Ⅳ. THREE CATEGORIES OF V-SHANG
4.5 Summary
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time. Aspect refers to the internal temporal constituency, but phase is about the state of the action (Chuang, 2001).
After we separately examine the types of V-shang, [V-shang Patient] has the same character of resultative meaning as RVCs; [V-shang Extent] also shows the same function of indicating the phase of the action as PVCs, such as dao4 ‘get to’ 到.
Besides, [V-shang Ground] is the prototype of DVCs. Shin (1997) has proposed that
“RVCs, DVCs and PVCs should have the same function of expanding the meaning of the head verb and consequently changing the nature of the VP.” Because three types of verb complements share the same distinctive features in grammar, it is unnecessary to consider them to be contrastive categories.
4.5 Summary
In the view of the early studies, shang is a directional verb complement containing several extended meanings. V-shang contains different functions within the semantic and syntactic levels. Based on Talmy’s motion event theory, the present study observes the complement NPs following the preceding verbs of V-shang. And, the semantic meanings should be changed from directional movement into resultative achievement.
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V-shang with Ground shows the vertical movement of Figure from the lower-landmark toward the higher-landmark with the menaing of directional motion.
The final landmark is the so-called Ground. This category expresses the directional meaning. The concrete Ground NPs are the majority, and Path expresses vertical orientation. Some patterns with [-Path] feature no longer indicate concrete Ground but an abstract goal. A Ground may indicate a concrete location or an abstract goal attached to V-shang.
In the category of V-shang with Patient, which does not indicate location, the transitive verb, V1, plays an important role. Patient is conserved in the verb compound, because even the absence of shang in [V-shang NP] is still grammatical.
Thus, shang in [V-shang Patient] becomes more abstract than shang in [V-shang Ground]: V-shang only conserves a resultative meaning and expresses accomplishment, and the resulting phenomenon of behavior of ‘attaching some object’ shows the feature of the resultative verb complements (RVCs). The movement of path would be transverse rather than vertical.
The third category, [V-shang Extent], contains two kinds of complement NP: time reference and frequency phrases. The required thematic role of V-shang is Extent.
Extent is different from Theme and Patient, because it is a measure amount. [V-shang Extent] expresses the meaning of whole consuming time and lets V-shang associate
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with the phase time of action. Shang here shows the similar feature of the phase verb complements (PVCs), especially dao4 ‘get to’ 到, because of their abstract semantic meaning and syntactice function of pointing phase time.
Under the analysis of a theoretical framework based on Talmy’ motion-event theory, this study categorizes three types of V-shang. The study also finds some similarity between V-shang and RVCs and between V-shang and PVCs according to semantic meaning and syntactic functions. The senses of vertical movement do not only project from shang but also from V1 and the following NP (Croft, 2001; Lu, 2011). The next chapter will analyze the verb types of V1 and argument structures in each category.
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Chapter 5
Analyzing the verbs in three types of V-shang
After V-shang has been categorized within the framework of Talmy (2000)’s motion-event theory in Chapter 4, the thesis found that there are three kinds of V-shang on account of the variation in the NP complement following V-shang:
[V-shang Ground], [V-shang Patient] and [V-shang Extent]. However, their differences lie not only in the types of the noun phrases, but also in the way in which shang collocates with the preceding verbs (V1) in V-shang. Thus, this chapter mainly
analyzes the argument structures of V-shang occurring within the three types. And, this issue is related to the thematic roles acquired by V1 and shang. The analysis will also help us to understand the character of shang.
5.1 Verbs in V-shang Ground
5.1.1 Verb types in V-shang Ground
In the first category of V-shang with Ground NP, this thesis finds the preceding verb (V1) and shang have the following combination in the Academia Sinica corpus.
Basically, the verb type of V1 is an action verb (Teng, 1964; Xu, 2008), especially
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physical motion verbs. The patterns of V-shang Ground are presented in Appendix A (Part I). According to Talmy (2000)’s motion-event theory, physical motion verbs easily express the meaning of movement, so the main verb types collocating with Ground are physical motion verbs like pao3 ‘run’ 跑, fei ‘fly’ 飛, and chong ‘head or go’ 衝, ben ‘rush’ 奔, or pa2 ‘climb’爬. Also, other verbs with vertical elevation are like tai2 ‘carry’ 抬 and ban ‘move’ 搬. They can be modified by zhizhidi ‘straightly’
直直地 to convey the upward movement. For instance in (55):
(55) a. 李四 直直地 爬 上 山 了。
Lisi zhizhidi pa shang shan le Lisi straightly climb up mountain ASP
‘Lisi straightly climbed up onto the top of the mountain.’
b. 李四 把 東西 直直地 搬 上 樓 了 Lisi ba dongxi zhizhidi ban-shang-lou le Lisi ba things straightly move-up-floor-asp
‘Lisi has straightly moved the things up to the upper floor.’
