論台灣華語趨向動補語V上 - 政大學術集成

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(1)國立政治大學語言學研究所碩士論文 National Chengchi University Graduate Institute of Linguistics Master Thesis. 指導教授：何萬順博士 Advisor: Dr. One-Soon Her. 立. 政治大. ‧ 國. 學 ‧. 論台灣華語趨向動補語 V 上. On Directional Verb Compound V-shang4 in Taiwan Mandarin Chinese. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. 研究生：李琬婷撰中華民國一百零一年六月 June, 2012. v.

(2) 論台灣華語趨向動補語 V 上 On Directional Verb Compound V-shang4 in Taiwan Mandarin Chinese. 學. ‧ 國. 立. 政 By 治大 Woan-Tyng Lee. ‧. n. er. io. al. sit. y. Nat A Thesis Submitted to the. i n U. v. Graduate Institute of Linguistics. Ch. engchi. in Partial Fulfillment of the. Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts. June 2012.

(3) 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. Copyright © 2012 Woan-Tyng Lee All Rights Reserved iii. v.

(4) Acknowledgements 致謝. 首先要感謝我的指導老師，何萬順教授，謝謝老師常常在百忙之中抽空和我討論，並且不厭其煩地回答問題。老師幽默風趣，每每在闡述道理時總會利用小故事譬喻發人省思。三年的教導讓我從老師身上學到了學者的風範和對做學問的熱忱。因為老師的耐心，使我從一團混沌中得到的研究所生涯最後的成果。並且也感謝張郇慧教授和謝富在教授，兩位口試老師在計畫書與論文口試特別撥空前來，而且很仔細地閱讀我的論文和給予許多寶貴的意見。同時也要謝謝所上老師們在我研究所求學當中給予的啟發和指導。感謝所長徐嘉慧老師、蕭宇超老師、黃瓊之老師和萬依萍老師。因曾於萬老師語音暨心理語言學工作室工讀，而接觸到失語症語料的收集與分析。因參與何老師的國科會計畫，使我有機會在大學通識課中擔任助教。尤其感謝詹惠珍老師和賴惠玲老師，在語用學與漢語語法的課程指導，讓我能在 NACCL 和台灣語言學研究生會議發表。最後非常感謝親切的助教學姐，耐心又仔細地解答我所有大大小小的問題，更在許多的重要關頭給予叮嚀和鼓勵。當然研究所生涯裡還有不可或缺的學長姐和同窗苦讀的同學們，謝謝秋杏學姐、詩敏學姐、婉婷學姐、昆翰學長、曉貞、晉瑋、宛君、淑禎；一起到紐澳探險的侃彧，一起在美國度過最美好時光的美杏，一起聊心解壓的姿幸和媛媜，最後一年的論文和助教課夥伴心綸、書豪和伯溫。並且感謝舒曼和宜晏給予我心靈支持。還有，一直陪在我身旁走過歡笑與悲傷的承諭。最後，我把心中的感恩和感謝留給在背後陪伴與支持我的家人，因為你們的關心與包容，我才可以有如此的人生體驗。謝謝哥哥總是體貼地關心。謝謝父母親栽培，才有今日的成果。感謝呵護我長大的母親，在人生道路裡能有您的培育是我最大的福氣。謹以此論文獻給偉大的母親，謝秀雀女士，您永存在我心中。. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. iv. i n U. v.

(5) TABLE OF CONTENTS. 政治大. Acknowledgment .................................................................................................... iv Table of Contents ..................................................................................................... v Figures and Tables ................................................................................................. vii Chinese Abstract................................................................................................... viii English Abstract ..................................................................................................... ix. 立. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. CHAPTER. Nat. y. sit. n. al. er. io. Ⅰ. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................. 1 1.1 Motivation and Purpose ............................................................................ 2 1.2 Organization of the Thesis ........................................................................ 6. i n U. v. Ⅱ. L I TERATURE REVI EW .................................................................................. 8 2.1 Semantic meanings of V-shang ................................................................. 9 2.1.1 Directional movement ................................................................. 9 2.1.2 The meaning of result ............................................................... 11 2.1.3 The meaning of state ................................................................. 13 2.2 Syntactic functions of shang .................................................................. 17 2.2.1 A resultative complement or an abstract particle ........................ 18 2.2.2 Aspect marker ........................................................................... 21 2.3 Remarks ................................................................................................. 24 Ⅲ. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK ...................................................................28. Ch. engchi. 3.1 Motion event .......................................................................................... 28 3.2 Thematic roles and Lexical Functional Grammar ................................... 32 Ⅳ. THREE CATEGORIES OF V-SHANG...........................................................37 4.1 4.2. Criteria of categories in V-shang ............................................................ 38 V-shang Ground ..................................................................................... 46 v.

