Institution) vii.

(7) • Supporting designing the curriculum for the BPR/S (Micro Finance Institution) Joint Training Academy • Supporting designing a specific HR management workshop 08/06 – 12/08. ICON INSTITUTE GmbH, Germany (Business Consulting and Coaching) Assistant Consultant for Microfinance Institutions • Supporting designing loan tracking tools for microfinance institutions • Implementation and monitoring the tracking of loans • Supervising in loan recovery of 5 BPR/Ss • Supporting implementing of Cash Flow based lending tools in 5 BPR/Ss. 04/06 – 08/06. Primagama (Student’s Learning Centre) Tutor of English as a Foreign Language • Teaching/Qualifying high school students for the university examination. • Teaching elementary school students in English • Tutoring new trainers “teaching skills” • Designing the content for English learning module. 04/05 – 04/06. CTF (Cammilian Task Force), United States Medical Doctor Translator • Supporting medical doctor in camp visit (mobile clinic program) • Supporting Korean Doctors in the clinic • Putting together Disease Report to Banda Aceh health department • Supporting setting up a temporary clinic in Banda Aceh. 立. ‧ 國. 學. Sigma Yayasan Harapan Bangsa (Student’s Learning Centre) Teacher for English as a Foreign Language • Teaching/Qualifying high school students as the preparation to enter a university. ‧. 01/04 – 12/04. 政治大. io. al. n. 2010-2013. 2012. Aceh Government Full Scholarship for Master’s Program. Ch. engchi. er. sit. y. Nat. Grants and Scholarships. i n U. v. Gradutate Institute of Linguistics Scholarship Paper Presentation Grant. Publications 2011. Lee, Johnny. 2011. Glottalization and Split-Gemination in Indonesian: A Harmonic Serialism Analysis. Paper presented at the Student Workshop on East Asian Linguistics 2011 (SWEAL-2011). Hsinchu, Taiwan: National Tsing Hua University, August 15.. 2012. Lee, Johnny. 2012. Bangkok Hakka Tone Sandhi: Optimal Account. Paper presented at the Student Workshop on East Asian Linguistics 2012 (SWEAL2012). Hsinchu, Taiwan: National Tsing Hua University, August 4.. viii.

(8) TABLE OF CONTENTS. Acknowledgement ..............................................................................................................v Curriculum vitae ............................................................................................................. vii Table of contents .............................................................................................................. ix Chinese abstract ............................................................................................................... xi English abstract .............................................................................................................. xiii. 立. 政治大. CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION......................................................................................1. ‧ 國. 2.1. 學. CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW .........................................................................4 Theoretical Background ...............................................................................4. ‧. 2.1.1 Optimality Theory...............................................................................4. sit. y. Nat. 2.1.2 Correspondence Theory ......................................................................5. io. Tone .............................................................................................................8. al. n. 2.2. er. 2.1.3 Constraint Conjunction .......................................................................6. Ch. i n U. v. 2.2.1 Tonal Markedness ...............................................................................8. engchi. 2.2.2 Internal Structure of Tone ...................................................................9 2.2.3 Syllable types and Tone duration (Zhang 1998) ...............................11 2.3. Chinese Tone Sandhi Typology (Bao 2011) ..............................................11. 2.4. Tone Sandhi and CCT (Lin 2011, Chen 2013) ..........................................12. CHAPTER 3 OT ANALYSIS OF MEIXIAN HAKKA ...............................................13 3.1. Tone Inventory ...........................................................................................13. 3.2. Tone Sandhi Patterns .................................................................................15. 3.3. OT Analysis ...............................................................................................21. ix.

(9) 3.3.1 Obligatory Contour Principle Effect .................................................21 3.3.2 No-Jumping Principle Effect ............................................................28 3.3.3 OCP-t(l)&*HD/Lr vs. NOJUMP-t&*HD/Lr .......................................32 3.3.4 Register Tier Preservation.................................................................34 3.3.5 Initial Target Preservation.................................................................35 3.3.6 Tone Duration Preservation ..............................................................36 3.4. Constraint Ranking and Overall Summary of Tonal Pairs ........................38. 3.5. Conclusion .................................................................................................44. 政治大. CHAPTER 4 OT ANALYSIS OF BANGKOK HAKKA ............................................45. 立. Tone Inventory ...........................................................................................45. 4.2. Tone Sandhi Patterns .................................................................................46. 4.3. OT Analysis ...............................................................................................51. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. 4.1. 4.3.1 Obligatory Contour Principle Effect .................................................51. sit. y. Nat. 4.3.2 No-Jumping Principle Effect ............................................................56. io. er. 4.3.3 OCP-t(l)& *HD/Lr vs. NOJUMP-t&*HD/Lr ...................................58 4.3.4 Register Tier Preservation.................................................................60. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. 4.3.5 Initial Target Preservation.................................................................61. engchi. 4.3.6 Tone Duration Preservation ..............................................................62 4.4. Constraint Ranking and Overall Summary of Tonal Pairs ........................64. 4.5. Conclusion .................................................................................................67. CHAPTER 5 CONCLUSION ........................................................................................68 5.1. Summary of the Thesis ..............................................................................68. 5.2. Final Remarks ............................................................................................71. 5.3. Further Issues .............................................................................................71. REFERENCES .................................................................................................................72. x.

(10) 國. 立. 政. 治. 大. 學. 研. 究. 所. 碩. 士. 論. 文. 提. 要. 研究所別: 語言學研究所論文名稱: 以優選理論分析梅縣與曼谷客語變調指導教授: 蕭宇超研究生: 李平周論文提要內容: (共一冊，11,989字，分五章). 立. 政治大. 在前人的研究中，已透過音韻規則的角度分析梅縣客語 (Meixian Hakka) 和. ‧ 國. 學. 曼谷客語 (Bangkok Hakka)，但仍有部分疑問未獲得合理解釋。諸如：部分聲調不. ‧. 會受變調規則(Tone sandhi)的影響、變調的觸發條件以及本調 (Citation tone) 和變調. sit. y. Nat. 間結構上的關係等。有鑒於此，本研究透過優選理論 (Optimality theory, OT) 重新. io. al. er. 分析梅縣客語和曼谷客語。. v. n. 上述兩個方言有兩種變調的方式 : 同化(assimilation)和異化(dissimilation)。在. Ch. engchi. i n U. 此基礎上，為了更準確的描述變調現象，本研究在分析上主要採用必要性起伏原則 (obligatory contour principle) 和避免起伏原則 (no-jumping principle)，並應用聯合制約 (Constraint Conjunction approach) 的概念。採取此分析方式的理由在於分析對象的變調具有相當有標(marked)且受限於中心詞(head)右端音節的聲調。此外，本研究也採用一部分比聲調結構性制約(tonal markedness constraint)更高排序的信實性制約(faithfulness constraint)。這些制約會導致部分聲調或變調結構不受變調規則影響，例如：調域 (register) 和聲調的起點 (initial target) 將保留原始樣貌。. xi.

(11) 研究結果指出，聲調結構性制約和數個排序最高的聲調信實性制約能更準確地呈現梅縣客語和曼谷客語在變調時，輸入值與輸出值之間的對應關係 (input-output correspondence)。在論文結尾，筆者將綜覽本研究並提出未來可繼續延伸的相關議題。. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. xii. i n U. v.

(12) ABSTRACT. The grammar of Meixian and Bangkok Hakka tone sandhi has been analyzed from a rule based approach. Nevertheless, there are some questions and details that could not be solved by the analysis, such as the status of tones that do not undergo sandhi, triggers of the tone sandhi, and the structural relation between citation tones and their sandhi counterparts. Thus, the purpose of this study is to re-analyze the tone sandhi in Meixian. 治政大two dialects’ tone sandhi: There are two mechanisms of tonal alternations in the 立. and Bangkok Hakka under the constraint based framework, Optimality Theory (OT).. assimilation, and dissimilation. So in order to capture the tonal alternations, the current. ‧ 國. 學. analysis applies the concepts of the Obligatory Contour Principle, and the No-Jumping. ‧. Principle. The constraints generated according to these principles work well with the application of the Constraint Conjunction approach. The conjoined constraints are needed. y. Nat. er. io. sit. since the tone alternations are highly marked, and depend a lot on the head/right syllable tone. Furthermore, this thesis also posits several faithfulness constraints that rank higher. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. than the tone sandhi markedness constraint. The high ranked faithfulness constraints. engchi. govern the preservation of several tones from any alternation, and preservation of some structures of the citation tones when they become sandhi tones (i.e. register and initial target). In conclusion, the positing of tone sandhi markedness constraints and undominated identity constraints presents a better input-output correspondence relation of the tone sandhi phenomena in Meixian and Bangkok Hakka. To conclude the thesis, a brief summary of the study and possible further issues are presented.. xiii.