On the other hand, V-shang which cannot be modified by zhizhidi ‘straightly’ 直直地 are with a [-Path] feature, such as kao-shang ‘test’ 考上, xuan-shang ‘select’ 選上, zhui-shang ‘chase something in order to follow’ 追上, gen-shang ‘follow up’跟上,
and gan-shang ‘follow up’趕上. These kinds of V-shang can attach to reachable objects and unreachable goals, as in (56).
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(56) 我們 現代化 應該 是 趕上 時代潮流 women xiandaihua yinggai shi gan-shang shidai-chaoliu our modernization should catch up time trend
‘Our modernization should catch up (with) the trend of the times.’
5.1.2 The argument structure of V-shang Ground
In regard to the argument structure of V-shang with Ground NP from the sentences in (55-56) above, V-shang needs a subject and an endpoint, so it essentially requires two thematic roles, Theme and Locative. A Theme role portrays the entity that is moved by the action or event denoted by the predicate. If we take pa-shang ‘climb up onto something’ 爬上 for example, the first predicate (V1) pa2 ‘climb’ 爬 originally requires two thematic roles: Theme and Location, because the subject is affected by the action pa2 ‘climb’ 爬 in sentence (57). And, it should attach to a preposition phrase dao4 ‘arrive’ 到 with a location. According to Dowty (1991), ‘Lisi’ undergoes the action only and does not change his state. Hence, ‘Lisi’ can be assigned a Theme
role.
(57) a. 李四 爬 到山上 了。
Lisi pa dao-shan-shang le Lisi climb up mountain ASP
‘Lisi climbed up onto the top of the mountain.’
b. pa2 <Theme, Locative>
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On the other hand, when we analyze the sentence in (60) with shang as its predicate, we can find that shang needs a subject as its Theme and a Locative complement as its object. ‘Johnson’ is also the same as ‘Lisi’ in (59) that both undergo the action but do
not change their state, so shang may have a Theme role in the subject position.
(58) a. 強森 上 樓 了 Johnson shang-lou le Johnson up-floor-asp
‘Johnson went up (to the next) floor.’
b. shang <Theme, Location>
When these two predicates are synthesized into a compound, their argument structure is conserved under the principle of thematic hierarchy. This phenomenon of the synthesis of V1 and shang can be explained by Lexical Functional Grammar (LFG). Based on an argument structure (a-structure) linking the lexical semantic structure and the syntactic structure of a predicator (Bresnan and Kaberva, 1989;
Bresnan and Zaenen, 1990), LFG states two planes of syntactic representation:
functional structure (f-structure) and constituent structure (c-structure) (Kaplan and Bresnan, 1982). The c-structure is represented as a tree configuration, and the f-structure is formed of grammatical information, such as grammatical features (e.g., SUBJ and OBJ). Dowty (1988) and Bresnan (2001) propose an implicational hierarchy of the subject; that is, speakers place an Agent into the subject position most
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frequently, and the second preference is the Benefactive, then Theme/Patient, and
finally Locative as in (59).
(59) Thematic hierarchy:
ag > ben > go/exp > inst > pt/th> loc
Argument functions include SUBJ, OBJ, OBLΘ (oblique function), OBJΘ (secondary objects). They are characterized by two binary distinctive features: [+r] ([+r] and [-r]
for restricted and unrestricted) and [+o] ([+o] and [-o] for objective and non objective) (Bresnan, 2001; Her, 2009). The restriction of thematic roles is distinguished by [+r], and SUBJ and OBJ are unrestricted. On the other hand, the objective functions marked by [+o] distinguish the group of OBJ and OBJΘ from the other group of SUBJ and OBLΘ. The intrinsic features of grammatical functions and the hierarchy of marked argument functions by Her (2009) are as shown in (60):
(60) Markedness hierarchy of argument functions:
SUBJ (-r -o) > OBJ (-r +o)/ OBLΘ (+r -o) > OBJΘ (+r +o)
Two other lexical mapping rules in (61) and (62) below show the universal scheme of morphosyntactic classification of argument structure roles (Bresnan and Kanerva, 1989). Further, (63) shows a unified mapping principle (UMP) (Her 1999, 2003, 2007, 2009). Her (2009) suggested that the UMP indicates elsewhere conditions under which a non-subject or a non-patient role should be assigned a restricted oblique function.
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(61) Intrinsic morphosyntactic classification of thematic roles (IC):
Θ, Θ= pt/th [-r]
(62)Default morphosyntactic classification of thematic roles (DC):
Θ, Θ≠Θ^ (theta hat) [+r]
(63)Unified Mapping Principle (UMP):
Map each role in a-structure to the highest compatible* AF available+.