(6) 4.2.1 NP Ground ................................................................................ 48 4.2.2 Path of V-shang Ground ............................................................ 50 4.3 V-shang Patient ...................................................................................... 53 4.3.1 NP Patient ................................................................................. 54 4.3.2 Path of V-shang Patient ............................................................. 56 4.3.3 Resultative meaning .................................................................. 57 4.4 V-shang Extent ....................................................................................... 61 4.4.1 NP Extent ................................................................................. 62 4.4.2 Path of V-shang Extent .............................................................. 66 4.4.3 The sense of V-shang Extent ..................................................... 67 4.5 Summary ............................................................................................... 71 Ⅴ. ANALYZING THE VERBS IN THREE TYPES OF V-SHANG ....................74 5.1. Verbs in V-shang Ground ....................................................................... 74 5.1.1 Verb types in V-shang Ground ................................................... 74 5.1.2 The argument structure of V-shang Ground ............................... 76 5.2 Verbs in V-shang Patient ........................................................................ 84 5.2.1 Verb types in V-shang Patient .................................................... 84 5.2.2 The argument structure of V-shang Patient ................................ 88 5.3 Verbs in V-shang Extent ......................................................................... 91 5.3.1 Verb types in V-shang Extent .................................................... 91 5.3.2 The argument structure of V-shang Extent ................................. 92 5.4 Polysemy ............................................................................................... 96 5.5 Historical viewpoints on V-shang ......................................................... 100 5.6 Summary ............................................................................................. 106 Ⅳ. CONCLUSION ............................................................................................... 108. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. APPENDIXES ...................................................................................................... 110 Part I Verb types in V-shang with Ground ..................................................... 110 Part II Verb types in V-shang with Patient ..................................................... 110 REFERENCES ..................................................................................................... 113. vi.

(7) FIGURES AND TABLES. LIST OF FIGURES. 立. 政治大. Figure 1. Directional movement of Shang (Liu 1998:81) …....…….…..….…...….…9. ‧ 國. 學. Figure 2. Talmy (2000) Motion-event frame……………….….……….….….….….29. ‧. Figure 3. The schema of upward orientation of shang adapted from Tyler and Evans. Nat. io. sit. y. (2003) ……………….………….…….……….…….…...…..….…...…..…46. n. al. er. Figure 4. The organization of the core sense of shang (Lu, 2011).....………..….......97. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. LIST OF TABLES Table 1. Path in V-shang with Ground…….….…………….…….….…....…...…….51. vii.

(8) 國. 立. 政. 治. 大. 學. 研. 究所. 碩. 士論. 文. 提. 要. 研究所別：語言學研究所論文名稱：論台灣華語趨向動補語 V 上指導教授：何萬順. 博士. 研究生：李琬婷. 立. 政治大. 論文提要內容：（共一冊，兩萬五千一十一字，分六章）. ‧ 國. 學. 本論文藉由動補語後方名詞，依理論架構重新分類趨向動補語Ｖ. ‧. 上，並探討其前後的搭配詞在分類底下與「上」之間的互動情形。首. Nat. io. sit. y. 先，根據 Talmy (2000) 所提出的動態事件理論區辨後方名詞，其乃. er. 是具有傳達出動態語意的名詞特徵。其次，並以 V 上的論旨角色作. al. n. v i n Ch 為分類，因而總共得出三種型態的 i UV 上 e n gVc h上：[. Ground]，[ V 上. Patient]，[ V 上 Extent]，藉此看到前方動詞和後方名詞與 V 上之間的緊密關係。除外並以認知語意學角度呈現其三種類型之間具有語意關連，表現出多義詞的演變型態，且符合語法化的過程。. viii.

(9) ABSTRACT. When the morpheme shang4 ‘up’ 上 is attached to a verb, it composes a V-shang constituent, which is a member of the group of ‘verb-complement’ marking directional motion of the action (Liu, 1983/1998). V-shang signifies the movement of an object through an action from a low position to a higher position within an upward orientation; for instance, a person moves from the ground to the top of a mountain. The previous studies have listed several extended meanings, besides the basic meaning of motion (Liu, 1998, Jiang, 2003; Pan, 2005; Yu, 2010). Most studies categorize V-shang by mixed criteria of semantic meanings and syntactic functions. Noting the lack of a theoretical basis in the classification of V-shang, this thesis depends on motion-event theory, in which an event is composed of Figure, Motion and Ground, to examine the motion event conducted by V-shang (Talmy, 2000) and Lexical Functional Grammar (Kaplan and Bresnan, 1982; Dowty, 1988; Bresnan and Zaenen, 1990; Bresnan, 2001; Her, 2009) to analyze the syntactic structures of the first verbs and shang4 in V-shang. By analyzing the noun phrases following V-shang, the study divides [V-shang NP] into three categories: [V-shang Ground], [V-shang Patient], [V-shang Extent] and observes the verb types in each pattern. There are the changes of semantic meanings from directional motion into resultative state and of orientation from vertical path into horizontal path. Within Lexical Functional Grammar, the verb types of the first verbs in V-shang change from the physical motion verbs which require thematic roles of Theme and Location to the transitive verbs which require thematic roles of Agent and Patient. [V-shang Extent] is the most abstract category of its semantic meaning, and the verb types of the first verbs are less restricted than the verb types in other two categories. The cognitive approach also explains the relationship of the extended meanings in V-shang and shang4 (Lu, 2011). Shang4 presents the features of polysemy.. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. ix. i n U. v.