(13) CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION. This thesis provides an analysis of disyllabic tone sandhi phenomena in Hakka dialect of Meixian and Bangkok from the framework of Optimality Theory/OT. Meixian Hakka is a dialect spoken in Meixian County, China. It is considered one of the most standard Hakka dialects to be researched by scholars such as, Hashimoto (1973), Norman. 政治大. (1988), Huang (1992, 1995), Xie (1994), Yuan et al. (2001), and Cheung (2011). The. 立. data used in this research was mainly taken from Cheung (2011) with some. ‧ 國. 學. reconsideration of its tone values. There are three tones that undergo alternations described in that research. First, mid level tone (MM) changes to mid rising tone (MH). ‧. when it is followed by low level tone (LL), low falling tone (ML), and short low falling. y. Nat. sit. tone (ML). Second, low falling tone (ML) changes to mid level tone (MM) when it is. n. al. er. io. followed by low level tone (LL), low falling tone (ML), and short low falling tone (ML).. i n U. v. Last, high falling tone (HM) changes to high falling tone (HH) when it is followed by. Ch. engchi. low falling tone (LL), low falling tone (ML), high falling tone (HM), and short low falling tone (ML). There are two interesting aspects in the tone sandhi of Meixian dialect: First, It is recognized two mid level tones in its tonal inventory that possess different register, and tone melody values as the results of different sources. Second, the tone sandhi system is affected by both assimilatory and dissimilatory mechanisms in tone melody level that interacts with each other.. 1.

(14) 2. Bangkok Hakka refers to Hakka spoken in Bangkok City, Thailand. This dialect is found in Bangkok due to the immigration of some Hakka people to Southeast Asia countries such as Indonesia, Malaysia and Thailand more than 100 years ago. The first generation of Hakka speakers in Thailand came from several districts of Guangdong (mainly Meixian and Shantou). Thus, it is highly possible that Bangkok Hakka is a variation of Meixian Hakka as Shantou is an area where Teochiu dialect is spoken. In Siripen (2008), it is described that Bangkok Hakka has two tones that undergo tone. 治政大to HM when it is followed by by LL, ML and ML. The other was HH (Qusheng) changes 立 sandhi. First, mid level tone (MM) changes to high rising tone (MH) when it is followed. MM and H. The tone sandhi in Bangkok Hakka shares similar characteristics with. ‧ 國. 學. Meixian Hakka where there is interaction between assimilatory and dissimilatory effect. ‧. in its tone melody tier.. sit. y. Nat. In previous research of these two dialects, the tone sandhi in the dialects was. al. er. io. analyzed by using a ruled-based approach. It is an approach that uses a single rule for a. iv n C it also provides the mechanism on how h etones h i U However, there are several n garecalternated. n. single transformation. The traditional approach shows a grammar of the tone sandhi and. problems that can not be explained by the ruled-based approach like: why certain tones undergo sandhi and the others do not despite being provided the same environment, and why a tone transforms to a certain tone not the other. In the following details, there are key issues that accounted for later in the thesis from the constraint based approach, OT. 1. How OT analysis differs from the rule-based approach?.

(15) 3. 2. Can a single traditional constraint analyze the tone sandhi in these dialects? If not, are there any other mechanisms to solve the problem? 3. Regarding the interaction between assimilation and dissimilation which is triggered by low register head/right tone, which one is prioritized and how are they ranked in the hierarchy? 4. What happens to tone sandhi with non-low register head tone? What kind of constraint is adequate to describe this tone sandhi?. 政治大 5. What happens to non tone sandhi tones such as tone in head position and certain tones 立 that remain their faithful form? How are they preserved?. ‧ 國. 學. 6. Is there specific characteristic of the output tone which is similar to its input tone?. ‧. How are they defined in the ranking argument of OT?. y. Nat. io. sit. This thesis is organized as follows: Chapter one provides brief introduction of the. n. al. er. objective of the research and introduction of both of the dialects. Chapter two presents. Ch. i n U. v. the theoretical base of this research, OT and several importance aspects related to tone. engchi. and tone sandhi. Chapter three and four present the OT analysis towards tone sandhi of the two dialects. And, chapter five gives conclusions to this thesis..

(16) CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW. This chapter consists of three sections. The first section (2.1) discusses the theoretical framework which is related to the constraint based approach of Optimality. 治政 Correspondence Theory and Constraints Conjunction. The 大concept of tonal markedness, 立 development of tonal structure, and duration of tones are introduced in section 2.2. In the. Theory. This section also presents some approaches within the theory such as. ‧ 國. 學. last section (2.3), different kinds of Chinese tone sandhi and the application of relevant. ‧. constraint conjunction are explained.. sit. y. Nat. 2.1 Theoretical Background. n. al. er. io. 2.1.1 Optimality Theory. Ch. i n U. v. Optimality Theory (OT) is proposed by Prince and Smolensky (1993, 2004). This. engchi. theory uses different approaches as compared to the rule-based model of Chomsky and Halle (1968). The rule-based model use transformation rules to set the grammar of a language. While in OT, the grammars of languages are set in the parameter of the set of universal constraints with a language specific ranking. This means all languages possess similar constraints, and the differences among languages are in the rankings of the constraints. This ranking system is fulfilled by means of several core elements of the. 4.

(17) 5. framework: CONSTRAINT, GENERATOR, and EVALUATOR. The framework of the model can be seen from flowchart (1). (1) OT Flowchart GEN. EVAL (Evaluator). (Generator) Input. Candidate (a) Candidate (b). CONSTRAINTS. Output. CON 1 >> CON 2 >>. 治3 政 CON 大. 學. ‧ 國. 立 Candidate (c) …. The flowchart (1) starts from the given input where it is generated in GEN to. ‧. become a set of possible candidates. Then, these candidates are sent to EVAL which. y. Nat. sit. consists of the ranking of constraints. This ranking evaluates the generated candidates. n. al. er. io. and selects the one optimal candidate. The optimal candidate is the one which violate less highly prioritized (top-ranked) constraints. 2.1.2 Correspondence Theory. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. Correspondence theory (McCarthy and Prince 1995) defines the relation between representations of a language, and explains whether they show an input-output relation or output-output relation. The input-output correspondence relation associates some or all of the elements in the input with some or all of the linguistics elements in the output. To get a better theoretical understanding, the following schema (2) elaborates the schema of Correspondence..

(18) 6. (2) The schema of Correspondence (McCarthy and Prince 1995:262) Given two strings S1 and S2, correspondence is a relation Ʀ from the elements of S1 to those of S2. Element α ϵ S1 and β ϵ S2 are referred to as correspondence of one another when α Ʀ β. The association between these input-output linguistics elements is governed by faithfulness constraints while its markedness constraint “militate against structural configurations” (McCarthy 2003). 政治大 (3) a. MAX (maximality): Every segment in S1 has a correspondent in S2. 立. ‧ 國. 學. b. DEP (dependence): Every segment in S2 has a correspondent in S1.. ‧. c. IDENT [F] (identity): Correspondent segments are identical with respect to feature F.. sit. y. Nat. Since every tone has its own citation tone and sandhi which directly shows the. io. al. er. input-output form, the input-output correspondence relation is the most relevant in this. n. two dialects’ disyllabic tone sandhi. 2.1.3 Constraint Conjunction. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. Constraint conjunction (CCT) is considered as a mechanism in OT which combines two simple constraints. This kind of constraint is proposed by Smolensky (1993, 1995). These kinds of constraints are meant to eliminate unwanted candidates which cannot be eliminated by a single constraint (Green 1993, Smolensky 1993). Lubowicz (2005) developed the idea of CCT for constraints in order to exclude the worst of the worst candidate. Theoretically, Ito and Mester (1998:10) define the CCT as shown in schema (4)..

(19) 7. (4) Local Conjunction of Constraints is: a. Definition Local Conjunction is an operation based on the constraint set forming composite constraints: Let C1 and C2 be members of the constraint set Con. Then their Local Conjunction C1 & C2 are also members of Con. b. Interpretation. 立. 政治大. The Local Conjunction C1 & C2 is violated if and only if both *C1 and *C2 are violated. ‧ 國. 學. in some domain δ.. ‧. The ranking of these combined constraints are always higher than single constraint ones.. Nat. sit. n. al. er. io. C1 & C2 >> C1. y. c. Ranking (universal). C1 & C2 >> C2. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. From the interpretation in (4b), it is clear that all components of the combined constraints need to be violated to get one violation mark. And in (4c) the CCT must rank higher than its single counterpart since they are a more specific constraint..

(20) 8. 2.2 Tone 2.2.1 Tonal Markedness Contour tones are considered as a more marked tone when it is compared to level tones. There are two arguments which directly support this view. First, we can find more languages with level tones instead of contour tones (Zhang 2001: Yip 2001,2002; Bao 2003). Second, we need more effort and duration in articulating contour tones as compared to level tones. In addition to this second arguments Yip (2001,2002) proposes a markedness hierarchy (5):. 立. 政治大. (5) Minimize Articulatory effort (Yip 2001;315). ‧ 國. 學. a. Contour tones are more marked than level tones: *CONTOUR >> *LEVEL. ‧. b. Rising tones are more marked than falling tones: *RISE >> *FALL. sit. y. Nat. io. n. al. er. c. High tones are more marked than low tones: *H >> *L. i n U. v. In the hierarchy (5), the preference of certain types of tone in term of articulation. Ch. engchi. effort is obvious. However, even contour tones is more marked, they are still available in human language, especially in Chinese. Moreover, the constraints could compose a part of CCT utilized in this thesis. In addition, de Lacy (1999, 2002) brings up the positional tendency of tonal markedness as shown in (6) and (7) to deal with the stress grammar of Ayutla Mixtec. (6) Tonal preference in the head position *HD/L >> *HD/M.