*An AF is compatible if it contains no conflicting features.
+An AF is available if it is not fully specified by a role and not linked to a higher role.
In (61), patient/theme is encoded as an unrestricted function like SUBJ or OBJ.
Elsewhere condition in (62) states the generalization that a non-logical subject, and a non-patient-like role is typically assigned a thematically restricted oblique function.
And, further, a more prominent role favors a more prominent AF (Her, 2009). And well-formedness constraints, including the Subjection Condition: every predicator must have a subject, and Function-Argument Biuniqueness: Each a-structure role must be associated with a unique function, are used to ensure that every sentence has a subject and that two arguments cannot be mapped to the same grammatical function
(Bresnan 2001). In an instance from Her (2009):
(64) 張三 坐 在台上。
Zhangshan zuo zai tai-shang.
John sit on stage-top
‘John is sitting on the stage.’
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sit < x y > <x=th, y=loc>
IC: [-r]
DC: [+r]
S/O OBL/OBJΘ UMP: S OBL
In this sentence, zuo ‘sit’ requires two thematic roles defined by proto-patient entailment (Dowty, 1988). The actor of zuo undergoes the action but does not change its state, so it is a thematic role of Theme. Locative is in a group of not non-Theme/Patient and is assigned a [+r]. The next is to analyze motion verbs like fei
‘fly.’ fei requires two thematic roles. An Theme like ‘Lisi’ may appear in the subject position as in the following sentences in (65). Fei ‘fly’ 飛 has the syntactic structure
of < th, loc>.
(65) a. 李四飛 到天上 了。
Lisi fei dao-tian-shang le
‘Lisi flew (up) to the sky.’
fei < th, loc>
A verb compound is composed of two predicates. The second predicate originates from directional verbs, and V1 is the motion verb. In the interaction between grammatical relation and thematic relation, the roles are omitted in use, and the grammatical relation shifts to react to this situation. Her (2007) has proposed the
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argument structure mismatches in RVCs within the composition of the causative predicate and the resultative predicate. The first causative predicate makes RVCs express the causative or non-causative meaning, so different semantic meanings trigger different syntactic structures. The mismatching situation happens because the thematic role of V2 merges with the roles of V1 to compose a composite role (Her, 2007). No matter what the composition is manipulated, the outcome will only keep two roles mapping to the subject and object position. That is, the suppression device would absorb one of the composing roles. For a logical consequence of one-to-one mapping, Her (2007) suggests that it should be considered universally motivated and constrained by the mapping principle.
Thus, when we go back to analyzing a V-shang structure like fei-shang, the mapping process will be as in (66) below. The syntactic structure of fei-shang requires two thematic roles. A Theme is conserved in the subject position, and a Locative is
required in the object position. In the composite roles, the proper role is conserved.
(66) a. 李四/氣球 飛上 天 了。
Lisi/the ballon fei-shang-tian- le
‘Lisi/The ballon flew (up) to the sky.’
b. V1: fei <th, loc>
V2: shang <th, loc>
VV: fei-shang < th loc >
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fei-shang < x y > (x=th, y=loc) IC: [ -r ]
DC: [+r]
S/O OBL/OBJΘ UMP: S OBL
Other verbs with a vertical elevation like tai2 ‘carry’ 抬 and ban ‘move’ 搬 require three thematic roles: Agent, Theme and Locative, as in the sentence Lisi ban dong-xi dao loushang 李四搬東西到樓上 ‘Lisi has moved the things to the upper
floor.’ Sentence (67) shows that V-shang may have the syntactic structure <ag, th, loc>. Both Locative and Theme are conserved in V-shang.
(67) a. 李四 把 東西 搬 上 樓 了 Lisi ba dong-xi ban-shang-lou le Lisi ba things move-up-floor-asp
‘Lisi has moved the things to the upper floor.’
b. V1: ban <ag, th, loc>
V2: shang <ag/th, loc>
VV: ban-shang <ag, th, loc>
However, if three roles seek to co-occur in the sentence, it has to be in a ba-construction. Without a ba construction, there are only two roles in a V-shang sentence, such as <ag, th>, <ag, loc> and <th, loc> . In V-shang with Ground, the
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locative role takes priority in the selection of the structure, so the structure of <ag, th>
in ban-shang yixiangpijiou ‘move up a box of beer’搬上一箱啤酒 will be included in the second category of V-shang with Patient.
Another two examples are shown below. The answer in the conversation (68) shows the syntactic structure of <ag, loc> required by V-shang, and the Theme role is omitted. This type of structure only occurs in the dialogue, so the category of V-shang Ground would only include the second type of aregument structure < th, loc > in (69).
(68) A: 東西呢 dong-xi ne?
things ne?
‘Where are the things?’
