泰國女性的政治參與：菁英與民眾的觀點 - 政大學術集成

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(1)國立政治大學亞太研究英語博士學位學程 International Doctoral Program in Asia-Pacific Studies College of Social Sciences National Chengchi University. 博士論文 Doctoral Dissertation 泰國女性的政治參與：菁英與民眾的觀點 Women’s Political Participation in Thailand: Perceptions of Public Perspectives.. Student: Suchittra Ritsakulchai (李書淳) Advisor: Dr. Sun Tsai Wei (孫采薇). 中華民國 107 年 1 月 January 2018.

(2) ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS First of all, I would like to acknowledge my indebtedness and render my warmest thanks to my supervisor, Professor Tsai-Wei SUN, who made this work possible. Her friendly guidance and expert advice have been invaluable throughout all stages of the work. Besides my advisor, I would also wish to express my gratitude to the rest of my thesis committee: Prof. Alan Hao YANG, Prof. Mei-Chuan WEI, Prof. Pei-Xiu CHEN and Prof. Jenn-Jaw SOONG, for their insightful comments and encouragement --the valuable suggestions which incented me to widen my research from various perspectives. I was extremely thankful to all 10 Thai women specialists who kindly agreed to be interviewed despite their tight schedules. Furthermore, I would like to thank 1,500 respondents who devoted their valuable time to answer my queries. I was grateful to professors and staffs in the International Doctoral Programs in AsiaPacific Studies (IDAS) department. My sincere thanks also went to Angel Lee who had helped me for the paperwork. Additionally, I would like to express my special appreciation and thanks to National Chengchi University for encouraging me with support and warmth during my Ph.D. studying time. Similarly, I owed my thanks to College of Politics and Governance for giving me an opportunity to continue my academic pathway and I would like to especially thank Mahasarakham University for its financial support. My heartfelt thanks went especially to Mr. Peter Charge, Miss In-on Leoprasertkul and Mr. Korndanai Akawat who had helped me to proof my paper completely. I was also thankful to Miss Thanawan Chindakum who had assisted me to analyze the statistical data. Additionally, I would like to thank my colleagues and friends to help my work completely. Last but not the least, I would like to thank my family: my parents and to my little brother for supporting me spiritually throughout writing this dissertation and my life in general.. ii.

(3) ABSTRACT. Historically, Thai women were excluded from political participation either in national or local levels. The 1997 Constitutional reform led to fundamental changes in Thailand’ s political system and strengthened women’s representation in high politics. The proportion of seats occupied by women in the national parliament showed less than 10 percent. Recently, the advancement of Thai women in political participation has extensively inspired through discussions and studies of gender politics. In other words, a number of prominent Thai women in decision making processes – female politicians have been encouraged to access to the political sphere. Meanwhile the male political enactment has still been dominant towards their experiences and background characteristics. Not only did aim to review the role of women’s participation in Thailand, this research also analyzed the factors either supporting or obstructing female political empowerment. So mixed method was designed as the research tool. As the quantitative methodology, 1,500 survey questionnaires were distributed to respondents throughout the country. The Linear Regression ( R2) was used to analyze the relationship between the dependent variables and P. P. independent variables regarding women’s political participation in Thailand. As the qualitative methodology, the data from the interview questions were collected to cover the details of the main research questions. The findings revealed that both Constitution and political processes were the most crucial factors for Thai women’ s empowerment. Accordingly, the non- institutional factors were also the major supporting elements for women’ s participation and empowerment; those were, personal leadership, the acceptance from citizens, the context of society, family background, motivation, economic development and the cooperation of the related organizations.. Although, the gender stereotype and prejudices had remained the most. important barriers for Thai women in politics, the religious belief becomes beneficial in those situations. Regarding the quota system, most interviewees strongly agreed that this measure became a major temporary measure to increase a number of Thai women representatives whereas many respondents focused on the potential of the candidates instead of the gender. In conclusion, the promotion of Thai women’ s political participation requires determined efforts not only by women themselves, but also governments, political parties, mass media, and NGOs. As a result, all levels of the political participation should be concerned by all parties through cooperative working in appropriate measures. iii.

(4) TABLE OF CONTENT. Pages ACKNOWLEDGMENT. ii. ABSTRACT. iii. TABLE OF CONTENT. iv. LIST OF TABLE. vii. LIST OF FIGURE. x. ABBRIVIATION. xi. CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION. 1. Background. 1. Research Purpose and Research Question. 9. Definition. 10. Argument. 11. Variable. 12. Research Methodology. 16. Data Resource and Research Process. 17. Significance and Contribution of the Research. 21. Research Chapter. 21. CHAPTER II: LITERATURE REVIEW. 23. State and Women’s Political Participation/Representation. 23. Historical Background of Role of Thai Women in Politics. 29. Gender perception regarding women’s political participation/ representation. 41. Discussion and Summary. 47. iv.

(5) TABLE OF CONTENTS. Pages CHAPTER III: THE INFLUENCING FACTORS OF WOMEN’S POLITICAL. 51. PARTICIPATION IN THAILAND Institutional Factor. 51. Non-institutional Factor. 63. Discussion and Summary. 73. CHAPTER IV: RESEARCH RESULTS OF IN-DEPTH INTERVIEWS. 78. Research Result: Preliminary Data. 78. Comparison. 95. Discussion and Summary. 105. CHAPTER V: RESEARCH RESULTS OF SURVEY QUESTIONNAIRES. 108. Research Result. 108. Discussion and Summary. 137. CHAPTER VI: CONCLUSION. 138. Overall Review. 141. Major Findings from Interview and Questionnaire. 142. Further Discussion. 148. Recommendation and Implementation. 150. BIBLIOGRAPHY. 155. APPENDIX Appendix A. Interview Question (English Language). 170. Appendix B. Interview Question (Thai Language). 175. Appendix C. List of Interviewee. 180. v.

(6) TABLE OF CONTENTS. Pages Appendix D. Survey Questionnaire (English Language). 182. Appendix E. Survey Questionnaire (Thai Language). 190. Appendix F. Code Book. 197. vi.

(7) LIST OF TABLES. Pages Table 1.1: Voters and vote turnouts by sex. 2. Table 1.2: Women parliamentary elections (House of Representatives) in Thailand. 3. Table 1.3: Elected senators by sex and region. 5. Table 1.4: Executive in local, village and sub-district administration by sex in 2016. 6. Table 1.5: Men and women in the 2005 parliamentary elections, by party. 8. Table 2.1: Comparison of Worldwide Public Perception on Women’s. 47. Political Participation in Literature Table 3.1: Comparison of political party executives by sex between the TRT and. 58. the Democrat parties Table 3.2: Informal employment by industry and sex in 2016. 64. Table 3.3: Formal and informal employment by work status and sex in 2016. 65. Table 3.4: Couple with marriage certificate by region from 2004 to 2013. 66. Table 3.5: Couple with divorce certificate by region from 2004 to 2013. 67. Table 3.6: Formal and informal employment by level of educational attainment and. 68. sex in 2016 Table 3.7: Thai legal framework relevant to the status of women Table 4.1: Female specialists’ attitudes about factors impacting on. 75 104. women’s political participation in Thailand Table 5.1: Male and female respondents. 109. Table 5.2: Ages of respondents. 109. Table 5.3: Occupation of respondents. 110. Table 5.4: Income of respondents. 110. vii.