(10) Chapter 1 Introduction The morpheme shang4 ‘up’ 上 following NPs functions as a locative as seen in the prepositional phrase of zai zhuo shang ‘on the table’ 在桌上, and it presents the location of the object. Otherwise, shang ‘up’ 上 following a verb is called a verb. 政治大 complement as below (Liu, 1983). Lisi moved from a lower position to a higher 立. ‧ 國. (1) 李四爬上. 山. 了。. shan. ‧. Lisi pa shang. 學. position, which was the top of the mountain in (1).. le. y. Nat. mountain ASP. sit. Lisi climb up. n. al. er. io. ‘Lisi climbed up the mountain.’. Ch. i n U. v. Morphosyntactically, researchers have proposed that the “verb-complement” structure. engchi. is a “serial-verb” structure in which the first predicate (V1) parallels with the complement (V2) regarded as the second predicate, and that they independently act as verbs (Lu, 1990; Yin, 2010). Verb complements are generally classified into three types: resultative verb complements, directional verb complements and phase verb complements (Chao, 1968; Li & Thompson, 1981). The members of the directional particles include shang4 ‘up’ 上, xia4 ‘down’ 下, lai2 ‘come’ 來, qu4 ‘go’ 去, qilai ‘upward’ 起來, jinqu ‘get in to’進去, guoqu 1.

(11) 2. ‘across’ 過去, and xiaqu ‘get down’ 下去, etc (Liu, 1983/1998) . They have similar properties of a semantically directional movement and a syntactically verb-preceding structure. Liu categorizes the directional verb complements into three groups, based on the usage in the changing of the standpoints. Lai2‘come’ 來 and qu4 ‘go’ 去 compose a group, because the speakers may switch the words owing to the standpoints. In the sentence 老師把張三找來 Laoshi ba Zhangsan zhaolai ‘The. 政治大. teacher called John back,’ the location of the teacher is the endpoint of the movement.. 立. However, in 張三跑去學校 Zhangshan paoqu xuexiao ‘John ran to the school’, the. ‧ 國. 學. starting point depends on where John is, and the endpoint is the school. Shang4 ‘up’. ‧. 上, xia4‘down’ 下, qi3‘upward’ 起, jin4‘get in to’進, kuo4‘across’ 過, dao4 ‘arrive’. Nat. io. sit. y. 到, and kai ‘open’ 開 show the speaker’s interaction with the location. Then, the. al. er. above complements can be combined with another complement lai2 or qu4. Thus, in. n. v i n the present study, the group of C shang U be also discussed with shang h ecomplements n g c h i will as the basic directional complements.. 1.1 Motivation and Purpose Shang as a directional verb complement attaches to the preceding verb into a directional verb compound (hereinafter referred to as DVC). Generally, shang contains meanings as a verb, a locative and a verb complement. Locative shang.

(12) 3. presents the prototypical meaning of the spatial position of an object. In regard to shang as a verb complement, some researchers have discovered that shang expresses polysemous senses. Essentially, shang in a verb-complement shows the orientation of an action. The meaning is that the object moves from a lower position to a higher position (Liu, 1998). Some researchers suggest that shang shows several extended meanings, and the extended senses of shang are adding, closing, starting, and getting. 政治大. to a state, a purpose or a particular number (Shi, 1993; Zhang, 1995; Liu, 1998; Lu,. 立. 2011). Further, Shi (1993) and Zhang (1995) added other meanings of shang:. ‧ 國. 學. occurring, containing and accomplishment. Liu (1983) has mentioned that shang. ‧. implies the movement of getting to a place.. Nat. io. sit. y. Applying the methodology of Principled Polysemy (Evans 2004; Tyler and Evans. er. 2003), Lu (2011) has identified six meanings of shang, including ‘vertically attained,’. al. n. v i n ‘forward,’ C ‘attached,’ and h e n g‘completive,’ chi U. ‘vertically higher,’. ‘inceptive.’ In sum,. extended meanings can be presented as the following examples in (2). (2) a. Adding. 戴上帽子. b. From open to close. dai shang mao-zi ‘put on a cap’ 關上大門. c. Occurring. guan shang da-men ‘close the door’ 寫上名字 xie shang ming-zi ‘write down the name’.