(21) 9. (7) Tonal preference in the non-head position *NonHD/H >> *NonHD/M The hierarchies (6 & 7) show that low level tone is the least preferred in the prosodic head position while high level tone is the least preferred in the prosodic nonhead position. It is important to note that these hierarchies based on stress language. Their. 政治大 constraint are taken into account into the tone sandhi of the dialects later in this thesis. 立. existence in Chinese languages is still debatable but these kinds of positional markedness. ‧ 國. 學. 2.2.2 Internal Structure of Tone. There are 4 kinds of internal structure of tone and its theoretical significance. Nat. sit. y. ‧. which we discuss in the following diagrams.. io. al. er. (6) Tonal representation 1 (Yip 1980, Hyman 1993): Tonal node does not dominate tone melodies. In addition, the tonal melody is also independent. As they are independent of. n. iv n C each other, the whole tone cannot spread and the contour cannot spread without h easnagunit chi U the register. H σ l. h.

(22) 10. (7) Tonal representation 2 (Clements 1981, Duanmu 1990, 1994, Snider 1990) : Tonal features dominate two independent tone melody σ o H. o l H. h. μ. μ. o. o. H. l H. h. (8) Tonal representation 3 (Yip 1989, Hyman 1993): The register node is the tonal node meaning the tone melodies are dominated by the tonal node. The whole tone may spread. 政治大. as a unit. However, the register and contour could not spread without each other. σ. 立. H. ‧ 國. h. 學. l. ‧. (9) Tonal representation 4 (Bao 1990, Snider 1999): tone melody is dominated by contour. H. Contour. sit. al. n. H. er. io. σ. y. Nat. node which is a sister to register feature, and where both are dominated by a Tonal Node.. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. l h This thesis adopts the tonal geometry 4. The model is chosen as unlike the geometry 1,2 ,and 3 that remain intact, the tone melody in this diagram may change independently without involving register tier..

(23) 11. 2.2.3 Syllable types and Tone duration (Zhang 1998) Concerning the type of syllable, tone in traditional Chinese phonology is divided into two kinds. Shu tones which end in sonorants and Ru tones which end in obstruents or checked syllables. Shu tones have longer tonal and ru tones have shorter duration. Ru tones are usually underlined to differentiate it from other tones. Thus, Zhang (1998) posits two constraints related to the duration of tone in Chinese which prevents long tone. 政治大. on checked syllables and short tones on open syllables. The concept of the two tones and. 立. the duration related constraints are to be identified as identity constraint in the analysis.. ‧ 國. 學. 2. 3 Chinese Tone Sandhi Typology (Bao 2011). ‧. By referring to previous works of Chen (1987, 2000), Bao (2011) categorizes. Nat. sit. y. Chinese tone sandhi into four types: Contextual tone sandhi, positional tone sandhi,. n. al. er. io. templatic tone sandhi and tone spread. When a tone sandhi is sensitive to certain adjacent. i n U. v. tone features, it is considered as a contextual type. This type of tone sandhi may target an. Ch. engchi. element of the tonal structure such as either register or contour or both elements. Some examples of languages which fall into this category are Luoyang (He 1996) which target the register tier of the language, Pingyao (Hou 1980) which target the contour tier, Gaomi which target both register and contour. When tone sandhi is conditioned by its position such as Southern Min dialect of Xiamen (Chen 2000) they are considered as positional tone sandhi. The third kind, templatic tone sandhi is the one which occurs in the polysyllabic compounds or phrases. The sandhi tones are usually prespecified meaning they have no relation to tones in the input. The last type is spread tone sandhi which.

(24) 12. means a sandhi tone spreads to neighboring syllables as we may see from Wu Dialects (Chen 2000). Both dialects discussed in this thesis are of the contextual types. The tone sandhi is sensitive to adjacent elements and targets the melody tier of the adjacent elements. 2.4 Tone Sandhi and CCT (Lin 2011, Chen 2013) Lin (2011) analyzes Hakka tone sandhi of Dongshi dialect by means of CCT. Since Dongshi Hakka’s assimilation and dissimilation tone sandhi occurs when the head. 政治大. tone are low in register value, they cannot be captured by simple assimilation constraint. 立. (NOJUMP-t) and dissimilation constraint (OCP-C(l)). Thus, several CCTs on tone sandhi. ‧ 國. 學. in adjacent domain are posited by Lin (2011) such as [NOJUMP-t&*HD/Lr]ADJ and [OCPC(l)&*HD/Lr]ADJ to account for these kinds of tone sandhi phenomena. These combined. ‧. constraints rank among the highest constraints while their single counterpart is inactive.. sit. y. Nat. io. er. Chen (2013) also addresses the tone sandhi of Liujia Raoping Hakka and Ningdu Tiantou Hakka by positing several CCTs. Some of the tone sandhi in these two dialects. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. are captured by a combination of agreement and sequential of markedness constraint with. engchi. certain marked tones such as [OCP-h & *M] and Agree-t & *LL] which proves to be a good strategy to solve certain problematic tone sandhi in the dialects. Since similar cases are found in Meixian and Bangkok Hakka, where there are some characteristics of tonal feature in the head position of Meixian and Bangkok Hakka, this strategy in Lin (2011) and Chen (2013) are adopted in the analysis in Chapter 3 and 4..

(25) CHAPTER 3 OT ANALYSIS OF MEIXIAN HAKKA. This chapter presents a constraint based analysis of disyllabic tone sandhi of Meixian Hakka spoken in Meijiang District and Meixian County, China. The data of this thesis is mainly taken from Cheung (2011). The chapter is arranged into following. 治政大 of the tonal alternations. Hakka. Section 3.2 shows patterns, process and generalization 立. sections: Section 3.1 provides the value of the citation tones and sandhi tones of Meixian. Section 3.3 presents the Optimality Theory analysis of the disyllabic tone sandhi patterns.. ‧ 國. 學. In this section, the alternations of tone structure are analyzed in detail. And the. ‧. mechanism on how the conjunction constraints (CCT) are ranked against faithfulness constraints and other markedness constraints to produce the optimal sandhi tone is shown.. y. Nat. er. io. sit. The preservation of certain tones, and tone features are also presented in this section. Section 3.4 provides a Hasse diagram showing Meixian Hakka tone sandhi grammar, and. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. a summary table of possible outputs. Section 3.5 is the conclusion for the analysis of. engchi. tonal alternation grammar of Meixian Hakka. 3.1 Tone Inventory. According to the phonetic based research presented by Cheung (2011), there are six citation tones in Meixian Hakka: Yinping 33 (mid level/MM), Yangping 11 (low level/LL), Shangsheng 41 (high falling/HL), Qusheng 51 (high falling/HL), Yinru 41 (short high falling/HL), and Yangru 5 (short high level/H)1. Meixian Hakka tonal. 1. In this thesis, Chao’s (1930) is converted to Yip’s transcription (2001) where tone value 4& 5 are marked as H, 3 as M, and 1&2 as L.. 13.

(26) 14. inventory is also composed of three sandhi tones: sandhi tones 35 (high rising/MH), 33 (mid level/MM), and 55 (high level/HH) of which derived from Yinping (MM), Shangsheng (HL) and Qusheng (HL) respectively. There are several overlapping tone values in this thesis, but this thesis recognizes that the tones with similar tone value to have phonetic differences not a phonemic difference. For example, there are three high falling tones and two mid level tones. In order to solve this phonemic similarity, this thesis reconsider both tone value 41 of Shangsheng,and 41 of Yinru to be low falling/ML. 治政 phonetic variants of 31 and 31 respectively. This claim is大 also supported by the Cheung’s 立 and short low falling/ML phonologically. This means, 41 and 41 are considered as. own research where the F0 value is slightly below the 4th point on the 5 point scale.. ‧ 國. 學. Therefore, it is highly possible the differences are only gradient (phonetic) differences. ‧. rather than the categorical (phonemic) differences. Moreover, Qusheng is also considered as a high falling tone/HM rather than 51/HL. The reason for this consideration is that the. y. Nat. er. io. sit. fact that most of tone systems avoid contour tone pairs which have the same start or end points but different pitch differentials such as the overlap of HL and ML as found in this. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. data (Bao 1999). So like Shangsheng and Yinru, 51 found in the data are considered as a. engchi. phonetic variant rather than a phonemic category. This claim is also supported by Huang’s (1992) transcription where the tone value was given 53. Another point to make is that there are two mid level tones here, Yinping citation tone and Shangsheng sandhi tone. In this thesis, it is assumed that the register value of Meixian and Bangkok Hakka sandhi tones are always identical and they are enforced by an undominated faithfulness constraint, IDENT-reg (see 3.3.4). Thus, these two tones are identified to have two different values: register value and tone melody value as we can.