(8) LIST OF TABLES. Pages Table 5.5: Religion of respondents. 111. Table 5.6: Education of respondents. 111. Table 5.7: Marital status of respondents. 112. Table 5.8: Hometown (Region) of respondents. 113. Table 5.9: Political participation of respondents. 113. Table 5.10: Political activities of respondents. 114. Table 5.11: Constitution impacting on women’s political participation. 115. Table 5.12: Political processes influencing women’s political participation. 115. Table 5.13: Development of political processes impacting on women’s political. 116. participation Table 5.14: Political parties encouraging women’s political participation. 116. Table 5.15: Political parties promoting Thai women candidates. 117. Table 5.16: Political parties supporting budgets for women candidates. 117. Table 5.17: National development plans impacting on women’s political participation 118 Table 5.18: Characteristics of women political leadership. 119. Table 5.19: Acceptance of Thai citizens regarding Thai women in politics. 119. Table 5.20: Role of Thai women in politics. 120. Table 5.21: Role of Thai women holding higher political positions. 120. Table 5.22: Context of Thai society impacting on women’s political participation. 121. Table 5.23: Traditional political cultures impacting on women’s political participation 122 Table 5.24: Influences of religion impacting on women’s political participation. viii. 122.

(9) LIST OF TABLES. Pages Table 5.25: Traditional values impacting on women’s political participation. 123. Table 5.26: Family heritance impacting on women’s political participation. 124. Table 5.27: Political experiences supporting the confidence of women candidate. 124. Table 5.28: Other supporting factors impacting on women’s political participation. 125. Table 5.29: Motivation/ inspiration impacting on women’s political participation. 126. Table 5.30: Socioeconomic factors impacting on women’s political participation. 126. Table 5.31: Economic development impacting on women’s political participation. 127. Table 5.32: Government supporting the increases of women’s political empowerment 128 Table 5.33: Cooperation between governments, private agencies and NGOs. 128. impacting on women’s political participation Table 5.34: Mass media impacting on women’s political participation. 129. Table 5.35: The most supporting factor impacting on women’s political participation 129 Table 5.36: The most obstructing factor impacting on women’s political participation 130 Table 5.37: Gender quota system at the national level. 130. Table 5.38: Gender quota system at the local Level. 131. Table 5.39: Equality of political status. 132. Table 5.40: The most important reason regarding the low number of female. 132. representatives in Thailand Table 5.41: Correlation between independent variables and the gender quota. 133. system at the national level Table 5.42: Correlation between independent variables and the gender quota system at the local level ix. 135.

(10) LIST OF TABLES. Pages Table 5.43: Correlation between independent variables and the equality of. 136. political status in Thailand Table 5.44: Correlation between independent variables and the low number of. 137. Thai women holding the higher political positions at the national and local levels Table 6.1: Comparison of research results between the in-depth interviews (Chapter 4) 143 and the survey questionnaires (Chapter 5). LIST OF FIGURES. Pages Figure 1.1: Women ministers in Thai Cabinet. 5. Figure 1.2: Research methodology. 16. Figure 1.3: Survey questionnaire stratified by geographic strata in Thailand. 19. Figure 1.4: Research process. 20. Figure 3.8: Devices to access the internet classified by gender and generation in 2015. 72. Figure 6.1: Implementation of women’s political participation in Thailand. x. 152.

(11) ABBRIVATIONS. 1. AoT. Airports of Thailand PCL. 2. APSW. Association for the Promotion of the Status of Women. 3. BMA. Bangkok Metropolitan Administration. 4. BPFA. Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action. 5. CEDAW. Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women. 6. CGEO. Chief Gender Equality Officer. 7. ECOSOC. United Nations Economic and Social Council. 8. GDRI. Gender and Development Research Institute. 9. GFP. Gender Focal Point. 10. LLB. Labor Law Bachelor Degree. 11. LLM. Labor Law Master Degree. 12. MDGs. Millennium Development Goals. 13. MP. Member of Parliament. 14. MRCS. Mekong River Commission Secretariat. 15. NCPO. National Council for Peace and Order. 16. NCWA. National Commission on Women’s Affairs. 17. NESDB. National Economic and Social Development Board. 18. NIDA. National Institute of Development Administration. 19. NIST. New International School of Thailand. 20. OWAFD. Office of Women’s Affairs and Family Development. 21. PAD. People’s Alliance for Democracy. 22. PAO. Provincial Administrative Organization. 23. PR. Proportional Representation. 24. SAO. Sub-district Administrative Organization. 25. TAO. Tambon Administrative Organization. 26. TRT. Thai Rak Thai. 27. WID. Women-in-Development. 28. WIP. Women in Politics Institute. xi.

(12) CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION. Background Political participation was an important step for women to become equal partners in national decision-making. Voting is a good example where citizens exercise their fundamental political right in a democratic society. In 1932, Thailand was the first country in Asia which granted women the right to vote. However, politics in Thailand has traditionally been dominated by men, and 84 years later Thai women are still underrepresented in political activities. The 1997 Constitution or the ‘People’s Constitution’ was a significant step forward for democratic development and female political representation for two reasons: first, this Constitution brought about fundamental changes in the political system and Thai democracy evolved from traditional patriarchal characteristics toward accountability and transparency (good governance), second, for the first time in Thai political history the Constitution included commitment to human rights, community rights and nondiscriminatory practices (Ungpakorn, G. 2010: 26-28). Interestingly, Thai women were excluded from political participation at both national and local levels. Pongsapich (1988) opined that political participation for Thai women improved during two periods. The westernization’s era (the nineteenth century) was the first time that Thailand welcomed foreigners into the country and signed the Bowring Treaty1 with Britain (1855) which P. P. promoted international trade. During this period, women became aware of the existing sexual discrimination through increased education. Meanwhile, Thai people were exposed to the values of western democracy and freedom. The coup d'état in 1932 changed the system of government in Siam from an absolute monarchy to a constitutional monarchy and also encouraged more Thai women to participate in political activities. However, after World War II, the military assumed. 1. The Bowring Treaty is the important agreement between Siam (Thailand) and Britain that achieved commercial and political aims that earlier British missions had failed to gain and opened up Siam to Western influence and trade..

(13) political control and freedom of expression was limited for three decades (Pongsapich, A. 1988:8182). During the second period (the twentieth century), two important events improved the political status of women in Thailand. The first occurred on October 14, 1973 with a student uprising against the coup d’état and the military government. After the so-called ‘Students’ Revolution’, freedom of expression was relaxed to a certain degree. Second, in 1985, Thailand ratified the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW). This international treaty further protected Thai women from discrimination by persons, organizations or enterprises, with emphasis on political life, representation, the right to vote, education, health and employment. Currently, the proportion of women voters increases significantly because Thai women play a more active role in promoting participatory politics in Thailand (Office of Women’s Affair and Family Development and UNDP. 2008: 183). Table 1.1: Voters and voter turnout by sex Voters and voter. 2006. turnout. Number (n). Percentage (%). Voter turnout (%). Total. Male. Female. Male. Female. Male. Female. 1.Eligible voters. 44,064,373. 21,372,206. 22,692,167. 48.50. 51.50. n.a.. n.a.. Eligible voters (party. 35,100,446. 16,875,030. 18,219,401. 48.08. 51.91. n.a.. n.a.. 43,688,764. 21,146,025. 22,535,578. 48.40. 51.58. n.a.. n.a.. n.a.. n.a.. n.a.. n.a.. n.a.. n.a.. n.a.. 22,981,483. 10,972,470. 12,000,338. 47.74. 52.22. 65.02. 65.87. 22,981,483. 10,972,470. 12,000,338. 47.74. 52.22. 65.02. 65.87. list/constituency) in 62 provinces in the general election Eligible voters in 74 provinces in the senatorial election 2. Voter turnout Party list (62 provinces) Constituency (62 provinces). 2.

