This chapter is divided into two sections. The first present the relationship between state and women‘s political participation/representation. The second examines the historical background of the role of Thai women in politics both institutional and non-institutional factors.
State and Women’s Political Participation/Representation
The state is a framework persisting over time, with the power to administer the categories and structures of regulations; combining historical processes to generate and transform the basic components of gender order. In general, the concept of state represents the interests of the male dominant groups as class interest. Male dominance is dependent on power of state to supports male violence against women (Hanmer J. 1978; 227, 231). Apparently gender remains a significant issue because of the fundamental differences and inequalities between men and women.
Much has been written about gender differences and inequalities within the state. In his book “Feminizing Politics”, Lovenduski, J. (2005) identified the definition of gender as a concept that is an important component of the way in which issues are framed in policy debates (Joni Lovenduski et al. 2005: 6-8). In terms of social sciences, gender also expresses the effects of relationships among women and men such as political power, social roles, images and expectations.
The links between states and gender exist on three levels. The first is that of the elites who occupy official positions in the state. The second is state action and the intended and unintended consequences of state policies for strategic and practical gender interests. The third is the collectivity of norms, laws, ideologies, and patterns of action that become the meaning of politics and the nature of political discourse (Chalton, Sue Ellen M. et al. 1989: 12).
With regard to political power, women are underrepresented throughout the world. It is important to recognize these gender differences in power within formal decision-making structures such as governments, community councils, and policy-making institutions. Consequently, the national machinery is the major part of government structure because it also proclaim equal rights
for men and women. Specifically, gender mainstreaming as a national machinery is significant variable which supports the advancement of women because gender mainstreaming is a process of assessing the implications for women and men of any planned action, including legislation, policies or programs in all areas and at all levels (Rai, S.M. 2003: 16).
Additionally, gender mainstreaming and national machineries can be combined with international public policy through UN-led organizations such as the Beijing Platform for Action (1995) and the Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC), including women-in-development”
(WID) scheme . Adele Mueller (1986) criticized that “WID knowledge” had the effect of continuing to conceptualize the Third World in a relationship of dependence with the First World of dominant capitalist countries (Mueller, A. 1986: 36-38).
Representation of one form or another is a defining feature of modern democracies. In terms of political representation, this has many definitions and takes many forms. Ideas of political participation evolved from classical Greek philosophers to modern theorists of participatory democracy such as John Stuart Mill and Jean-Jacques Rousseau. Milbrath, W. and Goel, M. L.
(1982) defined the political participation of citizens as actions which sought to influence or support government and politics. This includes not only active roles that people pursue to influence political outcomes but also ceremonial and support activities. People relate to their government in a variety of ways. Some take the system for granted and concentrate only on adjusting their behavior to its demands; others want to improve or transform it (Milbrath, W. and Goel, M.L.
1982: 2).
Furthermore, Samuel P. Huntington (1987) classified five goals of participatory development as growth, equity, democracy, stability and autonomy. Democracy is thus the significant process in the participation of people in decision-making bodies. One indicator that can testify to the political participation of people is their involvement in various political parties, their contributions and their positions in decision-making bodies.
Democracy is thus an essential factor for increasing the proportion of women in politics.
Shapiro and Winters (2008) emphasized that political participation in a democracy can be viewed in many forms; ranging from voting for representatives at regular intervals to voting on policies in referenda, forming political groups and engaging in legal or illegal protests. The individuals
engaged in such participation are likely to expect, or at least hope that these actions will have some impact on the content of government policies.
In addition to the importance of democratization, this process is also crucial factors to integrate national machineries with governance decisions because national machineries for the advancement of women depend on both governance and democratization within the state, and the relationship with civil society at both national and global levels. Rai (2003) explained the democratization of the state/government process categorized five factors; 1) the issue of devolution or decentralization, 2) the role of political parties, 3) the monitoring and auditing mechanisms, 4) leadership commitment, and 5) the issue of participation of women within political institutions (Rai, Shirin M. 2003: 34-39).
Many feminists have been broadly participating in the practices of formal politics such as elections, voting, political parties, and in Parliament. Hague et al. (1992: 157) classified the population into three main groups; 1) Small number of activists who are mostly party members, 2) The voters, who are the majority, and 3) The apathy who ignore politics altogether. In addition to class and gender within the state. Min Kelber’s works (1994) noted that a democracy without women will no longer be seen as an imperfect democracy, but as no democracy at all (Kelber, M.