(27) 15. see later in (1). This argument can be proven by the alternation of tone from MM to MH and from ML to MM. The hypothesis is that register value of MH sandhi tone (Hr,lh) is preserved from its citation tone. The same condition applies to the sandhi tone MM where the register value is derived from its citation tone ML which has low register value. Furthermore, the tonal alternations in Meixian Hakka are approached from its internal structure. Since the tone alternations in this dialects affects its register, contour and the tone melody value of the tone, Bao’s (1999) tone structure system with Lin’s. 政治大. (2011) labeling is adopted. The following table presents the internal structure of tones in Meixian Hakka grammar.. 立. io. y. al. n. HM (Hr,hl). sit. MM (Lr,h). er. ML (Lr, hl). MH (Hr,lh). Nat. LL (Lr, l). Sandhi Tones. ‧. MM, (Hr,l). 學. Citation Tones. ‧ 國. (1) Meixian Hakka Tone Inventory. HH (Hr, h). ML (Lr, hl). Ch. engchi. i n U. v. H (Hr,h). 3.2 Tone Sandhi Patterns There are three citation tones that undergo sandhi process in Meixian Hakka. First, the mid level tone (MM) alternates to high rising tone (MH) when it is preceded by low level tone (LL), low falling tone (ML) and short low falling tone (ML). Second, low.

(28) 16. falling tone (ML) alternates to mid level tone (MM) when it is preceded by low level tone (LL), low falling tone (ML) and short low falling tone (ML). Third, high falling tone (HM) alternates to high level tone (HH) when it is preceded by low level tone (LL), low falling tone (ML), short low falling tone (ML)and high falling tone (HM). To allow us see a better picture of the tones that undergo alternations, and those that do not, a full chart (6x6) of the tonal combination is shown in the following table.. n. Ch. engchi. Qusheng HM Hr, hl MM-HM Hr-Hr l-hl LL-HM Lr-Hr l-hl ML-HM Lr-Hr hl-hl HH-HM Hr-Hr h-hl ML-HM Lr-Hr hl-hl H-HM Hr-Hr h-hl. y. ‧. io. al. LL Lr, l MH-LL Hr-Lr lh-l LL-LL Lr-Lr l-l MM-LL Lr-Lr h-l HH-LL Hr-Lr h-l ML-LL Lr-Lr hl-l H-LL Hr-Lr h-l. Shangsheng ML Lr, hl MH-ML Hr-Lr lh-hl LL-ML Lr-Lr l-hl MM-ML Lr-Lr h-hl HH-ML Hr-Lr h-hl ML-ML Lr-Lr hl-hl H-ML Hr-Lr h-hl. 學. Nat. Yinping MM Hr, l Yangping LL Lr, l Shangsheng ML Lr, hl Qusheng HM Hr, hl Yinru ML Lr, hl Yangru H Hr, h. 立Yangping. sit. S1. Yinping MM Hr, l MM-MM Hr-Hr l-l LL-MM Lr-Hr l-l ML-MM Lr-Hr hl-l HM-MM Hr-Hr hl-l ML-MM Lr-Hr hl-l H-MM Hr-Hr h-l. ‧ 國. S2. 政治大. er. (2) Tonal combinations table. i n U. v. Yinru ML Lr, hl MH-ML Hr-Lr lh-hl LL-ML Lr-Lr l-hl MM-ML Lr-Lr h-hl HH-ML Hr-Lr h-hl ML-ML Lr-Lr hl-hl H-ML Hr-Lr h-hl. From the table above, it is evident that the mid level tone undergoes changes when it is followed by low level tone, low falling tone and short low falling tone. There are rules for each tonal alternation with its structural details in the following table.. Yangru H Hr, h MM-H Hr-Hr l-h LL-H Lr-Hr l-h ML-H Lr-Hr hl-h HM-H Hr-Hr hl-h ML-H Lr-H hl-hl H-H Hr-Hr h-h.

(29) 17. (3) Mid level tone sandhi 1.. 2.. 3.. →. MM-LL [(Hr,l)-(l,Lr)] tsu phi ‘pork skin’ MM-ML [(Hr,l)-(hl,Lr)] tsu tu ‘pork belly’ MM-ML [(Hr,l)-(hl,Lr)] su tsok ‘desk’. → →. MH-LL [(Hr,lh)-(l,Lr)] tsu phi ‘pork skin’ MH-ML [(Hr,lh)-(hl,Lr)] tsu tu ‘pork belly’ MH-ML [(Hr,lh)-(hl,Lr)] su tsok ‘desk’. In the alternations of mid level tone, it is obvious that there are two different. 政治大. mechanisms of the tonal alternation: tone melody dissimilation (MM-LL) and tone. 立. melody assimilation (MM-ML & MM-ML). The tree diagrams showing the details on. ‧ 國. 學. both phenomena are presented below. (4) MM-LL tone sandhi (low tone melody dissimilation). ‧. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. i n U. (5) MM-ML/ML tone sandhi (high tone melody assimilation). Ch. engchi. v. Tree (4) shows the dissimilated intersyllabic low tone melody. The dissimilation process of (4) contradicts with tree (5) where the different intersyllabic features are assimilating from the head/right syllable of the tonal pair. In addition, ML and ML are treated in one analysis..

(30) 18. The low falling tone of the Meixian dialect alternates to mid level sandhi tone when it precedes the same sets as found in mid level tone alternations, they are low level tone, low falling tone, and short low falling tone. The alternations are shown in the following table:. (6) Low falling tone sandhi 1.. 2.. 立. → →. MM-LL [(Lr,h)-(l,Lr)] pu tteu ‘axe’ MM-ML [(Lr,h)-(hl,Lr)] pu khau ‘make up examination’ MM-ML [(Lr,h)-(hl,Lr)] tu pok ‘gambling’. 政治大 →. 學. ‧ 國. 3.. ML-LL [(Lr,hl)-(l,Lr)] pu theu ‘axe’ ML-ML [(Lr,hl)-(hl,Lr)] pu khau ‘make up examination’ ML-ML [(Lr,hl)-(hl,Lr)] tu pok ‘gambling’. Regarding low falling tone alternations, the similar forces that trigger the sandhi. ‧. in Meixian Hakka are also found. They are tone melody dissimilation with LL and tone. y. Nat. sit. melody assimilation with ML and ML. Following are trees which showing a detail rule. n. al. er. io. analysis on both phenomena.. i n U. (7) ML-ML/ML tone sandhi (high tone melody assimilation). Ch. engchi. (8) ML-LL tone sandhi (low tone melody dissimilation). v.

(31) 19. Tree (7) provides the analysis of assimilation process where ML and ML high tone melody feature spreads to the left one. While Tree (8) shows how the adjacent low tones melody is prevented by the dissimilatory force as in (5). There are four tonal alternations of high falling tone where it alternates to high level tone only when it precedes low level tone, low falling tone, high falling tone, and short low falling tone as shown in the following table. (9) High falling tone sandhi. 2.. h. → → →. er. io. sit. y. Nat. HH-ML [(Hr,h)-(hl,Lr)] ki tsa ‘reporter HH-HM [(Hr,h)-(hl,Lr)] fu kui ‘wealth’ HH-ML/ML [(Hr,h)-(hl,Lr)] fu tsuk ‘rotten bamboo’. ‧. 4.. 立. → HH-LL 政治 [(Hr,h)-(l,Lr)] 大t eu ‘sugarcane’ tsa. 學. 3. HM-LL [(Hr,hl)-(l,Lr)] tsa theu ‘sugarcane’ HM-ML [(Hr,hl)-(hl,Lr)] ki tsa ‘reporter’ HM-HM [(Hr,hl)-(hl,Hr)] fu kui ‘wealth’ HM-ML [(Hr,hl)-(hl,Lr)] fu tsuk ‘rotten bamboo’. ‧ 國. 1.. In term of the change of high falling tone, the tone melody dissimilation (HM-. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. MM) will be first discussed, followed by tone melody assimilation (HM-MLML), and. engchi. tonal dissimilation (HM-HM) of Meixian Hakka.. (10) HM-LL tone sandhi (low tone melody dissimilation).

(32) 20. (11) HM-ML/ML tone sandhi (high tone melody assimilation). (12) HM-HM tone sandhi (tonal tier dissimilation). 政治大 Tree (10) and (12) present dissimilatory type tone alternations, but they involve 立. ‧ 國. 學. different structures in the process. In (10), the trigger is the low level tone at the head position while in (12), it is triggered by similar tone at the right position. In tree (11), the. ‧. same assimilatory mechanism as in ML-ML/ML alternations is found.. sit. y. Nat. In conclusion, there are two forces that trigger Meixian Hakka tone alternations:. n. al. er. io. dissimilation and assimilation forces at tone melody level and tone level. The. i n U. v. dissimilation of the low tone melody is more preferred than assimilation of the tone. Ch. engchi. melody when the register value of the head is low. Meixian Hakka tonal alternations bring the effect to the left syllable meaning only the left position tone changes its value, not the right ones. There are 3 tones (LL, ML, and H) that do not undergo changes despite being provided the same environment. Lastly, the citation tones and their sandhi counterpart always retain the same register value, initial target, and tonal type/duration..