(14) Voters and voter. 2006. turnout. Senatorial (74. Number (n). Percentage (%). Voter turnout (%). Total. Male. Female. Male. Female. Male. Female. 27,354,685. 12,993,772. 14,240,485. 47.50. 52.06. 61.45. 63.19. provinces) Source: Election Commission of Thailand (ECT).. In 2006, women outnumbered men as eligible voters and more women voted than men in both the senatorial and general elections. Female and male voter turnout rates were very similar at 65.9 percent and 65 percent, respectively. Female voter turnout was slightly higher than male in the senatorial election at 63.2 percent and 61.4 percent, respectively (Table 1.1). Furthermore, women’s voices and viewpoints in politics are needed for a more thorough and balanced deliberation of national issues. The proportion of women in the Cabinet is an ultimate indicator of the Government’s seriousness and sincerity in women empowerment and promotion of gender equality. Table 1.2: Women parliamentary election candidates (House of Representatives) in Thailand Election Date. Candidate. Members of Parliament. Men. Women. % of women. Men. Women. % of women. February 1952. n/a. n/a. n/a. 119. 4. 3.3. February 1957. n/a. n/a. n/a. 159. 1. 0.6. December 1957. n/a. n/a. n/a. 156. 2. 2.5. February 1969. 1,226. 27. 2.2. 214. 5. 2.3. January 1975. n/a. n/a. n/a. 266. 3. 1.1. May 1976. n/a. n/a. n/a. 272. 7. 2.5. April 1979. n/a. n/a. n/a. 292. 9. 3.0. May 1983. 1,826. 54. 2.9. 311. 13. 4.0. July 1986. 3,449. 362. 9.5. 335. 12. 3.5. June 1988. 3,246. 366. 10.1. 347. 10. 2.8. March 1992. 2,742. 212. 7.2. 348. 12. 3.3. 3.

(15) Election Date. Candidate. Members of Parliament. Men. Women. % of women. Men. Women. % of women. September 1992. 2,175. 242. 10.0. 345. 15. 4.2. June 1995. 2,130. 242. 10.2. 367. 24. 6.1. November 1996. 1,950. 360. 15.6. 371. 22. 5.6. 2,409. 346. 12.6. 361. 39. 9.8. 786. 146. 15.7. 93. 7. 7.0. 3,195. 492. 13.3. 454. 46. 9.2. 1,523. 184. 10.8. 353. 47. 11.8. 483. 99. 17.0. 94. 6. 6.0. 1,973. 267. 11.9. 448. 53. 10.6. Constituency. 3320. 574. 14.74. 351. 49. 12.25. Party List. 989. 271. 21.51. 73. 7. 8.75. 4,309. 845. 16.39. 424. 56. 11.67. Constituency. 1,997. 425. 17.55. 315. 60. 16.00. Party List. 1,099. 311. 22.06. 106. 19. 15.20. Total. 3,096. 736. 19.20. 421. 79. 15.80. January 2001 Constituency Party List Total February 2005 Constituency Party List Total December 2007. Total July 2011. Table 1.2, women candidates accounted for 19.20 percent in the 2011 general election, with 15.80 percent or 79 of 421 members of the National Legislative Assembly appointed as national representatives. The number of female candidates increased from 16.39 percent in 2007 to 19.20 percent in 2011. Additionally, the percentage of women as MPs also increased from 11.67 percent in 2007 to 15.80 percent in 2011. Specifically, the 1997 Constitutional reform brought about fundamental changes in Thailand’s political system and strengthened women’s representation in “high politics”. The first female Prime Minister, Yingluck Shinawatra was elected in 2011 and appointed three female ministers in her cabinet. Meanwhile, the number of female senators increased to 25, but this was 4.

(16) still low at 16.4 percent2. The proportion of seats held by women in national parliaments was 6.1 P. P. percent, while the proportion of women in Thai politics was 10 percent3. P. P. The graph in Figure 1.1 presents the gender composition of the 50th to 60th cabinets of Thailand. During this period, Thai women ministers gained increasing opportunities to take part in the political administration. Recently, there remain only few women ministers in the cabinet. The process of establishing a cabinet and appointing ministers does not focus on gender; however, the suitability and capability of the individual candidate are essential for the management and establishment of a developing country.. Figure1.1: Women ministers in Thai Cabinet Source: http://www.wikigender.org/wiki/women-and-politics-in-thailand/, accessed on November 7, 2016. Table 1.3: Elected senators by sex and region Region. 2000-2006. Percentage. 2007-2013. Percentage. (%). (%). Men. Women. Total. Men. Women. Men. Women. Total. Men. Women. Whole Kingdom. 199. 23. 222. 89.64. 10.36. 64. 12. 76. 84.21. 15.79. Bangkok Metropolis. 16. 2. 18. 88.89. 11.11. 0. 1. 1. 0.00. 100.00. Central Region. 49. 4. 53. 92.45. 7.55. 23. 3. 26. 88.46. 11.54. Northern Region. 37. 6. 43. 86.05. 13.95. 10. 6. 16. 62.50. 37.50. 2. The Office of the Election Commission of Thailand .available: http://www.ect.go.th/, accessed on June15, 2015. 3 World Bank. 2015. Proportion of Seats Held by Women in Thai National Parliament. available: http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SG.GEN.PARL.ZS, accessed on June 23, 2015. 5.

(17) Region. 2000-2006. Percentage. 2007-2013. Percentage. (%). (%). Men. Women. Total. Men. Women. Men. Women. Total. Men. Women. North-eastern Region. 66. 11. 77. 85.71. 14.29. 18. 1. 19. 94.74. 5.26. Southern Region. 31. 0.00. 31. 100.00. 0.00. 13. 1. 14. 92.86. 7.14. Source: Office of the Election Commission.. Table 1.3, the Senate in each province from 2007 to 2013 was represented by only 1 senator. The elected 76 senators from 76 provinces were joined by 74 appointed senators (National Statistical Office and Office of Women’s Affairs and Family Development. 2008: 88). Women were selected and elected to the Senate at approximately the same rate 16.22 percent and 15.7 percent, respectively. The gross underrepresentation was an improvement from the 2000-2006 Senate that had only 10.36 percent of women. Of the 12 female senators in 2007, 6 were from the North, 3 from the Central Region, 1 from Bangkok, 1 from the Northeast and 1 from the South. In 1982, the law on provincial administration was amended to allow women to occupy the position of sub-district headman (kam-nan) and village headman (phu-yai-ban). Recently, women’s participation has become more active in local, village and sub-district (tambon) administration. Quality of life and other social issues now receive more attention and resources compared with infrastructure development which has always been a priority agenda of maledominated executives. Table 1.4: Executives in local, village and sub-district administration by sex in 2016 Area. Number. Sub-district headmen *. Members of sub-district. (n). M. W. V. S.44. Total. M. W. Total. 76. 52. 9. 6. 9. 76. 2,009. 281. 2,290. City Municipalities. 30. 23. 3. 1. 3. 30. 612. 108. 720. Town Municipalities. 178. 141. 14. 11. 12. 178. 2,687. 477. 3,164. Sub-district Municipalities. 2,233. 1,993. 155. 67. 18. 2,233. 22,234. 4,427. 26,661. Sub-district. 5,334. 4,802. 351. 150. 31. 5,334. 92,360. 19,416. 111,776. 1. 1. 0. 0. 0. 1. 12. 0. 12. Provincial Administrative. P. Organizations (PAO). Administrative Organizations (SAO) The City of Pattaya. 6.

