• 沒有找到結果。

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lexical meaning diachronically due to the process of grammaticalization so as to have

acquired many semantic/pragmatic functions, namely they are polysemous. So it

seems plausible that we can acquire the accurate modal interpretation by examining

the insight of polysemous modal verbs. However, when we encounter multiple-modal

construction (discussed in a later section), which can allow two or three modal verbs

to co-occur in one sentence in Mandarin Chinese, we cannot solely depend upon the

particular modal verb used but take the aspects beyond word level into consideration.

Thus, in order to account for the fact that modal meaning is readily recognized as such

we should consider other factors that may control the selection of appropriate modal

interpretation, such as the syntactic environment or the semantic contribution of the

different parts of the utterance.

1.1 Motivation and Purpose

In recent decades the modal construction also has raised an extensive attention.

Much of the literature (Coates, 1983; Hofmann, 1993; Bybee et al., 1994; Heine, 1995)

takes semantic or syntactic approaches to analyze the modal construction and

observes that there are many similarities cross-linguistically. In terms of Chinese,

various proposals have been made to account for how various modal interpretations

are realized in syntactic structure (Chao, 1968; Li and Thompson, 1981; Lin and Tang,

1995; Tang and Tang, 1997; Huang, 1999; Huang, 2009). Among the several syntactic

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properties of Chinese modals, one is worth to be addressed: the multiple-modal

construction. Unlike English, Mandarin Chinese allows the possibility of

co-occurrence of modal verbs, as in (1):

(1) a. *He can will come.

b. 他 應該 會 答應跟我們去旅行

ta yinggai hui daying gen women qu luxing he should would promise with us go travel

‘It is supposed that he would be likely to agree to go traveling with us.’

However, if we examine the multiple-modal construction closely, we can see some

ordering restrictions are at work, as in (2):

(2) *他 會 應該 去上學

ta hui yinggai qu shangxue he will should go school

In addition, there exist some polysemous modal verbs in Chinese modal system, such

as hui 會, neng 能, yao 要, yinggai 應該, keyi 可以. Because these polysemous modal

verbs seem to encode multiple-layer of modality interpretation, it is plausible that

there exist rich multiple-modal constructions in Mandarin Chinese. However, the data

of Chinese modal adjacency shown in Huang’s (1999) study are very restricted and

these polysemous modal verbs cannot be stacked in one sentence randomly.

In early time, Chao (1968:609-610) argues that modal verbs can co-occur in one

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sentence. Such as hui yao會要, hui neng會能, hui ken會肯, keyi hui可以會, gai yao 該要, yinggai keyi應該可以, but he didn’t explain the ordering restriction of modal

co-occurrence. Her (2008) assumes Chinese modal system has two dimensions:

speaker-oriented and subject-oriented. He observes that speaker-oriented modals

always precede subject-oriented modals. See the following examples:

(3) *他 能 可能 唱歌

ta neng keneng changge he can possible sing ‘It is possible that he can sing.’

(4) *他 願意 必須 唱歌

ta yuanyi bixu changge he willing to must sing

‘It is obligatory that he is willing to sing.’

We can see the dynamic modals neng ‘can’ and yuanyi ‘willing to’ cannot occur

before either epistemic modal keneng ‘possible’ or deontic modal bixu ‘must’. He also

further divided speaker-oriented into possibility and obligation while subject-oriented

into volition and capacity. Tsao (1993) also generates some possible patterns of

Chinese modal sequence:

(5) 1 2 3A/B epistemic(yinggai, keneng) + hui + deontic/dynamic

(a) keneng+hui(1+2 or 1+3B)

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(b) yinggai+keyi(1+3A or 1+3B) (c) hui+yao(2+3B)

(d) yinggai+hui+ken(1+2+3B)

Following Tsao’s (1993) generalization, Zheng (2001) adopts threefold classification

of Chinese modal system and also has similar findings on Chinese modal sequence

based on corpus-based approach. She observes the real usage of Chinese modal

sequence can be generated into three basic patterns: epistemic+deontic,

epistemic+dynamic and deontic+dynamic. Guo (1994) also claims that the order of

multiple-modal construction in Chinese is not arbitrary. The order should be

epistemic>deontic>dynamic and Huang (1999) further argues the multiple-modal

construction logically has four variants of multiple-modal expressions as follows:

I. epistemic > deontic II. deontic > dynamic III. epistemic > dynamic

IV. epistemic > deontic > dynamic

In sum, these studies assure that there exists restriction of multiple-modal

co-occurrence but what mechanism governs this ordering constraint is still needs to be

discovered. Also currently we are not sure whether any modal verbs can randomly

co-occur in one sentence.

Therefore, what interests us is how one specific modal interpretation of

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polysemous modal verb is selected when filling in this construction. Though these

previous studies have reached agreement that epistemic modal verbs and

non-epistemic modal verbs are merged at different level, in which can provide a

fundamental explication to multiple-modal construction in Mandarin Chinese, there is

still very little consensus among them as to the best way to formulate a general

representation to predict such modal adjacency restriction. As a result, in the present

study we propose that such association is not arbitrary but may be restricted by some

mechanisms, e.g. the interaction between linguistic semantics of each polysemous

modal verb and sentence pragmatics in this construction. So the goal of this thesis

aims to explore this correspondence between modal structure and modal interpretation

in Mandarin Chinese so that we can find out a better solution to account for every

possible distribution of the multiple-construction of Chinese polysemous modal verbs.