(33) 21. 3.3 OT Analysis The OT analysis of Meixian Hakka tone sandhi bases on the generalization made from the previous section. Several points are discussed here where it starts from the pattern of the tonal alternations, followed by certain preservations of tonal features and completed with a summary tables of all possible pairs. It is important to note that Meixian Hakka tone system is right dominant2 where the tone system in this dialect only allows the change of its left tone. The right (head) syllable tone does not undergo tonal change. 治政大the right tone/head position (following Lin 2011). This constraint is undominated so that 立. and this preservation of tone is expressed in the form of identity constraint IDENT-HD. tone should not be alternated.. ‧ 國. 學. 3.3.1 Obligatory Contour Principle Effect. ‧. The Obligatory Contour Principle effect is found in Meixian Hakka disyllabic tone sandhi. The OCP governs the prohibition of certain similar elements to be adjacent. y. Nat. er. io. sit. which is normally associated with dissimilation. And there are four tonal pairs that undergo the process of dissimilation from the rule based analysis: MM-LL→MH-LL,. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. ML-LL→MM-LL, HM-LL→HH-LL and HM-HM→HH-HM. The first three alternations. engchi. where the triggers have low register value in the right position are taken into account initially because it is evident that they have similarity in term of sequence of low tone melody, and the tone in the non head position changes its value. This kind of intersyllabic low melody similarity can be captured by an OCP based constraint. The OCP based constraint should ranks higher than faithfulness constraint IDENT in the following tableau. 2. This right dominancy is due to several tone languages (Mandarin, Southern Min, Dongshi Hakka) whose second syllable always preserves its tone. There are also left-dominant languages such as Northern Wu dialects (Yue-Hashimoto 1987, Chen 2000, Zhang 2007)..

(34) 22. (13) OCP-t(l) - Assign one violation mark for every pair of tones which have a similar low tone melody value intersyllabically (14) IDENT-T - Assign one violation mark for every tone in the output which have different value to its input (15) MM-LL → MH-LL MM-LL Hr-Lr l-l. OCP-t(l).  1. MH-LL Hr-Lr l[h-l]. 立. 政治 * 大 L. OCP-t(l). IDENT-T. ‧ 國. *!W. 學. 2. MM-LL Hr-Lr [l-l]. IDENT-T. y. sit er. al. n. 2. ML-LL Hr-Lr hl-l. io.  1. MM-LL Lr-Lr h-l. Nat. ML-LL Lr-Lr hl-l. ‧. (16) ML-LL → MM-LL. *W. Ch. *. engchi L. i n U. v.

(35) 23. (17) HM-LL → HM-LL HM-LL Hr-Lr hl-l. OCP-t(l).  1. HH-LL Hr-Lr h-l. IDENT-T. *. 2. HM-LL Hr-Lr h[l-l]. *!W. L. 政治大 -T, the expected candidate of the input of the pair. Tableaus (15), (16), and (17) shows how OCP-t(l) provides a possible argument. 立. that by ranking it higher than IDENT. ‧ 國. 學. which has sequence of low tone melody would not surface. However, an analytical problem occurs since there are other candidates which have similar low tone melody. ‧. value such as MM-MM (Hr,l-l,Hr), ML-MM (Lr,hl-l,Hr) and HM-MM (Hr,hl-l,Hr). sit. y. Nat. which do not undergo alternations. These remaining faithful candidates suggest that the. io. er. higher ranking of OCP-t(l) over IDENT-T predicts the wrong candidate as shown by an example (18). It is a candidate pair that has adjacent low tone melody (MM-MM).. al. n. iv n C (18) Example of wrong candidate predicted by OCP-t(l)>> h e n g c h i U IDENT-T MM-MM→MM-MM. MM-MM Hr-Hr l-l. OCP-t(l).  1. MH-MM Hr-Hr lh-l  2. MM-MM Hr-Hr l-l. IDENT-T. *. *!W. L.

(36) 24. Since it predicts wrong output, OCP-t constraint is inadequate to deal with the whole tonal pairings as shown in tableau (18). To solve this problem, the head (right syllable) structure is included into the analyses. It is found that the low register features of the right tone play role in the tonal alternation. This characteristic is also found in the literature of some Chinese languages where the high register tone such as high level tone does not trigger an alternation (Dongshi Hakka and Mandarin). To solve this problem, Lin’s (2011) idea of using a modified OCP-t constraint is applied in this thesis. This OCP. 治政 position which has low register (19) *H /Lr - Assign one violation mark for tone in head大立 based constraint is conjoined with the register value in the head/right syllable position. D. value. ‧ 國. 學. (20) OCP-t(l)&*HD/Lr : Assign one violation mark for every tonal pair which violate. ‧. both OCP-t(l) and *HD/Lr. By using the conjoined constraint (CCT), we get a better identification of the. y. Nat. CCT constraint plays its part in the ranking argument.. al. n. h. Ch. (21) tsuMM-p iLL → tsuMH- phiLL ‘pork skin’ MM-LL Hr-Lr l-l. OCP-t(l)& *HD/Lr.  1. MH-LL Hr-Lr lh-l 2. MM-LL Hr-Lr l-l. engchi. IDENT-T. L. i n U. OCP-t(l). v. *HD/Lr. *. *. *!W. er. io. sit. whole dissimilated and non dissimilated tonal pairs. Following tableaus show how the. *. *.

(37) 25. (22) puML- theu LL/ → puMM- theu LL ‘axe’ ML-LL Lr-Lr hl-l. OCP-t(l) & *HD/Lr. IDENT-T.  1. MM-LL Lr-Lr h-l 2. MM-LL Hr-Lr l-l. OCP-t(l). *HD/Lr. *. *. L. *!W. *. *. 政治大 IDENT-T OCP-t(l). (23) tsaHM- theuLL/ → tsaHH- theuLL ‘sugarcane’. ‧ 國. *. *. io. al. n. (24) siMM-kuaMM→siMM-kuaMM MM-MM Hr-Hr l-l. OCP-t(l)& *HD/Lr. Ch. *. i n U. e n g cOCP-t(l) hi. IDENT-T. 1. MM-MM Hr-Hr l-l 2. MH-MM Hr-Hr lh-l. y. *. er. L. *!W. sit. Nat. 2. HM-LL Hr-Lr hl-l. *HD/Lr. ‧.  1. HH-LL Hr-Lr h-l. 立. OCP-t(l)& *HD/Lr. 學. HM-LL Hr-Lr hl-l. *. *!W. v. *HD/Lr.

(38) 26. Tableaus (21), (22) and (23) show the tonal alternation which prevents sequence of low tone melody where the head is low register tone. The tonal alternation is triggered by the higher ranked of OCP-t(l)&*HD/Lr over IDENT-T. Moreover, the tonal pair in tableau (24) does not need to undergo changes since it has different register feature (high). So, the faithful pair, MM-MM, is protected from dissimilation effect. OCP-t(l)&*HD/Lr, however, affects LL and ML when they are paired with low level tone in the head position. However, they do not undergo changes, and their forms. 政治大. are preserved. The violation of the CCT is tolerated by following undominated tonal identity constraints.. 立. (25) IDENT-LL: Input-output of low level tone is identical.. ‧ 國. 學. (26) IDENT-ML: Input-output of short low falling tone is identical.. ‧. *!W. IDENT-T. sit. OCP-t(l)& *HD/Lr. er. al. n. 2. MM-LL Lr-Lr h-l. IDENT-LL. io.  1. LL-LL Lr-Lr l-l. Nat. LL-LL Lr-Lr l-l. y. (27)LL-LL→LL-LL. i n C h* engchi U L. *. v.

(39) 27. (28)ML-LL→ML-LL ML-LL Lr-Lr hl-l. IDENT-ML.  1. ML-LL Lr-Lr hl-l 2. MM-LL Lr-Lr h-l. OCP-t(l)& *HD/Lr. IDENT-T. *. *!W. L. *. 政治大 preserve the identity of LL and ML from changing enforced by OCP-t(l)& *H /Lr. So 立 Tableau (27) and (28) show how the highest ranked IDENT-LL and IDENT-ML D. ‧ 國. 學. despite being provided the same environment (low register head and similar low level melody), LL and ML cannot change or they will make serious violation. This king of. ‧. ranking provides an argument that explains why LL and ML tones in Meixian Hakka do. y. sit. io. er. based model.. Nat. not undergo dissimilation. This kind of an argument that cannot be provided by the rule. Next, the pair of HM-HM does not surface in Meixian. The high falling tone in. al. n. iv n C the left syllable alternates to high level tone. It is found that h e n g c h i U the trigger of the alternation. is HM. To solve this tone sandhi case, a constraint that can prevent two consecutive high. falling tones to be adjacent another is needed. Here, another OCP based constraint that triggers the tone sandhi, namely OCP-T (HM) is posited. (29) OCP-T(HM): assign one violation mark for every high falling tonal pair..

(40) 28. (30) fuHM-kuiHM → fuHH-kuiHM ‘wealth’ HM-HM Hr-Hr hl-hl. OCP-T (HM).  1. HH-HM Hr-Hr h-hl. IDENT-T. *. 2. HM-HM Hr-Hr hl-hl. L. *!W. 政治大 constraints, OCP-T (HM), ranks higher than IDENT-T. Other constraints are considered 立 Tableau (30) shows how HM alternates to HH. It is due to the tonal tier. ‧ 國. 學. irrelevant and they are omitted from the tableau. 3.3.2 No-Jumping Principle Effect. ‧. As shown in the previous analysis, Meixian Hakka disyllabic tonal alternations. y. Nat. er. io. sit. also include the assimilation of the tone structures. The tone alternations of several pairs as: MM-ML/ML→MH-ML/ML, ML-ML/ML→MM-ML/ML and HM-ML/ML→HH-. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. ML/ML are enforced by the assimilation process. The assimilation of high tone melody. engchi. can be captured by NO-JUMPING Principle (Hyman & Van Bik 2004). This principle was firstly introduced in Hakka Lai to capture its tone alternation where the alternations occur intersyllabically. This concept is later adopted by Lin (2011) in a form of constraint to analyze the tonal assimilation of Dongshi Hakka. The same concept is then adopted in the thesis to deal with the agreement type of alternations. (31) NOJUMP-t: Assign one violation mark for every tone melody value which does not agree intersyllabically..