(18) Area. Total Percentage. Number. Sub-district headmen *. Members of sub-district. (n). M. W. V. S.44. Total. M. W. Total. 7,852. 7,012. 532. 235. 73. 7,852. 119,914. 24,709. 144,623. 90.96. 6.90. 6. 82.91. 17.09. P. *Remark: 1) Chief Administrators who replaced Chief Executives amounting to 235 places and Deputy Chief Executives who standby Chief Executives (Section44) including 73 places. 2) M = Men, W= Women, V= Vacancy, S.44 = Section 444 Source: Department of Local Administration Promotion, 2016. P. In 2016, only 6.90 percent of the sub-district headmen were women. Similarly, women accounted for only 17.09 percent of the members of Provincial Administrative Organizations (PAO), mayors, members of Sub-district Administrative Organizations (SAO), members of PAO councils, members of municipal councils, and members of SAO councils. Conversely, the City of Pattaya had no women holding the positions of Mayor, Deputy Mayor and Members of its area (Table 1.4). Additionally, all major political parties have adopted policies to promote open dialog and participation in policy-making, without mentioning any particular target group. In so far as women are concerned, political parties largely emphasize on female protection rather than empowerment. It is therefore important that women actively participate in political parties and the formulation of political party platforms (Office of Women’s Affair and Family Development and UNDP. 2008: 91). Nevertheless, political parties have failed to promote women’s participation in national politics. The low proportion of women on the list indicates that women are not seen as likely candidates for high offices. Women’s low positions on the lists also reflect the fact that most have only recently arrived on the political scene. Status in Thai politics depends to a significant extent on seniority, and few women have been around long enough to establish a strong position. As a result, there are too few women to build a critical power mass within the parties, and until recently the parties have not had women’s wings or groups to bargain for nominated positions. 4. Section 44 of the 2017 Thai Constitution defined to the NCPO leader empower to any order "for the sake of the reforms in any field, the promotion of love and harmony amongst the people in the nation, or the prevention, abatement or suppression of any act detrimental to national order or security, royal throne, national economy or public administration, whether the act occurs inside or outside the kingdom". The orders so issued are all deemed "lawful, constitutional and final".. 7.

(19) Consequently, political party strategies have not been pressured to take gender issues into account (United Nations Development Programme, 2006: 27). Table 1.5: Men and women in the 2005 parliamentary elections by party Political Party. Constituency M. W. List. %W. Number. listed. of W. M. W. %W. Number. Total W. listed. of W. MPs. elected. elected. Thai Rak Thai. 351. 49. 123. 38. 93. 7. 7. 5. 43. Democrat. 357. 38. 9.6. 6. 86. 14. 14. 1. 6. Chart Thai. 242. 23. 8.7. 2. 85. 15. 15. 0. 2. Mahachon. 275. 26. 8.6. 1. 89. 11. 11. 0. 1. Others. 298. 48. 13.9. 0. 130. 52. 28.6. 0. 0. Total. 1,523. 184. 10.8. 47. 483. 99. 17. 6. 52. *Remark: M= Men, W= Women Source: Office of the Election Commission, 2005. Table 1.5 shows no significant differences between the main parties. The four parties represented in parliament following the 2005 election had similar proportions of women among their candidates for direct election as well as on the party lists. For example, the Thai Rak Thai Party had a small proportion on the party list as 7 percent of candidates; however, only five women were elected. Meanwhile, the Democrat Party had 14 women on the list but only one was appointed. Simultaneously, Thailand is a quasi-matrilineal society and Thai people follow matrilocal residence rules. Women’s roles in Thailand are blurred under male-dominance and family commitments and marriage are the main reasons isolating Thai women from politics. On the other hand, gender inequality and exploitation of women have always been an undercurrent. As Thailand modernized and transformed, Thai women have progressed in many areas of society with representation in professional labor forces and higher education. Nevertheless, Thai politics still needs to mature to achieve true democracy for both genders. The recent advancement of Thai women in political participation has sparked widespread discussions and studies of gender politics. On the one hand, the rise of several prominent female. 8.

(20) leaders has increased Thai women’s access to the political sphere; while on the other hand, the experiences and background characteristics of these female politicians only confirm that in Thailand the political scene is still a male enclave.. Research Purpose and Question Research purpose In Thailand, women have made great contributions to society and economic developmental process of the country. However, the number of women’s political participation is still low. Consequently, it is important to address the obstacles that prohibit Thai women’s involvement in the political scene. The research objectives were: 1. To present the level of women’s political participation in Thailand, and 2. To analyze the factors which either support or discourage Thai women’s political empowerment. Research question The various factors that influence political participation and representation of women in Thailand were examined and the following questions were asked: 1. Why is the proportion of women in Thai politics still low? 2. What are the factors that influence (facilitate or hinder) Thai women’s political participation? 3. How do these factors affect the political participation of Thai women?. 9.

(21) Definition - Political participation The United Nations (UN) defines political participation as the freedom to express, assemble and associate; the ability to participate in public affairs; and the opportunity to register as a candidate, to campaign, to be elected and to hold office at all levels of government (UN: 2016). Political participation extends beyond parties. Women can also become involved in certain aspects of the electoral process through independent action at the local level and by joining civil society organizations. Some women have obtained political experience by participating in nonelected transitional. assemblies.. Women’s. networks,. trade. unions,. non-governmental. organizations, and the media can all provide pathways to advance women’s political participation. Specifically, political parties remain the most important institutions for women’s political participation. The role of women in political parties is thus a key factor for political empowerment at the national level. This research focuses on women in formal politics that requires involvement in political activities; for example, the right to vote, the opportunity to register as a candidate, to campaign, to be elected, and to hold office at both national and local administration levels. In the case of Thailand, the society has traditionally been a bastion of male dominance with women rarely visible in governance and politics. Societies with traditional or patriarchal values prohibit women entering politics. Women wishing to enter the political arena are more likely than men to encounter practical barriers including the lack of financial resources, lower levels of education, restricted access to information, greater family responsibilities, and the deprivation of rights and opportunities to acquire political experience. - Public Opinion/Perceptions American Politics Today (2017) identifies that public opinion which is citizens’ view on politics and government actions. It matters for three reasons: (1) citizens’ political actions are driven by their opinions, (2) public opinion helps explain the behavior of candidates, political parties, and other political actors; politicians look to public opinion to determine what citizens want them to do, (3) public opinion can also shed light on the reasons for specific policy outcomes (American Politics Today: 2018). 10.

(22) In Thailand, public opinion on political values facilitate the policy makers would consider the public discourse on democratic reform and good governance. Generally, the results of public opinions present the attitudes of Thai populations across the Kingdom towards a variety of political and cultural attitudes, indicating the level of attitudinal diversity in democratic values among the Thai people. Currently, right to freedom of expression, association, and peaceful assembly have been sharply diminished as the junta continues to prosecute critics and protesters, ban political activity, censor the media, and stifle free speech.. Arguments The level of Thai woman in political activities is moderate in both national and local bodies. Most Thai women nowadays have higher education which increases their ability to pay more attention to politics and actively seek equality with men. This research argues that the low political participation of Thai women is the result of both institutional and non-institutional factors. Institutional factors that facilitate the creation of an environment for women’s political empowerment are also identified. The law/legal system: Fortunately, the 1997 Constitutional reform brought about fundamental changes in the Thai political system and promoted Thai women’s representation in “high politics”. The government: Government efforts encourage gender equality in Thailand. For instance, the Five-Year National Economic and Social Development Plan is a significant example to promote Thai society on a more equal and fairer footing. As a result, gender quota system is, therefore, suggested here as an essential pathway to increase the numbers of Thai women representatives in both national and local administrations. Non-institutional factors: Some socio-cultural factors demonstrate the advantage points for Thai women wishing to enter the world of politics. Simultaneously, some constraints limit the political involvement of Thai women; particularly, Thai values and traditions. The family background is a significant non-institutional factor that facilitates the participation of Thai women in political activities at both national and local levels. To succeed, 11.