(13) 4. d. Containing. 裝上糧食. e. Starting. zhuang shang liang shi ‘fill up with food’ 愛上音樂. f.. ai shang yin-yue ‘fall in love with music’ 考上大學. Accomplishment. kao shang da-xue ‘pass the university examination’ g. Getting to a particular 住上新房子 zhu shang xin-fang-zi purpose [achieving] ‘live in a new house’ h. Getting to a particular 住上兩夜. 立. ‘stay for two nights’. 學. i.. 政治大 zhu shang liang-ye. ‧ 國. number [obtaining]. entrance. 練上五遍. Getting to a state [attaining]. ‧. lian shang wu-bian ‘practice five times’. sit. y. Nat. n. al. er. io. Previous studies categorized the usages of shang as a complement in different. Ch. i n U. v. ways, and most of the extended meanings of shang are affected by those of preceding. engchi. verbs. This analysis makes the meanings of shang more complex. Liu, Shi, and Zhang believe that the basic meaning of shang is related to movement. Extended meanings are from concrete to abstract or from spatial to time, and there are at least six types. Preceding verbs greatly affect the meaning of shang, so lexical feature-checking is used in directional compounds. In total, there are ten possible meanings for shang, including basic and extended senses..

(14) 5. Yet, when the researchers have to determine the meaninings of shang, the additional meanings of shang in (2) are afftected by preceding verbs (Liu, 1999). For example, shang in (2a) means ‘to add,’ but shang in (2b) means ‘to close.’ It is doubtful whether ‘to add’ and ‘to close’ are meanings ascribable to shang or not. Also, (2c) shows that shang can imply ‘occurring,’ but the verb xie ‘write’ 寫 has the meaning ‘to trace and form characters,’ which inherently implies the sense of the. 政治大. occurrence of words. (2d) indicates that shang could mean ‘contain,’ but the meaning. 立. must be obtained from the first predicate zhuang ‘to contain’ 裝. If shang is deleted,. ‧ 國. 學. the phrasal meanings are not changed. Therefore, shang is a neutral word which is. ‧. influenced by the preceding verbs.. Nat. io. sit. y. When regarding the V-shang pattern (hereinafter referred to as “V-shang”) as a. al. er. verb compound, the previous studies indicate the movement of the figure and also. n. v i n C h (Fan, 1991; Chen, imply the result of a state or action e n g c h i U 1994; Liu, 1998). Generally, V-shang can denote three things—a direction, a result of an action, and time reference (Sun and Yuan, 2004). Non-directional meanings may be regarded as a state. A time reference and a result may even function as an aspect. In addition to the usage of vertical movement in (1) above, other usages of shang are presented in (3a-b)..

(15) 6. (3). a. 李四戴. 上. 帽子. 了。. Lisi dai shang. maozi. le. Lisi put. cap. on. ASP. ‘Lisi put on the cap.’ b. 這件事. 張三. 抱怨. Zhejianshi zhangsan This thing. 上. 一年. baoyuan-shang. yi-nian. zhangsan complain. 了。 le. one year. ASP. Lisi has complained of this thing for one year. However, the. 治政 complex analysis of the lexical大 meaning 立. of shang as verb. ‧ 國. 學. complement is the same as that of the compound meanings of V-shang. The categorization of V-shang is not unified. Researchers categorized V-shang into. ‧. different kinds of meanings, but some examples do not represent the meaning of the. sit. y. Nat. io. n. al. er. categories into which they are placed, and there are several problems of ambiguity in. i n U. v. the explanation of the different categories. Therefore, the main purpose of the present. Ch. engchi. project is to categorize V-shang based on a theoretical approach.. 1.2 The organization of the thesis This thesis is arranged into six chapters. Chapter 2 will introduce the previous studies of V-shang from semantic and syntactic viewpoints. Early studies do not classify V-shang by a consistent methodology, so Chapter 3 describes the theoretical framework which is used to categorize V-shang in this thesis. The framework will be.

(16) 7. based on Talmy’s motion-event theory. Chapter 4 demonstrates the three categories of V-shang and the features of NP complement followed by V-shang and motion orientation in each category. Chapter 5 concentrates on the verb types in each category. In order to disccuss the relationship between the lexical semantics and syntactic structure of V-shang, this study utilizes Lexical Functional Grammar (LFG) to analyze V-shang. Chapter 6 provides a conclusion containing the main points of the. 政治大. thesis and describes issues for further study.. 立. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. v.

(17) Chapter 2 Literature review of studies of V-shang. The early studies indicated that shang4 in V-shang showed multiple senses from concrete to abstract or from spatial to temporal. Even though they pointed out the. 政治大. identities of V-shang, the classifications were not unified in a coherent framework. In. 立. ‧ 國. 學. their studies, each category was investigated with different criteria, including semantics, syntax, or even pragmatics. Semantically, the use of V-shang could be. ‧. grouped into three general meanings. The first meaning refers to directional. sit. y. Nat. io. n. al. er. movement, which is not controversial in the previous studies, but the descriptions of. i n U. v. the other two senses were not clear. The second sense is defined to show a particular. Ch. engchi. result of an action or accomplishment. The third sense may be defined by different researchers. There are kinds of meanings, such as accomplishment of an action, state, the beginning of a new state or on-going time reference.. Further, besides semantic meanings, the previous studies also found the syntactic functions of directional complements. According to their analyses of directional verb complements like xia4 ‘down’下, qi 3 ‘up’ 起, hui2 ‘back’回, kuo4 ‘across’過, jing4. 8.