(41) 29. This assimilatory constraint, when ranked above faithful constraint IDENT-T like shown in the tableau (32), (33) and (34), seems to provide a ranking argument which enforce the outputs that have sequence of similar tone melody to surface, not the faithful ones. (32)MM-ML/ML→MH-ML/ML MM-ML/ML Hr-Lr l-hl. NOJUMP-t.  1. MH-ML Hr-Lr l[h-h]. 政治 *L大. 立. ‧ 國. *!W. 學. 2. MM-ML Hr-Lr [l-h]l. IDENT-T. sit. y. IDENT-T. al. n. 2. ML-ML/ML Lr-Lr [hl-h]l. io.  1. MM- ML/ML Lr-Lr [h-h]l. NOJUMP-t. er. Nat. ML-ML/ML Lr-Lr hl-hl. ‧. (33) ML-ML/ML → MM-ML/ML. Ch *!W. i n U *. engchi. L. v.

(42) 30. (34) HM-ML/ML→HH-ML/ML HM-ML/ML Hr-Lr hl-hl. NOJUMP-t. IDENT-T.  1. HH- ML/ML Hr-Lr [h-h]l. *. 2. HM-ML/ML Hr-Lr h[l-h]l. L. *!W. 政治大. Tableaus (32), (33) and (34) show how markedness constraint NOJUMP-t that. 立. ranks higher than IDENT-T provides the expected outputs. But again a problem arises. ‧ 國. 學. since since there are some pairs that do not undergo tone sandhi, such as MM-HM (Hr,lhl,Hr), MM-H (Hr,l-h,Hr), and MM-HH (Hr,l-h,Hr). This means NOJUMP-t should not. ‧. rank higher than IDENT-T. In agreement tone sandhi, it is also found that the trigger is. Nat. sit. y. the low register head. Thus, the same strategy is then applied where two markedness. n. al. er. io. constraints are merged in to a conjoined constraint, NOJUMP-t &*HD/Lr. The least marked NOJUMP-t is ranked lower than IDENT-T.. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. (35) NOJUMP-t &*HD/Lr: Assign one violation mark for every tonal pairs which violate both NOJUMP-t and &*HD/Lr..

(43) 31. (36) tsuMM-tuML→ tsuMH-tuML ‘pork bowel’ suMM-tsokML → suMH-tsok ML/ML ‘desk’ MM-ML/ML Hr-Lr l-hl. NOJUMP-t &*HD/Lr.  1. MH- ML/ML Hr-Lr l[h-h]. IDENT-T. NOJUMP-t. *HD/Lr. *. *. 2. MM-ML/ML Hr-Lr [l-h]l. *!W. L. *. *. 政治大 (37) puML-k auML → puMM- k auML ‘make up examination’ 立 h. h. *. n. a*!W l C h. sit. io. 2. MM-ML/ML Hr-Lr [l-h]l. NOJUMP-t. y. Nat.  1. MM- ML/ML Lr-Lr [h-h]l. IDENT-T. er. ‧ 國. NOJUMP-t &*HD/Lr. ‧. ML-ML/ML Lr-Lr hl-hl. 學. tuML- pokML → tuML- pokML ‘gambling’. L. engchi. i n U. v*.

(44) 32. (38) kiHM-tsaML → kiHH-tsaML ‘reporter’ and, fuHM-tsukML → fuHH-tsukML ‘rotten bamboo’ HM-ML/ML Hr-Lr hl-hl. NOJUMPt&*HD/Lr. IDENT-T.  1. HH- ML/ML Hr-Lr [h-h]l. NOJUMP-t. *. 2. HM-ML/ML Hr-Lr h[l-h]l. L. *!W. *. 政治大. The argument that NOJUMP-t&*HD/Lr should rank higher than faithfulness. 立. constraint IDENT-T can be observed at tableau (36), (37), and (38). All candidates 2 of. ‧ 國. 學. the tableaus are not optimal in Meixian Hakka because it has different intersyllabic tone. and adheres the ranking hierarchy of Meixian Hakka tone sandhi.. Nat. y. ‧. melodies. On the other hand, all candidates 1 of the tableaus have similar tone melody. io. sit. 3.3.3 OCP-t(l)&*HD/Lr vs. NOJUMP-t&*HD/Lr. n. al. er. We arrive to a question of the ranking of two conjoined constraints while dealing. Ch. i n U. v. with adjacent mid level tone alternations. Due to their contrasting effect on the grammar. engchi. of Meixian Hakka tone sandhi, one of them should rank higher than the other. The ranking argument could be proven by the mid level tone dissimilation case. This dissimilation case shows the conjoined constraint of OCP and * HD/Lr is preferred over NOJUMP-t&*HD/Lr..

(45) 33. (39) OCP-t(l) &*HD/Lr >> NOJUMP-t&*HD/Lr MM-LL Hr-Lr [l-l]. OCP-t(l)& *HD/Lr. NOJUMP-t &*HD/Lr.  1. MH-LL Hr-Lr l[h-l]. *. 2. MM-LL Hr-Lr [l-l]. *!W. L. 政治大 tableau (39). In Meixian Hakka, the prohibition of intersyllabic low tone melody with 立. The ranking argument of both CCTs which interact with each other is provided in. low register head tone is more prominent than tone melody assimilation making OCP-t(l). ‧ 國. 學. & *HD/Lr is ranked higher than NOJUMP-t&*HD/L.. ‧. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. v.

(46) 34. 3.3.4 Register Tier Preservation In every disyllabic tonal alternation in Meixian Hakka, the concept that every sandhi tone keeps its original register value is proposed. For example, when it is a high register tone, it always has high register sandhi tone and the same situation also takes place for the low register tones as we can see in (41) and (42). This becomes the reason why the concept the dual representations of mid-level tone in Meixian Hakka is proposed. The stability of the register is expressed in a undominated faithful constraint as follows:. 政治大. (40) IDENT-reg - Assign one violation mark for every tone which changes its register value.. 立. OCP-t(l)& *HD/Lr. *!W. i n U. ‧ y. sit. n. al. Ch. (42) Preservation of low register value ML-LL Lr-Lr hl-l. engchi. IDENT-reg.  1. MM-LL Lr-Lr [h-l] 2. MH-LL Hr-Lr l[h-l]. er. io. 2. MM-LL Lr-Lr [h-l]. IDENT-reg. Nat.  1. MH-LL Hr-Lr l[h-l]. 學. MM-LL Hr-Lr l-l. ‧ 國. (41) Preservation of high register value. *!W. v. OCP-t(l)& *HD/Lr.

(47) 35. Tableau (41) and (42) show conditions where the tones might change in Meixian Hakka due to markedness constraint. However, instead of alternating to other one with different register value as we see from the tableaus, the sandhi tones in Meixian Hakka are those with the change in their melody only. 3.3.5 Initial Target Preservation According to Yip (2001), every tone has initial target specification. Following this proposal, a constraint for this feature is proposed. Furthermore, it is also observed that the. 治政大 1. Yinping MM → MH, *HM, *HH 立. initial target of tone does not change in Meixian Hakka tonal alternations as shown below:. 2. Qusheng ML → MM, *LL, *HM. ‧ 國. 學. 3. Shangsheng HM → HH, *MM, *MH. ‧. So, it is obvious that every sandhi tone in Meixian Hakka preserves their initial target. This kind of preservation is different to the register difference where sometimes. y. Nat. er. io. sit. register is divided into two register system (high and low), while the classification of tonal intial features give us idea that there is a clear separation between high tone, mid. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. tone, and low tone category as argued by Yip (2001). So based on the existence of tonal. engchi. intial target argument and the fact that Meixian Hakka tonal system does not change its starting phonetic target of tone, a faitfulness constraint, IDENT-IT which is undominated in the tone sandhi grammar is posited. (43) IDENT-IT: Assign one violation for every initial target of tone which changes its value..

(48) 36. (44) Preservation of IT of Meixian Hakka tone MM-LL Hr-Lr l-l. IDENT-IT. OCP-t(l)& *HD/Lr.  1. MH-LL Hr-Lr l[h-l] 2. HH-LL Hr-Lr [h-l]. *!W. 政治大 constraint OCP-t(l)& *H /Lr, by high rising and high level tone in the left syllable. But 立 Tableau (44) presents two strategies in order not to violate the markedness D. as the initial target of Candidate 2 in the tableau alternates from M to H so it violates the. ‧ 國. 學. undominated IDENT-IT and these changes are not allowed by the constraint. Candidate 1. ‧. surfaces as the most harmonic output as it does not violate this constraint.. sit. y. Nat. 3.3.6 Tone Duration Preservation. io. al. er. Tone system in traditional Chinese phonology is divided into two kinds of tone. v. n. according to its syllable characteristics. Shu tones end in sonorants, and Ru tones end in. Ch. engchi. i n U. obstruents or checked syllables. Shu tones have longer tonal and ru tones have shorter duration. Ru tones are usually underlined to differentiate it with other tones. Due to the syllable’s property that differ the length of tone which is attached into the syllable, tone alternations in Bangkok Hakka must preserve its original tonal duration. In this analysis, the identity which tone should attached to which syllable is protected by an undominated faithfulness constraint as in (49)..