(23) Thai women representatives must have support from family members and political experience within the family; they must be intelligent with physical and mental strength and have an acceptable political background with strong financial status. The political culture: The major limitation of women’s political involvement relates to the willingness and support from their counterparts. Thai women seldom gain sufficient financial resources to sustain popular support during election campaigns. Specifically, the political culture harbours a negative attitude against involvement by women in political activities; there is gender bias from the inherent male-dominated tradition.. Variable This study examined the dependent variables (DV) and independent variables (IV) which affect the level/status of Thai women’s political participation and representation in both national and local administrations. Many significant variables are associated with the theoretical approaches to understanding women’s political empowerment. They contribute and identify the advantages and disadvantages that influence the opportunities for women in the political sphere. The independent variables (IV) were divided into two sets: institutional factors and noninstitutional factors. 1. Independent variables: Major five non-institutional factors were also tested. Institutional factors: five institutional factors were tested to determine whether they facilitated or hindered female participation in Thai politics. - Obligations to international conventions: Thailand has already signed many United Nations Conventions; for instance, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action (BPFA), and the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). - Constitution: The Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand provides the basis for the rule of law. Similarly, the state is required by the Constitution to promote gender equality. Legal equality between men and women has been guaranteed. Specifically, the 1997 Constitution. 12.

(24) of the Kingdom of Thailand was the first constitution that indicated the equal human dignity of women and men without gender bias and discrimination. - National mechanism and other acts a) National mechanisms: Office of Women’s Affairs and Family Development (OWAFD) under the Ministry of Social Development and Human Security is an essential national machinery in charge of formulating policies and plans, coordinating works on women’s development, protection and promotion of women’s rights and gender equality. Furthermore, Chief Gender Equality Officer (CGEO) and Gender Focal Point (GFP) in 2002 have been also established others institutional mechanisms which support to gender equality in Thailand. b) Other Acts: The Family Name Act was a successful example which legislation required women to change their family names upon marriage. Additionally, the Gender Equality Act B.E. 2558 (2015) was the first time to identify that an individual can be male, female or "a person who has a sexual expression different from that person's original sex (LGBT or Transgender)". - Political parties: Political parties are important pathways for women to access politics; they provide activities such as political profiles and constituencies for negotiation. Campaign strategies and the policy of each party encourage gender equality in political participation. Specifically, Thai Rak Thai (TRT) and Democrat Party’s policies are good examples which support non-discrimination between the sexes. - National policy and plan: Women’s Development Plans were formulated by the Thai National Economic and Social Development Plans: 1st and 2nd plan (1961-1971), 3rd plan (1972-1976), 4th plan (1977-1981), 5th plan (1982-1986), 6th plan (1987-1991), 7th plan (19921996), 8th plan (1997-2001), 9th plan (2002-2006, 10th plan (2007-2011), and 11th plan (20122016). All resources are considered. Recently, the National Economic and Social Development Board (NESDB) had been released the Twelfth National Economic and Social Development Plan (2017-2021) and the Women’s Development Plan aimed to make Thai society more equal and fairer. Nowadays, the people have positive attitudes toward gender equality, and realize and accept the status and roles of women in political, economic and social aspects. Women in all groups have. 13.

(25) equal access to education, opportunities for lifelong learning and capacity building programs. As a result, the national plan also aims to improve the quality of life for women and strengthen their confidence to enable them to participate in politics, administration and public decision-making processes (Rungthipanon, Oranich. 2013: 3). Non-institutional factors: Informal political opportunities provide an important bridge to the formal political arena since women’s political participation cannot be separated from the socio-economic dimensions of their lives. Patriarchal values are deeply embedded and intersect with class, religion, ethnicity and political affiliation, influencing women’s political involvement in various ways. - Family background: The family background not only cultivates the seeds of a political career but is also an empowering agent, encouraging women to participate in political activities by cultivating moral and organizational support, often backed up by campaign assistance. On the other hand, family commitments can also be a hindrance by blocking women’s political leadership aspirations due to gender-based politics and stereotypical beliefs and attitudes. - Cultural dynamics: In general, Thai women in politics operate in a highly patriarchal context; however, the impact of culture on their political activities varies according to their status (in terms of the intersection of identities), their sociological factors (what social reform they bring to the political sphere), and the level of bias in deeply protected institutions (such as political parties). To sum up, cultural prejudice, ethnicity and gender stereotypes are all significant obstacles for Thai women in the political arena. - Socioeconomic status: Socioeconomic indicator is an important factor which supports and promotes the numbers of Thai women politicians. Generally, Thai women play a major role in the aspect of economic development; they constitute a cheap labor force in the new urban and industrial workplaces, often controlled by male supervisors. - Religion: The Buddhist religion has greatly influenced Thai citizens from the past to the present day. Buddhism thus plays an important role in the lives of the people, especially Thai local people.. 14.

(26) - Mass media: Generally, the public media has played a significant role in the society. Since 1992, the Internet, text messaging and community radio have been included to the Thai media networks. Presently, media is still a crucial instrument to benefit government, politicians and interest groups to notify their policies and propaganda, especially the use of radio and television. 2. Dependent variables In this research, the dependent variables refer to the role of Thai women in politics which was reviewed from the early twentieth century to the present day and divided into two parts. First, the number and/or percentage of female voters and female candidates at different time periods were compared using data from general elections in Thailand. All the information was obtained from the Office of the Election Commission of Thailand. Second, the number and/or percentage of female representatives at both national and local levels were considered: 1) the national legislatures included the National House of Representatives, Senators, Ministers and Prime Minister(s). All data was accessed through/via websites of the Office of the Election Commission of Thailand and the Royal Thai Government, 2) The local levels included members of Provincial Councils, members of Municipal Councils, members of Sub-district Organization Administrations, Sub-district Heads, and Village Heads. All information was accessed through the websites of the Department of Local Administration Promotion, Ministry of Interior. All formal political data were described using a top-to-bottom approach.. 15.

(27) Research Methodology. Independent Variables (IV) Institutional Factors. Non-Institutional Factors. 1. Obligations to International Conventions 2. The Constitutions of Kingdom of Thailand. Dependent Variable (DV). the. 3. National Mechanism and Other Acts 4. The Roles of Political Parties: The Democrat and TRT 5. Women’s Development in National Economic and Social Development Plans. Thai Women’s Political Participation/Representatives. -Individual Level. - Political Participation. 1. Leadership Characteristic. a) The numbers/percentage of female voters. 2. Family Background and Political Experiences 3. Motivation and Inspiration. b) The numbers/percentage of female candidates. 4. Socioeconomic Status. -Political Representatives. -Socio-cultural Level. a) The numbers/percentage of female representatives at national level (House of Representatives, Senators, Minister and Prime Minister). 1. Acceptance from citizens and community 2. Social Context 3. Traditional Values and Religion 4. Economic Development 5. Cooperation of the related organizations 6. Mass Media. Figure 1.2: Research Methodology. 16. b) The numbers/percentage of female representatives at local level (members of Provincial Council, Members of Municipal Council, and members of Subdistrict Organization Administration, Sub-district Head and Village Head).