B: 李四搬上樓了 Lisi ban-shang-lou le Lisi move-up-floor-asp
‘Lisi has moved the things to the upper floor.’
The sentence (69) shows that Theme and Locative role are conserved. An Agent role
is omitted, so V-shang affords two thematic roles <th, loc>.
(69) 東西 搬 上 樓 了 dong-xi ban-shang-lou le things move-up-floor-asp
‘(Someone) moved the things to the upper floor.’
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As a result, V-shang with Ground can demonstrate an argument structure: <th, loc>. Shang is assigned the structure of <th, loc>. When V1 requiring three thematic
roles is compounded with shang, V-shang needs three roles. However, only <th, loc>
is collected in this category. When V1 requiring two thematic roles is synthesized with shang, V-shang also shows the structure of <th, loc>.
5.2 Verb types in V-shang Patient
5.2.1 Verb types in V-shang Patient
In the corpus, we find that the number of instances of V-shang with Patient NP has more than other two categories. Only transitive verbs can be assigned in the V1 position, because V-shang requires a Patient complement under the proto-patient entailments of Dowty (1988): change of state, incremental theme, casually affected, stationary relative to another participant and existence not independent of the event.
The patterns of V-shang with Patient contain [+path] feature and [-path] feature as in Appendix A (Part II). In the group of [+Path], the verb types of V1 attaching to shang comprise two groups: one group contains only two thematic roles in (70a), and the other group needs three thematic roles in the action frame in (70b).
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(70) a. 牆 上 刷上 白粉 Qiang shang shua-shang baifen Wall paint on white ‘(someone) paint the wall white.’
b. 李四 在屋頂上 綁上 竹籠。
Lisi zai-wuding-shang bang shang zhulong Lisi on roof tie basket ‘Lisi tied the basket onto the roof.’
The verbs requiring three thematic roles have the meaning of ‘taking/adding (Patient/Theme) to (location).’ The Location (concrete) or Goal (abstract) is the same as the Ground, so speakers can choose a Theme or a Ground to map to the object position; that is, verbs requiring three thematic roles may appear in [V-shang Patient]
or in [V-shang Ground]. For example, as we have mentioned above, ban ‘move’ in the sentence of Lisi ban dong-xi dao loushang 李四搬東西到樓上 ‘Lisi has moved the things to the upper floor’ can show this character. The sentence can also be Lisi ban-shang lou ‘Lisi has moved to the upper floor’ or Lisi ban- shang dong-xi ‘Lisi has
moved the things.’ Another example in (71) shows that the mountain is Ground in
(71a) and that the package is Patient in (71b).
(71) a. 揹上 山 bei-shang shan put on mountain
‘carry the pack up the mountain’
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In regard to [-Path] verbs, the examples of ‘presenting X to Goal’ are verbs showing the psychological orientation in mind in (72). An Agent gives the object to people with a higher social status. Shang is used to highlight this meaning rather than xia ‘down.’ The verbs with the meaning of ‘operating X’ are in (73).
(72) a. 主動 報上 服務名稱
‘Ten years ago, I was able to profer an allowance to my parents.’
(73) a. 突然 關上 了 房門。
turan guan-shang le fangmen suddenly close ASP door
‘He suddenly closed the door.’
b. 大師 說完， 閉上 眼睛 dashi shuowan, bi-shang yanjing master finish talking close eyes
‘After finishing talking, the master closed his eyes.’
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c. 每晚 就寢前 會 鎖上 帆腳索 meiwan jiuqin-qian hui suo-shang fanjiaosuo every night before go to bed will lock bow line
‘Every night before going to bed, he locks the bow line.’
And verbs with the meaning of ‘connecting X’ are in (74). In [V-shang Ground], there are two kinds of verbs which cannot be used: stative verbs and disyllable verbs.
However, disyllabic verbs, like those in (74b), can be used in the structure.
(74) a. 經 申請 後， 即可 連上 網際網路 jing shenqing hou, jike lian-shang wangjiwanglu through apply after can connect internet
‘After applying, we can connect to the internet.’
b. 最後 聯絡上 台北 的 巨獅創意科技 zuihou lianluo-shang Taipei de jushi-chuangyi-keji
finally connect Taipei jushi technology company
‘Finally, we were able to establish contact with the Taipei Jushi Technology Company.’
Activity verbs and stative verbs can both appear in the group of [-Path], such as peng-shang ‘run into’ in (75a) and xihuan-shang ‘like’ in (75b). However, in V-shang
with Ground, stative verbs cannot function as V1.
(75) a. 這把年紀 也 會 碰上 感情困擾 zhebanianji ye hui peng-shang ganqing-kunrao this age also can run into love problems
‘At this age, we can still run into love problems.’
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b. 喜歡上 網際網路
b. 喜歡上 網際網路