(49) 37. (45) IDENT-TD - Assign one violation mark for every tone which has different tone duration from its input form. (46) Preservation of tone duration HM-ML ki tsa Hr-Lr hl-hl. IDENT-TD.  1. HH- ML Hr-Lr [h-hl] 2. H- ML Hr-Lr [h-hl]. 立. *!W. NOJUMP-t &*HD/Lr. 政治大. ‧ 國. 學. Tableau (46) shows how both undominated constraint on tonal duration governs. ‧. the output candidates. Despite having the same internal structures and not violating the. sit. y. Nat. io. n. al. er. NOJUMP-t&*HD/Lr, HH and H have different tonal duration in term of their syllable. v. structures. That is why candidate (2) is ruled out as the input-output tone duration is different phonemically.. Ch. engchi. i n U.

(50) 38. 3.4 Constraint Ranking and Overall Summary of Tonal Pairs After going through every single tone alternation and preservation of certain structures, we come to the overall ranking of these constraints. This ranking is a parameter where every tonal pair generated by GEN will be sorted in order to have the optimal candidate surface. The grammar is attested with all possible candidates. (47) Hasse Diagram of Meixian Hakka Tone sandhi IDENT-T-HD. IDENT-LL,ML. IDENT-reg. IDENT-TD. IDENT- IT. 學. OCP-t(l)&*HD/Lr. OCP-T-HM. ‧. ‧ 國. 立. 政治大. NOJUMP-t &*HD/Lr. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. OCP-t-(l). Ch. IDENT-T. engchi NOJUMP-t. i n U. v. *HD/Lr,. OT differs with rule based theory where the candidates generated in GEN are unlimited. Some of these unlimited candidates are governed by language possible output constraints which mean that certain segment and suprasegmental properties simply cannot surface (governed by certain markedness constraint such as *LM – no rising tone as there is no this tone in the language). In the analysis of tonal alternations, the OT.

(51) 39. framework analyzes tones in the inventory since tones other than in the inventory will be ruled out by tonal constraint. The following table is a summary which is specifically designed to see how possible tones are ruled out. (48) Winning and losing candidates in Meixian Hakka tone sandhi Outputs. Ruled out by. MH-LL [(Hr,lh)-(l,Lr)] *MM-LL [(Hr,l)-(l,Lr)] *LL-LL [(Lr,l)-(l,Lr)] *ML-LL [(Lr,hl)-(l,Lr)] *HM-LL [(Hr,hl)-(l,Lr)] *ML-LL [(Lr,hl)-(l,Lr)] *H-LL [(Hr,h)-(l,Lr)] * MM –LL [(Lr,h)-(l,Lr)] *HH –LL [(Hr,h)-(l,Lr)] MH-ML [(Hr,lh)-(hl,Lr)] *MM-ML [(Hr,l)-(hl,Lr)] *LL-ML [(Lr,l)-(hl,Lr)] *ML-ML [(Lr,hl)-(hl,Lr)] *HM-ML [(Hr,hl)-(hl,Lr)] *ML-ML [(Lr,hl)-(hl,Lr)] *H-ML [(Hr,h)-(hl,Lr)] * MM –ML. Winning Candidate. io. n. MM (Hr,l). MM-ML [(Hr,l)-(hl,Lr)]. Ch. IDENT-IT IDENT-reg IDENT-IT. ‧. IDENT-TD. y. Nat. al. D. 學. ‧ 國. 立. 政治OCP-t(l)大& *H /Lr. IDENT-TD IDENT-reg. sit. MM (Hr,l). Input combinations which change MM-LL [(Hr,l)-(l,Lr)]. er. Input Tones. i n U. IDENT-IT. v. e n g c Winning h i Candidate NOJUMP-t &*HD/Lr IDENT-IT IDENT-reg IDENT-IT IDENT-TD IDENT-TD IDENT-reg.

(52) 40. io ML-ML [(Lr,hl)-(hl,Lr)]. IDENT-IT IDENT-TD. 政治I -TD 大. n. ML (Lr,hl). IDENT-reg. Ch. DENT. IDENT-reg IDENT-IT. Winning Candidate OCP-t(l) & *HD/Lr. y. Nat. al. IDENT-IT. ‧. ML-LL [(Lr,hl)-(l,Lr)]. NOJUMP-t &*HD/Lr. 學. ML (Lr,hl). ‧ 國. 立. Winning Candidate. IDENT-reg IDENT-IT. sit. MM-ML [(Hr,l)-(hl,Lr)]. IDENT-IT. er. MM (Hr,l). [(Lr,l)-(hl,Lr)] *HH –ML [(Hr,h-hl,Lr)] MH-ML [(Hr,lh)-(hl,Lr)] *MM-ML [(Hr,l)-(hl,Lr)] *LL-ML [(Lr,l)-(hl,Lr)] *ML-ML [(Lr,hl)-(hl,Lr)] *HM-ML [(Hr,hl)-(hl,Lr)] *ML-ML [(Lr,hl)-(hl,Lr)] *H-ML [(Hr,h)-(hl,Lr)] * MM –ML [(Lr,l)-(hl,Lr)] *HH –ML [(Hr,h-hl,Lr)] MM –LL [(Lr,h)-(l,Lr)] *ML-LL [(Lr,hl)-(l,Lr)] *MM –LL [(Hr,h)-(l,Lr)] *LL-LL [(Lr,l)-(l,Lr)] *HM-LL [(Hr,hl)-(l,Lr)] *ML-LL [(Lr,hl)-(l,Lr)] *H-LL [(Hr,h)(l,Lr)] * MH-LL [(Hr,lh)(l,Lr)] *HH –LL [(Hr,h)-(l,Lr)] MM –ML [(Lr,h)-(hl,Lr)] *ML-ML [(Lr,hl)-(hl,Lr)] *MM-ML [(Hr,l)-(hl,Lr). i n U. IDENT-IT. v. i -TD e n g c IhDENT IDENT-TD IDENT-reg IDENT-IT. Winning Candidate NOJUMP-t &*HD/Lr IDENT-reg.

(53) 41. io. IDENT-reg IDENT-IT Winning Candidate. 政治N J 大-t &*H /Lr I -reg. n HM HM-LL (Hr,hl) [(Hr,hl)-(l,Lr)]. IDENT-TD. Ch. O UMP. D. DENT. IDENT-IT IDENT-TD IDENT-TD IDENT-reg. y. IDENT-IT. ‧. Nat. al. IDENT-TD. 學. ‧ 國. 立. IDENT-IT. sit. ML-ML [(Lr,hl)-(hl,Lr)]. IDENT-IT. er. ML (Lr,hl). *LL-ML [(Lr,l)-(hl,Hr)] *HM-ML [(Hr,hl)-(hl-Lr)] *ML-ML [(Lr,hl)-(hl,Lr)] *H-ML [(Hr,h)-(hl,Lr)] * MH-ML [(Hr,lh)-(hl,Lr)] *HH –ML [(Hr,h)-(hl,Lr)] MM –ML [(Lr,h)-(hl,Lr)] *ML-ML [(Lr,hl)-(hl,Lr)] *MM –ML [(Hr,l)-(hl,Lr) *LL-ML [(Lr,l)-(hl,Hr)] *HM-ML [(Hr,hl)-(hl-Lr)] *ML-ML [(Lr,hl)-(hl,Lr)] *H-ML [(Hr,h)-(hl,Lr)] * MH-ML [(Hr,lh)-(hl,Lr)] *HH –ML [(Hr,h)-(hl,Lr)] HH-LL [(Hr,h)-(l,Lr)] *HM-LL [(Hr,hl)-(l,Lr)] *MM-LL [(Hr,l)-(l,Lr)] *LL-LL [(Lr,l)-(l,Lr)] *ML-LL [(Lr,hl)-(l,Lr)] *ML-LL [(Lr,hl)-(l,Lr)] *H-LL [(Hr,h)-(l,Lr)] * MM-LL [(Lr,h)-(l,Lr)]. iv n e n g c Winning h i U Candidate IDENT-IT. OCP-t(l) & *HD/Lr IDENT-IT IDENT-IT IDENT-IT IDENT-TD IDENT-TD IDENT-IT.