(28) Data Resource and Research Process This research applied both qualitative and quantitative methods. First, background information was gathered from academic papers, previous research, official documents and reports, official statistics, electoral law and constitution from Thai official websites and academic libraries. Second, in-depth interviews were conducted with 10 Thai female politicians, government officers and NGO officers. Third, 1,500 copies of a questionnaire were randomly distributed to investigate the different attitudes of Thai citizens toward women’s political participation. In-depth Interview The interviews preceded smoothly by following the interview questions. Based on the literature review in Chapter two, the acceptance of the role and status of women in political participation was identified following the institutional and non-institutional factors. Marshall and Rossman (2011) stated that interpretation and perceptions based upon individual experiences were best analyzed through participation in in-depth interviews. According to this research, the original version of the interview questions was in English (see Appendix A), and this was translated into the Thai language (see Appendix B) to avoid a language barrier and possible misunderstandings. To ensure accuracy and minimize language issues, the Thai version was then back-translated into English. Then, a comparison between the original English version and the back-translated version was conducted to compare the accuracy of the intended meanings of the questions. The interview instrument was divided into three sections. The first was an overview of gender, age, status, education, work experiences, religion, native habitat and political experiences of the participants. The second section contained questions relating to attitudes and opinions regarding the role of women in political participation, and the acceptance of women in higher political positions in both national and local governments. Finally, the third section contained suggestions which expressed the open-mindedness of the respondents. Data were collected from November 2016 to September 2017. To ensure that the respondents were willing to participate; their answers to the interview questions were recorded and remained confidential. At the beginning of each interview, ‘pride’ was explained and defined as. 17.

(29) “women’s political participation”. Semi-structured interviews are often the sole data source for a qualitative plan and are mostly designed around a framework of predetermined open-ended questions, with other questions developing from the dialogue between the interviewer and interviewees (DiCicco-Bloom & Crabtree. 2006: 314-321). Face-to-face interviews were conducted with six Thai women political representatives at national and/or local levels, including four specialists from the Gender and Development Research Institute (GDRI), the Association for the Promotion of the Status of Women, Office of Women’s Affairs and Family Development, and Women, Gender and Sexuality Studies Program at Thammasat University (see Appendix C). Each interview lasted an average of 45 to 60 minutes and all interviews were audio-recorded and transcribed verbatim in the Thai language. Survey questionnaires The questionnaire is a supporting data collection instrument for quantitative and deductive research. It is a suitable tool for measuring attitudes or characteristics of a large population (Barbie, 2010). The initial scale items were affirmed and all the items for different attitudes about women’s political participation in Thailand were measured using a five-point Likert-type scale from “strongly disagree (1)” to “strongly agree (5)”. The original questionnaire was in English (see Appendix D). The questionnaire was translated into Thai (see Appendix E). The survey questionnaire was divided into three sections. The first section asked for demographics including gender, age, and status. The socioeconomic indicators were occupation, education, and income factors. Cultural index was tested by questions regarding religion and hometown. Level of political participation is an important factor to determine the political interests of Thai female citizens. The second section investigated attitudes concerning women’s political participation and the acceptance of the role of women in higher political positions at national and local levels. The third section contained suggestions for participants to freely express their attitudes and opinions concerning the status of women in Thai politics. This work was conducted with the direct support from organizations using purposive sampling. The respondents were Thai citizens (male and female), over 18 years old and resident in Thailand. All data collection followed a top-to-bottom approach to women’s political. 18.

(30) involvement. The sampling areas were diversified similar to central authority administration as the capital, semi-urban and local areas by following the criteria of density of population, occupation, environment, size of community and system of interaction, including to social differentiation and stratification (Figure 1.3). After discarding invalid questionnaires, a total of 1,500 were collected and used as the random sample. Due to the cross-area comparisons, the sample population was diversified equally in each region of Thailand.. Capital. Semi-urban. Rural. •Bangkok and outskirts, Central region • Sampling Population: Thai Citizen(male and female) over 18 years old (approximately 500 persons). •Northern : Chiang Mai and others •Sampling Population: Thai Citizen(male and female) over 18 years old (approximately 200 persons) •Eastern and Western : Chonburi, Kanchanaburi and others •Sampling Population: Thai Citizen(male and female) over 18 years old (approximately 200 persons). •Northeastern (E-san) : Mahasarakham and others •Sampling Population: Thai Citizen(male and female) over 18 years old (approximately 450 persons) •Southern: Prachuap Khirikhan and others •Sampling Population: Thai Citizen(male and female) over 18 years old (approximately 150 persons). Figure1.3: Survey questionnaire stratified by geographic strata in Thailand. 19.

(31) Research Process. Research Background. Research Question. Literature Review. Design, Content Validity & Pilot Study and Survey Questionnaire. Design& Interview Survey Qualitative Method. Quantitative Method. Data Collection & Descriptive Analysis. Content Analysis & Qualitative Research Result. Comparison and Discussion Conclusion, Further Findings and Policy Implementation. Figure 1.4: Research process. 20.

(32) Significance and Contribution of the Research This research reviewed women’s political participation in Thailand. Information was gained from multiple sources through observations and interviews of Thai citizens. The study results were dependent on reliable information collection. Most of the data sources were publications about gender politics in both the Thai and English languages. Furthermore, a questionnaire survey was conducted to clarify the opinions and perspectives of Thai citizens regarding current aspects of Thai women’s participation in politics. The contributions of this research are two-fold. In the short-term, the results will contribute to public knowledge regarding the current role and status of women in political participation in Thailand. Many scholars understand and appreciate the obstacles and the benefits which influence the number of Thai women representatives at both national and local levels. Similarly, results from this study will provide directions for further research concerning gender issues in Thailand. In the long-term, the Thai Government must formulate and implement national gender strategies and policies. The Thai Government has focused efforts on creating awareness regarding women’s rights and gender equality assurance according to the framework of the Constitution and the Organic Laws and/or the other Acts. These must be fully enforced through using gender responsive information, active research, positive thinking and networking systems as implementing instruments to ensure that gender equality in the political arena is achieved.. Research Chapter This dissertation is divided into six chapters. The first explains the overviews of the research: objectives, questions, assumptions, methodology, process, and contribution of this study. Not only aim to the general concept of gender and states, the second chapter also examines either the historical background or a literature review regarding Thai women’s political participation. The next chapter illustrates the influencing factors of women’s political participation in Thailand. These constraints are categorized two aspects: the institutional factors; for instance, International Conventions, the Constitutions, national mechanisms, political parties and national development plans. Furthermore, the non-institutional constraints also include the societal values and attitudes, economic development, socioeconomic status, family and marriage, education, religion and mass. 21.

(33) media. The fourth chapter presents the results of in-depth interviews of 10 Thai females working in the political sphere in Thailand as government officers, national and local representatives, including to NGO officers. Furthermore, the next chapter explores the survey results analyzed from questionnaires distributed nationwide to 1,500 respondents as Thai citizens over 18 years old. The final chapter discusses the research findings and suggests policy implementation and recommendation for women’s political empowerment in Thailand.. 22.