(18) 9. ‘get into’進, chu ‘out’出, dao4 ‘arrive’到, and kai ‘open’開, the syntactic features of V-shang can function as a resultative complement, an aspect marker, or an particle.. In the following sections, section 2.1 will introduce the compound meanings of shang in V-shang, including vertical movement, result, and state. Section 2.2 discusses the syntactic status which previous studies have mentioned. And the last section will give a brief conclusion.. 學. ‧ 國. 立. 政治大. 2.1 Semantic meanings of V-shang. ‧. 2.1.1 Directional movement. sit. y. Nat. io. n. al. er. Liu (1998) provided an overall view of DVCs and found that there were three. i n U. v. kinds of meanings: directional movement, a result and a state. In Liu (1998), the. Ch. engchi. directional movement can be divided into the vertical movement from low to high and a translational approaching movement as seen in Figure 1. Figure 1. Directional movement of Shang (Liu 1998:81) (a). Vertical movement. (b). Translational movement.

(19) 10. Other researchers also suggested other features (Jiang, 2003; Pan, 2005). Jiang (2003) proposed that NP complement followed by V-shang which may convey the directional meaning would indicate a location, for instance, (4) gaotaijie ‘high step’ 高台階. This type of shang can usually be replaced by xia4 ‘down’ 下. Both shang and xia indicate the vertical direction of movement. Pan (2005) named the first category as ‘arrive at a place’ and divided directional shang into two subcategories in. 政治大. view of the movement of agent and patient in (4) below. V-shang in (4a) expresses an. 立. jiangtao. walk. 學. jiangtao. ‧ 國. agentive action.. (4) a. Agent movement (Liu 1998:81/Pan 2005:23) 一下. 門鈴。. zou-shang. gaotaijie. la-le. yi-xia. men-ling. high step. pull. once. doorbell. up. y. 上. io. sit. 走. ‧. 高台階，拉了. Nat. 江濤. n. al. er. ‘jiangtao walked up the high step and pulled the doorbell.’ b. Patient movement (Pan 2005:24). Ch. 開完會，. 濤他娘. Kai-wan-hui. tao-ta-niang. Finish meeting tao’s mother. e又n g端上 chi you again. i n U. duan-shang bring. v. 一盅酒菜。 yi-zhong-jiu-cai. drink and food. ‘After the meeting finished, Tao’s mother brought drink and food again.’ Otherwise, in (4b) above, V-shang has a causative meaning, so the movement indicates the cause of the result. Since location NP follows V-shang, ‘V-shang NP’ can be transferred into the pattern ‘V dao ‘到’ NP shang’ ; for example, pao dao shan.

(20) 11. shang ‘run up to the mountain’ 跑到山上 form pao-shang shan ‘ran up to the mountain’跑上山.. Shang thereupon becomes a locative, and the prepositional. phrase of dao NP shang ‘up to the mountain’ 到山上 is the complement of the verb. According to its behavior, directional shang can act as a directional verb. Essentially, the researchers suggested that the directional meaning of V-shang should be the prototypical meaning, according to the historical point of view, which is. 政治大. concerned with the fact that shang was originally derived from its use as a usage verb. 立. like shang shan ‘climb up the mountain’ 上山.. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. 2.1.2 The meaning of result. Nat. io. sit. y. In the category of the meaning of ‘result,’ Liu (1998) has suggested that the. al. er. meanings should be regarded as ‘attachment’ and ‘fixed points,’ because V-shang can. n. v i n C h such as a container. make an object touch another object, e n g c h i U There are twelve types of verbs collocating with shang, for example, close, cover, adjoin, add, wear, occur, walk, compose, compare and select, etc. The resultative meaning is concrete, because shang is collocated with preceding verbs to represent a meaning. Liu (1998) also proposed that ‘result’ could be divided into basic result and non-basic result. The basic result is derived from an action with a Natural result; for example, the action of wearing clothes made the object become dressed. A non-basic.

(21) 12. result is affected by a subjective or objective influence with the force of Unnatural factors; for instance, the result of being accepted by the college could be influenced. Jiang (2003) proposed that the category of result attaches to abstract objects rather than to location. Shang is no longer able to be substituted with xia4 ‘down’ 下, and ba2 把 can occur with V-shang in other word sequence like that in (5). Jiang suggested that only the second type can express the meaning of a person refusing to do an action.. 立. (5) a. 鎖上大門. 政治大. ‧ 國. 學. suo-shang-damen lock shang door. ‧. ‘lock the door’. sit. y. Nat. b. 把大門鎖上. al. n. ‘lock the door’. er. io. ba damen suo-shang. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. Pan (2005) indicated that the subject was placed in a state, and the result of the action can be transcribed by two points of view. The patient was caused to become closed, covered, attached or mixed. The agent is able to come to new states of arriving at a goal, achieving a goal, or running into something. The noun phrases following V-shang refer to the patient of the verb rather than to the location. (6) lists the possible verbs collocated with shang in this category..