(54) 42. io. IDENT-IT IDENT-IT IDENT-TD. 政治I -TD 大 I -IT. n HM HM-ML (Hr,hl) [(Hr,hl)-(hl,Hr)]. IDENT-IT. Ch. DENT DENT. IDENT-IT. Winning Candidate. ‧. OCP-T (HM) IDENT-IT. y. Nat. al. NOJUMP-t &*HD/Lr. sit. HM HM-HM (Hr,hl) [(Hr,hl)-(hl,Lr)]. Winning Candidate. 學. ‧ 國. 立. IDENT-IT. IDENT-IT IDENT-IT. er. HM HM-ML (Hr,hl) [(Hr,hl)-(hl,Lr)]. * MH-LL [(Hr,lh)-(l,Lr)] HH-ML [(Hr,h)-(hl,Lr)] *HM-ML [(Hr,hl)-(hl,Lr)] *MM-ML [(Hr,l)-(hl,Lr)] *LL-ML [(Lr,l)-(hl,Lr)] *ML-ML [(Lr,hl)-(hl,Lr)] *ML-ML [(Lr,hl)-(hl,Lr)] *H-ML [(Hr,h)-(hl,Lr)] * MM –ML [(Lr,h)-(hl,Lr)] * MH-ML [(Hr,lh)-(hl,Lr) HH-HM [(Hr,h)-(hl,Hr)] *HM-HM [(Hr,hl)-(hl,Hr)] *MM-HM [(Hr,l)-(hl,Hr)] *LL-HM [(Lr,l)-(hl,Hr)] *ML-HM [(Lr,hl)-(hl,Hr)] *ML-HM [(Lr,hl)-(hl,Hr)] *H-HM [(Hr,h)-(hl,Hr)] * MM –HM [(Lr,h)-(hl,Hr)] * MH-HM [(Hr,lh)-(hl,Hr)] HH-ML [(Hr,h)-(hl,Lr)] *HM-ML [(Hr,hl)-(hl,Lr)] *MM-ML [(Hr,l)-(hl,Lr)] *LL-ML [(Lr,l)-(hl,Lr)]. i n -TD i U e n g c IhDENT. v. IDENT-TD IDENT-IT IDENT-IT Winning Candidate NOJUMP-t &*HD/Lr IDENT-IT IDENT-IT.

(55) 43. *ML-ML [(Lr,hl)-(l,Lr)] *ML-ML [(Lr,hl)-(hl,Lr)] *H-ML [(Hr,h)-(hl,Lr) * MM (Lr,l)-ML [(Lr,h)-(hl,Lr)] * MH-ML [(Hr,lh)-(hl,Lr). 立. IDENT-IT IDENT-TD IDENT-TD IDENT-IT IDENT-IT. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. v.

(56) 44. 3.5 Conclusion The chapter presents the OT analysis of Meixian Hakka tone sandhi. After investigating the tonal alternations from their internal structures, the tonal alternations of Meixian Hakka are grouped into two categories: assimilation and dissimilation. The general IDENT constraints are dominated by markedness constraints to have the sandhi. Nevertheless, the IDENT-T is not dominated by basic OCP and NO-JUMP constraints. A more complex constraint conjunction is needed to solve the tonal alternations. Lin’s. 治政 is also posited to deal with the is followed. Another markedness constraint, OCP-T(HM)大立. (2011) ideas by conjoining OCP and NO-JUMP with headedness constraints like *HD/Lr. assimilation of sequence of HM tone.. ‧ 國. 學. Aside from the tone sandhi grammar constraints, there are also several. ‧. undominated faitfulness constraints proposed in Meixian Hakka. First, IDENT-LL and IDENT-ML since LL and ML of Meixian Hakka tone are highly prominent and retain the. y. Nat. er. io. sit. tone value in the grammar. Second, IDENT-reg and IDENT-IT since the sandhi tones always retain the same register and initial target specifications. Third, IDENT-TD since. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. tone duration in Meixian Hakka does not change. The natural characteristics of open and. engchi. closed syllable determine the duration of the tone. The Hasse diagram (47) presents the grammar of Meixian Hakka tone sandhi by showing how the faithfulness and markedness constraint interact with each others..

(57) CHAPTER 4 OT ANALYSIS OF BANGKOK HAKKA. Chapter 4 presents an analysis of disyllabic tone sandhi in Bangkok Hakka. Bangkok Hakka is a sub-dialect of Meixian Hakka spoken in Bangkok, Thailand. The data for this analysis are taken from Siripen (2008) which describes the phonetic value of. 政治大. its segments and tone and rule-based approach towards its tonal alternation phenomena.. 立. This chapter is divided into several sections as follows: Section 4.1 gives the value of. ‧ 國. 學. citation tones and sandhi tones in the combined model of Bao’s (1999) and Yip’s (2001).. ‧. Section 4.2 presents the tone sandhi pattern of Bangkok Hakka and its generalization.. y. Nat. er. io. sit. Section 3 of this chapter provides the constraint based approach of OT and the application of constraint conjunction (CCT) to analyze the alternations of tones in. al. n. iv n C Bangkok Hakka. Several tonal structure constraints to shape the structure of h epreservation ngchi U. the tones are also provided in this chapter. Section 4.4 presents a Hasse Diagram and a summary table for the grammar of Bangkok Hakka tone sandhi. Conclusion of this chapter is provided in section 4.5. 4.1 Tone Inventory In Siripen (2008), there are six citation tones in Bangkok Hakka: Yinping 33 (mid level/MM), Yangping 21 (low level/LL); Shangsheng 31 (low falling/ML); Qusheng 44. 45.

(58) 46. (high level/HH); Yinru 32 (short low falling/ML) and Yangru 4 (short high level/H). Furthermore, Bangkok Hakka has two sandhi tones: 35 (high rising/MH), and 53 (high falling/HM) from Yinping and Qusheng respectively. In this thesis, the analysis depends on the tonal preservation and change of register and tone melody values as proposed in Bao (1999). Therefore, the detail information for every tone and its features are provided below. (1) Bangkok Hakka Tone Inventory.. y. sit. HM (Hr, hl). io. al. n. ML (Lr, hl). Nat. HH (Hr,h). er. ML (Lr, hl). MH (Hr,lh). ‧. LL (Lr, l). 學. MM, (Hr,l). 立. Sandhi Tones. ‧ 國. Citation Tones. 政治大. H (Hr,h). Ch. engchi. i n U. v. 4.2 Tone Sandhi Patterns There are two citation tones that undergo tonal change in Bangkok Hakka. First, mid level tone (MM) alternates to high rising tone when it is preceded by low level tone (LL), low falling tone (ML) and short low falling tone (ML). Second, high level tone (HH) changes to high falling tone (HM) when it is preceded by mid level tone (MM) and short.

(59) 47. high level tone (H). The other tones (low level, mid falling, short mid falling and short high level) do not undergo tone alternations. To enable us to see better picture of tones that undergo alternations, and those that do not, a full chart (6x6) of the tonal combination are presented in the table (2). (2) Bangkok Hakka Tonal combinations Yangping LL Lr, l MH-LL Hr-Lr lh-l LL-LL Lr-Lr l-l ML-LL Lr-Lr l-l HH-LL Hr-Lr h-l ML-LL Lr-Lr hl-l H-LL Hr-Lr h-l. 政治大. Ch. engchi. sit. y. ‧. n. Qusheng HH Hr, h MM-HH Hr-Hr l-h LL-HH Lr-Hr l-h ML-HH Lr-Hr hl-h HH-HH Hr-Hr h-h ML-HH Lr-Hr hl-h H-HH Hr-Hr h-h. 學. io. al. Shangsheng ML Lr, hl MH-ML Hr-Lr lh-hl LL-ML Lr-Lr l-hl ML-ML Lr-Lr hl-hl HH-ML Hr-Lr h-hl ML-ML Lr-Lr hl-hl H-ML Hr-Lr h-hl. er. 立. Nat. Yinping MM Hr, l Yangping LL Lr, l Shangsheng ML Lr, hl Qusheng HH Hr, h Yinru ML Lr, hl Yangru H Hr, h. Yinping MM Hr, l MM-MM Hr-Hr l-l LL-MM Lr-Hr l-l ML-MM Lr-Hr hl-l HM-MM Hr-Hr hl-l ML-MM Lr-Hr hl-l H-MM Hr-Hr h-l. ‧ 國. S2 S1. i n U. v. Yinru ML Lr, hl MH-ML Hr-Lr lh-hl LL-ML Lr-Lr l-hl ML-ML Lr-Lr hl-hl HH-ML Hr-Lr h-hl ML-ML Lr-Lr hl-hl H-ML Hr-Lr h-hl. There are two tones which undergo tonal change. The mid level tone alternates to high rising tone when it is followed by low level tone, low falling tone and short low falling tone. The mid level tone sandhi pattern has a similar pattern to Meixian Hakka. Yangru H Hr, h MM-H Hr-Hr l-h LL-H Lr-Hr l-h ML-H Lr-Hr hl-h HM-H Hr-Hr hl-h ML-H Lr-Hr hl-hl H-H Hr-Hr h-h.

(60) 48. mid level tone sandhi. The following table contains the mid level tonal alternations with their structural details. (3) Mid level tone sandhi in Bangkok Hakka 1.. 2.. 3.. MM-LL [(Hr,l)-(l,Lr)] ke phi ‘chicken skin’ MM-ML [(Hr,l)-(hl,Lr)] wu suj ‘black water’ MM-ML [(Hr,l)-(hl,Lr)] ke kut ‘chicken bone’. → → →. 立. MH-LL [(Hr,lh)-(l,Lr)] ke phi ‘chicken skin’ MH-ML [(Hr,lh)-(hl,Lr)] wu suj ‘black water’ MH-ML [(Hr,lh)-(hl,Lr)] ke kut ‘chicken bone’. 政治大. ‧ 國. 學. We see that there are two different forces that trigger mid level tone alternations: tone melody dissimilation (MM-LL) and tone melody assimilation (MM-ML&ML). The. ‧. trigger of the sandhi is the low register tone in head position of tonal combinations. The. sit. y. Nat. io. al. n. (4) MM-LL tone sandhi (low tone melody dissimilation). Ch. engchi. er. process can be observed from following trees.. i n U. v. (5) MM-ML/ML tone sandhi (high tone melody assimilation).