(34) CHAPTER II LITERATURE REVIEW. This chapter is divided into two sections. The first present the relationship between state and women‘s political participation/representation. The second examines the historical background of the role of Thai women in politics both institutional and non-institutional factors. State and Women’s Political Participation/Representation The state is a framework persisting over time, with the power to administer the categories and structures of regulations; combining historical processes to generate and transform the basic components of gender order. In general, the concept of state represents the interests of the male dominant groups as class interest. Male dominance is dependent on power of state to supports male violence against women (Hanmer J. 1978; 227, 231). Apparently gender remains a significant issue because of the fundamental differences and inequalities between men and women. Much has been written about gender differences and inequalities within the state. In his book “Feminizing Politics”, Lovenduski, J. (2005) identified the definition of gender as a concept that is an important component of the way in which issues are framed in policy debates (Joni Lovenduski et al. 2005: 6-8). In terms of social sciences, gender also expresses the effects of relationships among women and men such as political power, social roles, images and expectations. The links between states and gender exist on three levels. The first is that of the elites who occupy official positions in the state. The second is state action and the intended and unintended consequences of state policies for strategic and practical gender interests. The third is the collectivity of norms, laws, ideologies, and patterns of action that become the meaning of politics and the nature of political discourse (Chalton, Sue Ellen M. et al. 1989: 12). With regard to political power, women are underrepresented throughout the world. It is important to recognize these gender differences in power within formal decision-making structures such as governments, community councils, and policy-making institutions. Consequently, the national machinery is the major part of government structure because it also proclaim equal rights 23.

(35) for men and women. Specifically, gender mainstreaming as a national machinery is significant variable which supports the advancement of women because gender mainstreaming is a process of assessing the implications for women and men of any planned action, including legislation, policies or programs in all areas and at all levels (Rai, S.M. 2003: 16). Additionally, gender mainstreaming and national machineries can be combined with international public policy through UN-led organizations such as the Beijing Platform for Action (1995) and the Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC), including women-in-development” (WID) scheme . Adele Mueller (1986) criticized that “WID knowledge” had the effect of continuing to conceptualize the Third World in a relationship of dependence with the First World of dominant capitalist countries (Mueller, A. 1986: 36-38). Representation of one form or another is a defining feature of modern democracies. In terms of political representation, this has many definitions and takes many forms. Ideas of political participation evolved from classical Greek philosophers to modern theorists of participatory democracy such as John Stuart Mill and Jean-Jacques Rousseau. Milbrath, W. and Goel, M. L. (1982) defined the political participation of citizens as actions which sought to influence or support government and politics. This includes not only active roles that people pursue to influence political outcomes but also ceremonial and support activities. People relate to their government in a variety of ways. Some take the system for granted and concentrate only on adjusting their behavior to its demands; others want to improve or transform it (Milbrath, W. and Goel, M.L. 1982: 2). Furthermore, Samuel P. Huntington (1987) classified five goals of participatory development as growth, equity, democracy, stability and autonomy. Democracy is thus the significant process in the participation of people in decision-making bodies. One indicator that can testify to the political participation of people is their involvement in various political parties, their contributions and their positions in decision-making bodies. Democracy is thus an essential factor for increasing the proportion of women in politics. Shapiro and Winters (2008) emphasized that political participation in a democracy can be viewed in many forms; ranging from voting for representatives at regular intervals to voting on policies in referenda, forming political groups and engaging in legal or illegal protests. The individuals. 24.

(36) engaged in such participation are likely to expect, or at least hope that these actions will have some impact on the content of government policies. In addition to the importance of democratization, this process is also crucial factors to integrate national machineries with governance decisions because national machineries for the advancement of women depend on both governance and democratization within the state, and the relationship with civil society at both national and global levels. Rai (2003) explained the democratization of the state/government process categorized five factors; 1) the issue of devolution or decentralization, 2) the role of political parties, 3) the monitoring and auditing mechanisms, 4) leadership commitment, and 5) the issue of participation of women within political institutions (Rai, Shirin M. 2003: 34-39). Many feminists have been broadly participating in the practices of formal politics such as elections, voting, political parties, and in Parliament. Hague et al. (1992: 157) classified the population into three main groups; 1) Small number of activists who are mostly party members, 2) The voters, who are the majority, and 3) The apathy who ignore politics altogether. In addition to class and gender within the state. Min Kelber’s works (1994) noted that a democracy without women will no longer be seen as an imperfect democracy, but as no democracy at all (Kelber, M. 1994: 33). Around the world, women’s participation in traditional political activity has progressed. Researchers demonstrated that the rate of female political activity in advanced industrial nations increased during the 1980s and 1990s, and in some cases their participation surpassed men (Irigaray, L.1985: Christy, C. 1987; DeVaus, D. and McAllister, I. 1989; Sidney,V. Schlozman, K. and Brady, H. 1995). Inglehart and Norris (2003) determined that a gender gap is an essential obstacle in traditional forms of political activism, particularly in advanced industrial societies. The gender gap is however narrowing and has become very modest. Nevertheless, this gap is more substantial in agrarian societies where men are much more likely to join political parties, discuss politics and work in community organizations than women (Inglehart, R. and Norris, P. 2003: 123126). Research results indicate a modest gap in traditional forms of political participation, particularly in developing countries where the proportion of women in politics has increased. This growth has resulted from increased participation by younger women (those under 25), who are now turning out in greater numbers to vote than their male counterparts. Other contributing factors 25.

(37) are changes in social norms and structural lifestyles which have removed many barriers affecting women’s participation (Norris, P. 2016). Similarly, Nickie Charles (2000) accentuated that a patriarchal or domestic mode of production is structured in terms of male-dominance and female subordination as well as capitalism. This patriarchal structuring is represented at the political level and leads to a characterization of the state as patriarchal. In conclusion, the basic of patriarchal power is expressed as the pattern of male violence (Charles, N. 2000: 16-17). In relation to feminist theory, political representation is a fundamental concern. The representation of women in a political system is a good indication of its claims to democracy. Gender feminism represents the modern feminist trends for equal political participation by women. The distinction between the earlier feminist trends and the gender feminist trend was represented by many postmodern feminists. Christina Hoff Sommers (1994) emphasized in her book “Who Stole Feminism?” on the moral, educational, civil and legal equality of the sexes, characterized as “equity feminists”. Gender feminist groups demand sex/gender class revolution and the elimination of all distinctions between both sexes (Sommers, C. 1994: 258). Importantly, Drude Dahlerup (2002, 2006) suggested that equal participation was based on sexual differences within the spirit of democracy. A 50-50 quota for women as decision makers is thus a strategic necessity (Dahlerup, D.2002, 2006). Zeenath Kausar (2008) divided the views of gender feminists on women’s political participation into two spheres: (1) the perspective of women in general political participation, and (2) the perspective of gender deconstructionism. Her first perspective noted that general political participation of women includes the rights of women to vote, to join, to campaign for any appropriate political party and to run for any legislative assembly at all levels. Consequently, all institutions from family to state are considered patriarchal and political. Women’s political participation and the family role become essential parts of the whole life, and not segregated as other activities. The issue of the role of women in family and society is also approached through “reason” and “sense perceptions” (Ali, M. 1994). A second explanation, gender deconstruction is P. P. an essential factor for a true democracy. According to Derrida, J. (1987) and Kristeva, J. (1982), they emphasized the necessity of deconstructing gender, family and society, the state, the world, nature and God. All these institutions were also structured on the views of men and advanced 26.