1994: 33).
Around the world, women’s participation in traditional political activity has progressed.
Researchers demonstrated that the rate of female political activity in advanced industrial nations increased during the 1980s and 1990s, and in some cases their participation surpassed men (Irigaray, L.1985: Christy, C. 1987; DeVaus, D. and McAllister, I. 1989; Sidney,V. Schlozman, K. and Brady, H. 1995). Inglehart and Norris (2003) determined that a gender gap is an essential obstacle in traditional forms of political activism, particularly in advanced industrial societies. The gender gap is however narrowing and has become very modest. Nevertheless, this gap is more substantial in agrarian societies where men are much more likely to join political parties, discuss politics and work in community organizations than women (Inglehart, R. and Norris, P. 2003: 123-126). Research results indicate a modest gap in traditional forms of political participation, particularly in developing countries where the proportion of women in politics has increased. This growth has resulted from increased participation by younger women (those under 25), who are now turning out in greater numbers to vote than their male counterparts. Other contributing factors
are changes in social norms and structural lifestyles which have removed many barriers affecting women’s participation (Norris, P. 2016).
Similarly, Nickie Charles (2000) accentuated that a patriarchal or domestic mode of production is structured in terms of male-dominance and female subordination as well as capitalism. This patriarchal structuring is represented at the political level and leads to a characterization of the state as patriarchal. In conclusion, the basic of patriarchal power is expressed as the pattern of male violence (Charles, N. 2000: 16-17).
In relation to feminist theory, political representation is a fundamental concern. The representation of women in a political system is a good indication of its claims to democracy.
Gender feminism represents the modern feminist trends for equal political participation by women.
The distinction between the earlier feminist trends and the gender feminist trend was represented by many postmodern feminists. Christina Hoff Sommers (1994) emphasized in her book “Who Stole Feminism?” on the moral, educational, civil and legal equality of the sexes, characterized as
“equity feminists”. Gender feminist groups demand sex/gender class revolution and the elimination of all distinctions between both sexes (Sommers, C. 1994: 258). Importantly, Drude Dahlerup (2002, 2006) suggested that equal participation was based on sexual differences within the spirit of democracy. A 50-50 quota for women as decision makers is thus a strategic necessity (Dahlerup, D.2002, 2006).
Zeenath Kausar (2008) divided the views of gender feminists on women’s political participation into two spheres: (1) the perspective of women in general political participation, and (2) the perspective of gender deconstructionism. Her first perspective noted that general political participation of women includes the rights of women to vote, to join, to campaign for any appropriate political party and to run for any legislative assembly at all levels. Consequently, all institutions from family to state are considered patriarchal and political. Women’s political participation and the family role become essential parts of the whole life, and not segregated as other activities. The issue of the role of women in family and society is also approached through
“reason” and “sense perceptions” PP(Ali, M. 1994). A second explanation, gender deconstruction is an essential factor for a true democracy. According to Derrida, J. (1987) and Kristeva, J. (1982), they emphasized the necessity of deconstructing gender, family and society, the state, the world, nature and God. All these institutions were also structured on the views of men and advanced
men’s domination over women. Thus, gender differences and marriage-regulated family became the basic obstacles to women’s political participation and these factors should also be demolished (Kausar, Z. 2003; Siddique, K. 1993).
Furthermore, Kausar categorized significant factors indicating the increasing numbers of women in national parliaments; however, no country has yet reached gender parity. Many indicators continue to present challenges to women’s parliamentary representation perspective:
type of electoral system, role of political parties, women’s socio-economic status, socio-cultural traditions and beliefs, and women’s double burden of work and family responsibilities (Kausar, Z.
2008: 73-76).
On the contrary, obstacles and barriers to women’s political participation are still both cultural and structural. Sarah Henderson et al. (2014) stated that political institutions have a direct impact on women’s lives since they were created by and remain dominated by men. Men and women undergo different life experiences due to socialization and socially appropriate behavior.
As a result, they have different concerns, views, and modes of behavior, as well as voting patterns, laws, regulations and policies (Henderson, S. and Jeydel, A. 2014: 6-7).