(22) 13. (6) a. closed state with verbs like guan 關, gua4 掛, la 拉, he2 合, and jie 接 b. covered state with verbs like ya 壓, gai4 蓋, zhao4 罩, and tian2 填 c. attached state with verbs like pu 鋪, tie 貼, chuan 穿, and dai4 戴 d. mixed state with verbs like jia 加, bu3 補, pei4 配, and suan4 算 e. arriving at a goal with verbs zhui 追, gan3 趕, gen 跟 f. achieving a goal with verbs kao3 考, dang 當, chi 吃, and kan4 看 g. encountering something with verbs yu4 遇, gan3 趕, peng4 碰 Also, Yu (2010), in the category of resultative V-shang, has mentioned that stative. 政治大. verbs which are adjoined to shang express meanings of degree, such as hao3 ‘good’. 立. 好, gui4 ‘expensive’貴, shen ‘deep’深, gao ‘tall’高, and da4 ‘big’大.. ‧ 國. 學. From the points of view of these researchers, it can be observed that the. ‧. resultative meaning conveyed by V-shang is the same as the main feature of. y. Nat. al. er. io. sit. resultative verb complements (RVCs). No matter what the names of their category. v. n. from previous studies are, their second and third category can be generalized into ‘a. Ch. engchi. i n U. result,’ and, the directional movement category can be tested by Thompson (1973)’s analysis, so the semantic meaning of V-shang should be uniform in one sense. The behavior of this kind of V-shang is also similar to the resultative meaning in RVCs. 2.1.3 The meaning of state The third category is the most complicated, because different studies categorize it under different names. The present study takes account of the analysis of Liu (1998).

(23) 14. to select ‘a state’ to present the third category. The meanings of a state can refer to the beginning to a new state and to the start of an action. The particular definitions are ‘a state of getting to a number’ and ‘a state of getting to a purpose.’ Category of ‘state’ is more abstract than category of ‘result,’ because it shows the extended aspectual function. It means that the action caused the object to get into a new state, and it also includes an ‘ongoing’ aspect. The verbs include stative verbs. 政治大. like ai4 ‘love’愛. Mostly, stative verbs can be attached to a directional complement in. 立. the category of ‘state’. Stative verbs are used, such as hao3 ‘good’ 好 and re4 ‘hot’. ‧ 國. 學. 熱. Qilai ‘up’ 起來 can be replaced by shang. Other stative verbs include twenty-two. ‧. words, such as zhang2 ‘long’長, man4 ‘slow’慢, mang2 ‘busy’忙, mei3 ‘pretty’美,. Nat. io. sit. y. pang4 ‘fat’胖, and tiao2pi2 ‘naughty’ 調皮 (Yu, 2010).. er. Pan (2005) proposed that, in the type of ‘state,’ V-shang indicates that the subject. al. n. v i n will arrive at a new state; that C is, the U something or makes a new h esubject h i doing n g cstarts start. (7) presents three examples which are seldom used in Mandarin Chinese. (7) New state-dynamic particle a.. 領上 ling-shang bring shang. 孩子. 出去. hai-zi chu-qu kids. out. 逃個活命吧! (Pan 2005:32) tao-ge-huo-ming-ba escape survive. ‘Bring your kids out and escape to survive’.

(24) 15. 幹上. 兩年，. Gan-shang. liang-nian ta. Do. two years. b.. shang. 他. 就. 又. jiu. he. 可以. you. 買. 兩輛車。(Pan 2005:33). keyi. mai. liang-liang-che. again can. buy. two cars. After doing the job for two years, he can buy two cars again. 這麼快. c.. 就. Zhe-me-kuai So. 和. jiu. fast. 姓王的那小子. he with. 好上了! (Pan 2005:33). xing-Wang-de-na-xiao-zi hao-shang-le name Wang de that guy. good shang. ‘How quickly she and that guy Wang got together.’. 政治大. And, semantically, the category of ‘state’ is similar to the category of result in that it. 立. also indicates a change of state. In the example of ‘arrive at a new state,’ the types of. ‧ 國. 學. NP objects also overlap with examples from the resultative V-shang; for example, (7a). ‧. shows that the patient is affected by the action of the subject, so it still can indicate. Nat. io. sit. y. result of the action. (7b) presents the action as continuing for a period of time, but Pan. n. al. er. argues that it indicates a new state. The last type in (7c) is the most ambiguous and unclear.. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. Yu (2010) suggested that V-shang with a time reference, as in the sentences in (8a), should be classified as an action of result, which differs from Pan’s classification. And, Yu further regarded time reference as part of the group of quantifiers. (8) a. 他. 在河水裡. 泡上. 三天三夜. Ta zai-heshui-li pao-shang. santiansanye. He. three days and nights. in the river. bath. ‘he took a bath for three days and three nights in the river.’.