(38) men’s domination over women. Thus, gender differences and marriage-regulated family became the basic obstacles to women’s political participation and these factors should also be demolished (Kausar, Z. 2003; Siddique, K. 1993). Furthermore, Kausar categorized significant factors indicating the increasing numbers of women in national parliaments; however, no country has yet reached gender parity. Many indicators continue to present challenges to women’s parliamentary representation perspective: type of electoral system, role of political parties, women’s socio-economic status, socio-cultural traditions and beliefs, and women’s double burden of work and family responsibilities (Kausar, Z. 2008: 73-76). On the contrary, obstacles and barriers to women’s political participation are still both cultural and structural. Sarah Henderson et al. (2014) stated that political institutions have a direct impact on women’s lives since they were created by and remain dominated by men. Men and women undergo different life experiences due to socialization and socially appropriate behavior. As a result, they have different concerns, views, and modes of behavior, as well as voting patterns, laws, regulations and policies (Henderson, S. and Jeydel, A. 2014: 6-7). Continually, Henderson categorized three general explanations about the obstacles and barriers for women in political office. The first emphasized the role of structural barriers in levels of political and socioeconomic development. Women’s representation in professional and administrative occupations was also considered. Some scholars argued that the level of democracy in a country positively affected women’s presence in electoral office (Reynolds, A. 1999: 547572). Levels of socioeconomic development are also associated with the number of female parliamentarians worldwide. In addition, the presence of women in professional, administrative and managerial occupations is critical as these careers often provide the experiences, financial resources, social networks and flexibility needed to compete for elected office (Inglehart, R. and Norris, P. 2003; Rule, W.1987). As a result, money becomes a crucial condition for women to have access to political power. Socioeconomic status and career opportunities are, therefore, important conditions for women to access political office (Inglehart, R. and Norris, P. 2003: 130131). A second explanation for women’s underrepresentation focuses on the role of institutional design and electoral laws. A proportional representation (PR) electoral system and the adaptation 27.

(39) of gender quotas both provide significant pathways for women to progress through national legislature. In 2007, the Inter-Parliamentary Union reported that the 21 chambers that used PR elected an average of 18.3 percent of women to seats, versus 13.8 percent in chambers that did not use PR (Inter-Parliamentary Union. 2007: 5). Her final explanation, the adoption of various quota regulations has also been critical in promoting women to elected office. Nevertheless, the effect can be limited by several factors. First, voluntary quotas are adopted by individual parties within a country, and the potential benefits to women can be limited if the practice cannot spread to other parties. Second, the effects can decrease women’s opportunities if parties decide to place women at the bottom of party lists. As a result, it is easier to adopt this type of quota system in PR systems than in majoritarian democracies. Harmoniously, many gender feminists demanded universal 50-50 quotas for all elected offices. For example, Kelber’s edited work “Women and Government: New Ways to Political Power” (1994), the author focused on the necessity of universal quotas for equal representation of the sexes (Kelber, M. 1994: 33). According to non-institutional variables, Inglehart and Norris (2003) explored the strong relationship between attitudes toward women’s political leadership and the actual proportion of women legislatures. Cultural norms are strong hindrances for women to run for political office. According to the Inter-Parliamentary Union reported that female politicians in many countries regarded hostile attitudes toward women’s political participation as one of the most important barriers to run for office. Similarly, they summarized that a generational gap in attitudes was a significant obstacle for women’s abilities. Some women believed that changing public opinion can pressure parties and legislatures to adopt institutional reforms such as gender quotas in the political process (Inglehart, R. and Norris, P. 2003: 144). In the aspect of religion, particularly Christianity still remains an essential variable of gender feminists. Elizabeth Schussler Folrenza (1987) argued that biblical texts are not divine relations, but rather products of a “patriarchal culture and history”. She demanded the empowerment of women to re-image the Christian God as Sophie (female wisdom). An important point to note is the attack of gender feminists on Christianity and the equal participation of women in decision-making (O’Leary, D.1997: 26). This was evident from several statements and reports prepared for the 1995 Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing. The conference noted, “The 28.

(40) rise of all forms of religious fundamentalism is seen as posing a particular threat to the enjoyment of women of their human rights and to the full participation of women of their human rights and to the full participation of women in decision-making at all levels of society” 5. P. P. P. Specifically, the basic obstacle is the family and the social institutions of childbearing and child rearing. Gender bias is still a crucial obstacle to gender equality. Sexual diversion is a class distinction for male domination which is perpetrated in all social, economic and political institutions. Vigdis Finnbogadottir in the 1995 UN Fourth World Conference on Women, cited that stereotypes must be eliminated from the images of “wives” and “mothers”. Consequently, women should be given the freedom to construct their own lifestyles, families and choice regarding reproduction (Finnbogadottir, V.1995). To summarize, the gender gap is also a significant legislative factor regarding voting patterns. Elected women are often more progressive, more consensus-oriented and more likely to introduce legislation that directly addresses women’s concerns such as health care, education and welfare compared to men. They also work hard to see that such legislation becomes law. Consequently, deconstruction of the basic political institution of heterosexual marriage is required to bring about a sex-classless society.. Historical Background of the Role of Thai Women in Politics The role of Thai women was first recorded during the Sukhothai era in the seventh century. This period was the Renaissance of Siamese culture and attitudes toward women were enlightened. Women were well-respected, although a division of roles between men and women was recorded in the ancient annals which stated that “after the rice season, women weave; men do metalwork” (Chulachata, V.1980: 11). When the Ayutthaya period began during 1351 to 1767, the status of women declined. Laws were introduced prohibiting marriage between Thai women and foreigners. For example, “the Law on Husbands and Wives” was enacted in 1361. This law allowed men to practice 5. The council of Europe organized a conference for Beijing Preparation in which many woman political leaders from European countries participated. The quote is taken from a report of the conference entitled “Equality and Democracy: Utopia or Challenge,” (Strasbourg: Palais de l’Europe (9-11 February 1995), p.38.. 29.

(41) polygamy and divided wives into different categories. It also empowered husbands to punish their wives6. P. P. The Rattanakosin era, founded in 1782, is the fourth and present in the history of Thailand. During the reign of King Rama IV, the Family Law under the Civil and Commercial Code was proclaimed and enforced in 1935. Previously, married women were their husbands’ property and treated like chattels; the new law stated that the husband was the head of the conjugal union. He chose the place of residence and directed what was to be done for maintenance and support (The Civil and Commercial Code 1935, Section 1454). The husband had the authority under this law to hold the rights of the wife, ranging from rights of occupation (The Civil and Commercial Code 1935, Section 1456), and community property management and child rearing (The Civil and Commercial Code 1935, Section 1468; 1437 and 1438). Fortunately, the reform of this Code was initiated during the reign of King Rama V in the 1870s, and women’s status was further increased with the abolition of slavery. Subsequently, during the reign of King Rama VI in 1921 compulsory primary education was introduced for all Thai citizens. King Rama VI also advocated monogamy, although it was not a call seriously taken up by the public (Ibid.1980: 9-18). This important case study illustrates a woman protesting to her individual rights in life and marriage. In the 1840s under the reign of Rama IV, Amdaeng Samrit, presumably living in Ayutthaya, was destitute and therefore sold herself to another woman, Amdaeng Ma. Nai (Mr.) Hun, a brother-in-law of Amdaeng Ma, was attracted to Amdaeng Samrit. He sent a “go-between” (thao kae) to meet two of Amdaeng Samrit’s sisters and two of her other maternal relatives (na), asking them to allow her to be his wife. After they had accepted the request for marriage, and after Nai Hun had repaid Amdaeng Samrit’s debt of 76 baht to Amdaeng Ma, the couple was married. On this occasion, Nai Hun gave a written promise to Amdaeng Samrit’s relatives that he would respect her as wife and that if he or his other wife (or wives) abused her, he would agree to a divorce. Later, when Nai Hun beat Amdaeng Samrit because he suspected her fidelity, she decided to return to one of her elder sisters (Koizumi, J. 2000: 257).. 6. The change of this period is very likely to be after King Borom Trailoknart who was heavily influenced by Khmer culture, which was in turn highly male dominated with strong gender role. 30.