Continually, Henderson categorized three general explanations about the obstacles and barriers for women in political office. The first emphasized the role of structural barriers in levels of political and socioeconomic development. Women’s representation in professional and administrative occupations was also considered. Some scholars argued that the level of democracy in a country positively affected women’s presence in electoral office (Reynolds, A. 1999: 547-572). Levels of socioeconomic development are also associated with the number of female parliamentarians worldwide. In addition, the presence of women in professional, administrative and managerial occupations is critical as these careers often provide the experiences, financial resources, social networks and flexibility needed to compete for elected office (Inglehart, R. and Norris, P. 2003; Rule, W.1987). As a result, money becomes a crucial condition for women to have access to political power. Socioeconomic status and career opportunities are, therefore, important conditions for women to access political office (Inglehart, R. and Norris, P. 2003: 130-131).
A second explanation for women’s underrepresentation focuses on the role of institutional design and electoral laws. A proportional representation (PR) electoral system and the adaptation
of gender quotas both provide significant pathways for women to progress through national legislature. In 2007, the Inter-Parliamentary Union reported that the 21 chambers that used PR elected an average of 18.3 percent of women to seats, versus 13.8 percent in chambers that did not use PR (Inter-Parliamentary Union. 2007: 5).
Her final explanation, the adoption of various quota regulations has also been critical in promoting women to elected office. Nevertheless, the effect can be limited by several factors. First, voluntary quotas are adopted by individual parties within a country, and the potential benefits to women can be limited if the practice cannot spread to other parties. Second, the effects can decrease women’s opportunities if parties decide to place women at the bottom of party lists. As a result, it is easier to adopt this type of quota system in PR systems than in majoritarian democracies. Harmoniously, many gender feminists demanded universal 50-50 quotas for all elected offices. For example, Kelber’s edited work “Women and Government: New Ways to Political Power” (1994), the author focused on the necessity of universal quotas for equal representation of the sexes (Kelber, M. 1994: 33).
According to non-institutional variables, Inglehart and Norris (2003) explored the strong relationship between attitudes toward women’s political leadership and the actual proportion of women legislatures. Cultural norms are strong hindrances for women to run for political office.
According to the Inter-Parliamentary Union reported that female politicians in many countries regarded hostile attitudes toward women’s political participation as one of the most important barriers to run for office. Similarly, they summarized that a generational gap in attitudes was a significant obstacle for women’s abilities. Some women believed that changing public opinion can pressure parties and legislatures to adopt institutional reforms such as gender quotas in the political process (Inglehart, R. and Norris, P. 2003: 144).
In the aspect of religion, particularly Christianity still remains an essential variable of gender feminists. Elizabeth Schussler Folrenza (1987) argued that biblical texts are not divine relations, but rather products of a “patriarchal culture and history”. She demanded the empowerment of women to re-image the Christian God as Sophie (female wisdom). An important point to note is the attack of gender feminists on Christianity and the equal participation of women in decision-making (O’Leary, D.1997: 26). This was evident from several statements and reports prepared for the 1995 Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing. The conference noted, “The
rise of all forms of religious fundamentalism is seen as posing a particular threat to the enjoyment of women of their human rights and to the full participation of women of their human rights and to the full participation of women in decision-making at all levels of society”P 5P.P
Specifically, the basic obstacle is the family and the social institutions of childbearing and child rearing. Gender bias is still a crucial obstacle to gender equality. Sexual diversion is a class distinction for male domination which is perpetrated in all social, economic and political institutions. Vigdis Finnbogadottir in the 1995 UN Fourth World Conference on Women, cited that stereotypes must be eliminated from the images of “wives” and “mothers”. Consequently, women should be given the freedom to construct their own lifestyles, families and choice regarding reproduction (Finnbogadottir, V.1995).
To summarize, the gender gap is also a significant legislative factor regarding voting patterns. Elected women are often more progressive, more consensus-oriented and more likely to introduce legislation that directly addresses women’s concerns such as health care, education and welfare compared to men. They also work hard to see that such legislation becomes law.
Consequently, deconstruction of the basic political institution of heterosexual marriage is required to bring about a sex-classless society.