(25) 16. b. 他. 一下. 就. 愛上. 辛棄疾的詞. 了。. ta. yi-xia. jiu. ai-shang. xinqiji-de-ci. le. he. immediately. love shang. xinqiji’s poetry. ‘he immediately fell in love with the poetry of Xinqiji.’ c. 比. 過去的. 光景. bi guo-qu-de. guang-jing. more (compared) past. situation. 好上. 幾倍。. hao-shang. ji-bei. good shang. a few times. ‘the sitituation is better than that of the past.’. 政治大. The other feature of ‘the beginning of a new state’ mentioned by Pan (2005) and Yu. 立. (2010) includes the use of adjectives or stative verbs as V1 in V-shang, such as. ‧ 國. 學. hao-shang ‘get together’好上 or ai-shang ‘love’愛上. Hao3 ‘good’好 and ai4 ‘love’. ‧. 愛 exhibit the states of the actions in (8b-c). The state is the result of the change. After. y. Nat. al. er. io. sit. reading the poetry, the person loved the poetry, so ‘love’ becomes the result state of. v. n. reading. Therefore, a state could be the result of an old state or be regarded as the beginning of a new state.. Ch. engchi. i n U. In terms of meanings, researchers classify V-shang into three categories. Each researcher observes a small part of V-shang and regards it as a new category. As a whole, previous studies try to exaplain various meanings of V-shang, but they show inconsistent points of view. Hence, V-shang needs a consistent framework to organize its complex extended meanings..

(26) 17. 2.2 Syntactic functions of shang. Syntactic functions show the status of shang in V-shang, based on the semantic factors. The previous studies have defined the functions of shang in V-shang. Fan (1991) categorizes V-shang into three patterns according to form and meaning: directional, semi-directional, resultative, and stative. The types of shang in V-shang with different meanings should each be separately discussed. Shang1 conveys the. 政治大. proto meaning of the object movement. Shang2 presents a particular result from an. 立. action of the preceding verbs. Shang3 represents the accomplishment of an action.. ‧ 國. 學. The feature used to distinguish Shang2 and Shang3 is the volition of the activity of. ‧. natural or unnatural force. Within Fan’s analysis, Shang1 and Shang2 contain. sit. y. Nat. io. n. al. er. concrete senses; however, on the other hand, shang3 exhibits an abstract sense with. i n U. v. aspectual features. Each type of shang conveys different meanings which can denote their syntactic functions.. Ch. engchi. Hence, according to Fan’s analysis, generally, this study is going to present two sections below. The first section introduces the functions of V-shang determined by the content meaning and the functional meaning: resultative complement and verb particle. Then, because previous studies suggested that the aspect marker should be a use of V-shang signaling the nature of the event, the second session will introduce their observations..

(27) 18. 2.2.1 A resultative complement or an abstract particle Researchers have argued the syntactic functions of shang in V-shang (Chen, 1994; Zhang, 2000; Lu, 2001). Chen (1994) suggested that the different meanings of shang should be shown in different functional parts of speech. One kind of shang is a verb presenting the meaning of movement, and it can parallel with verbs containing active movement and passive movement. Another kind of shang is a resultative complement. 政治大. presenting the result of an action, and it is only a morpheme rather than a word. And,. 立. the preceding verbs mostly contain the stative feature to present psychological and. ‧ 國. 學. sensual activity. The last kind of shang is an abstract particle showing the meanings of. ‧. ‘starting’ and then ‘ongoing.’. Nat. io. sit. y. Zhang (2000) indicated that there are three types of directional complement. One. al. er. type of shang functions as a verb, and the other two have no content meaning. One of. n. v i n C h the other is called the two is the directional complement; e n g c h i U ‘directional phrase’(趨向詞). exhibiting aspectual function. For directional phrases like shang4 ‘up’上, xia4 ‘down’ 下, qi3 ‘up’起, and qilai ‘upward’起來, etc, they signal aspectual change and stative change. Lu (2001) also suggested that shang in V-shang should represent two kinds: a content word and a particle. Thus, due to differences in collocation, shang in V-shang may function as a concrete content word or as an abstract particle..