Historical Background of the Role of Thai Women in Politics
The role of Thai women was first recorded during the Sukhothai era in the seventh century.
This period was the Renaissance of Siamese culture and attitudes toward women were enlightened.
Women were well-respected, although a division of roles between men and women was recorded in the ancient annals which stated that “after the rice season, women weave; men do metalwork”
(Chulachata, V.1980: 11).
When the Ayutthaya period began during 1351 to 1767, the status of women declined.
Laws were introduced prohibiting marriage between Thai women and foreigners. For example,
“the Law on Husbands and Wives” was enacted in 1361. This law allowed men to practice
5The council of Europe organized a conference for Beijing Preparation in which many woman political leaders from European countries participated. The quote is taken from a report of the conference entitled “Equality and Democracy:
Utopia or Challenge,” (Strasbourg: Palais de l’Europe (9-11 February 1995), p.38.
polygamy and divided wives into different categories. It also empowered husbands to punish their wivesP6P.
The Rattanakosin era, founded in 1782, is the fourth and present in the history of Thailand.
During the reign of King Rama IV, the Family Law under the Civil and Commercial Code was proclaimed and enforced in 1935. Previously, married women were their husbands’ property and treated like chattels; the new law stated that the husband was the head of the conjugal union. He chose the place of residence and directed what was to be done for maintenance and support (The Civil and Commercial Code 1935, Section 1454). The husband had the authority under this law to hold the rights of the wife, ranging from rights of occupation (The Civil and Commercial Code 1935, Section 1456), and community property management and child rearing (The Civil and Commercial Code 1935, Section 1468; 1437 and 1438). Fortunately, the reform of this Code was initiated during the reign of King Rama V in the 1870s, and women’s status was further increased with the abolition of slavery. Subsequently, during the reign of King Rama VI in 1921 compulsory primary education was introduced for all Thai citizens. King Rama VI also advocated monogamy, although it was not a call seriously taken up by the public (Ibid.1980: 9-18).
This important case study illustrates a woman protesting to her individual rights in life and marriage. In the 1840s under the reign of Rama IV, Amdaeng Samrit, presumably living in Ayutthaya, was destitute and therefore sold herself to another woman, Amdaeng Ma. Nai (Mr.) Hun, a brother-in-law of Amdaeng Ma, was attracted to Amdaeng Samrit. He sent a “go-between”
(thao kae) to meet two of Amdaeng Samrit’s sisters and two of her other maternal relatives (na), asking them to allow her to be his wife. After they had accepted the request for marriage, and after Nai Hun had repaid Amdaeng Samrit’s debt of 76 baht to Amdaeng Ma, the couple was married.
On this occasion, Nai Hun gave a written promise to Amdaeng Samrit’s relatives that he would respect her as wife and that if he or his other wife (or wives) abused her, he would agree to a divorce. Later, when Nai Hun beat Amdaeng Samrit because he suspected her fidelity, she decided to return to one of her elder sisters (Koizumi, J. 2000: 257).
6 The change of this period is very likely to be after King Borom Trailoknart who was heavily influenced by Khmer
Before the 1932 revolution, men were active in the public sphere and participated in state affairs, while women engaged in home-based work and were not allowed to participate in any aspect of state administration. The revolution in 1932 resulted in the change of the political system from an absolute to a constitutional monarchy and greatly impacted on the social role of Thai women. Plaek Phibunsongkhram (1938-1944), the third Prime Minister under the Thai constitutional monarchy promoted Thai women’s status to be equal to that in developed countries.
He also supported the acceptance of women’s capabilities because they played an important role in the family and society (Bhagowati, S. 2014: 101).
In terms of formal politics, institutionalized women’s groups came into existence after the start of the democracy era of 1932 because women acquired political rights both in terms of voting and competing for political positions such as Member of the National Assembly (the first national election was held in 1933). Moreover, laws were amended or developed to improve gender equality and benefit women. For example, to increase the participation of women in local administration control, welfare and development the law on provincial administration was amended in 1982 to allow women to occupy the positions of sub-district headman or Kam-nan and village headman or Phu-Yai-Baan (Rungthipanon, O. 2013: 1-8).
Consequently, democratic values have transformed attitudes toward the ability of women
Consequently, democratic values have transformed attitudes toward the ability of women