(28) 19. In regard to shang as a concrete word, shang in V-shang is regarded as a complement supporting the preceding verbs. In the complement meanings, studies point out two possible types. One is the prototypical type of the directional complement denoting vertical movement. The other indicates the resultative feature in V-shang. As the standard examples from previous studies are noun complements of a period of time and numbers with frequency phrases followed by V-shang as in (9),. 政治大. liang-ye ‘two night’ or wu-bian ‘five times’ indicate the consumed time of the action.. 立. 住上. 學. (9) a. 李四. ‧ 國. Thus, quantified time expresses the result of an action. 兩夜. ‧. Lisi zhu-shang liang-ye. io. Lisi lian-shang. a l 五遍 v i n Ch wu-bian engchi U. n. b. 李四練上. er. ‘Lisi have stayed for two nights’. sit. y. Nat. Lisi stay-shang two night. Lisi practice-shang. five times. ‘Lisi practiced five times’ (9a) and (9b) cannot be collocated with adverb yizhi ‘all the time’一直 and progressive zhengzai 正在 in (10), because a duration adverb cannot modify a finished work. V-shang is not a progressive action, either. Only yijing ‘already’已經 can collocate with V-shang to show accomplishment..

(29) 20. (10) a. *李四一直 *Lisi. 住上. 兩夜. yizhi zhu-shang liang-ye. ‘Lisi stays for two nights all the time’ b.*李四正在. 練上. *Lisi zhengzai. 五遍. lian-shang wu-bian. ‘Lisi is practicing five times’ c. 李四已經 Lisi yijing. 練上. 五遍. lian-shang wu-bian. 政治大. ‘Lisi has already practiced five times’. 立. Thus, some researchers distinguish DVCs and RVCs. Other researchers discussed the. ‧ 國. 學. similarity between DVcs and RVCs, and they put the directional complements into a. ‧. Nat. io. sit. Thompson, 1983; Shin, 1997; Chen, 2004).. y. board category- RVCs, due to the main feature of their semantic meaning (Li &. al. er. With the respect to the verb-particle features of shang in V-shang, Bolinger (1971). n. v i n mentioned that the core meaningCofha verb particle contains e n g c h i U the meaning of movement. and the concept of endpoint. In grammaticalization, verb particles are present not with a content meaning but with an abstract functional meaning. According to Tang (1977) and Chen (2004), verb particles include nine words: shang4 ‘up’上, xia4 ‘down’下, qi3 ‘up’起, kai ‘open’開, dai4 ‘drop’掉, zou ‘walk’走, zhu4 ‘love’住, dao4 ‘arrive’到, and chu ‘out’出. They modify the preceding verb so that it takes an abstract meaning..

(30) 21. Pan (2003) also said that shang in guan-shang-men ‘close the door’ 關上門 functions as a resultative particle, and the function of shang changes to show the situation of the event. Thus, it is important to discuss the aspectual function of V-shang. In that shang comes to have an abstract use, the status of V-shang is an important issue, so the definitions of V-shang have been added into the concept of aspect. Their investigations are shown in the following section.. 立. 2.2.2 Aspect marker. 政治大. ‧ 國. 學. In regard to aspectual markers in Chinese, two standard usages are the perfective. ‧. aspect and the durative aspect. le conveys an accomplishment event which is one of. Nat. io. sit. y. the situational types in Vendler (1957)’s research, while zai4 and zhe signal the. al. er. durative nature of the event (Comrie, 1976; Chao, 1968; Li and Thompson, 1983).. n. v i n C hthe aspectual function Some researchers have studied e n g c h i U of DVCs (Zhang, 2000; Lu,. 2000). Zhang (2000) regarded DVCs as “directional phrases” (趨向詞), because the main function of the complements is to express the aspectual meaning. For instance, qilai ‘up’起來 mainly refers to a beginning and continuing state, and xialai ‘down’下來 focuses on the continuation of the action. Lu (2000) suggested that xialai ‘down’下來 and xiaqu ‘go down’下去 signal the durative aspect and agency of the action..

(31) 22. For the aspectual point of view of shang in V-shang, Zhang (2000) also indicated that the aspect of shang, which always follows after a verb, points out the ongoing action. The event of action changes from a static state to a dynamic state. Hence, based on previous studies, the function of shang shows a continuing state; as in, for example, the following sentences in (11). (11) 這麼快. 就和. 那. Zhemekuai jiu han. na. So. that. fast. and. 立. 姓王. 的. 小子. 好上. (Pan 2005:33). de xiaozi haoshang 政治大 name wang de guy get along with. xing wang. ‘You have gotten along with that guy really quickly.’. ‧ 國. 學. Chao (1968) also proposed that aspect suffixes can be in adjacency to the verbs. Such. ‧. suffixes do not carry content meaning. There are six types of aspect suffixes: the. y. Nat. al. er. io. sit. perfective aspect, as in the example of le 了; the progressive suffix zhe 著; the. n. inchoative aspect qilai ‘up’ 起來; the indefinite past aspect, as in guolai ‘come’ 過來;. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. reduplication as a tentative aspect; and the successive aspect, as in xiaqu ‘down’ 下去. Chao (1968) regarded the feature of “referring to a continuing state” by shang as the successive aspect. Therefore, shang seems to show the successive aspect. Liu (1998), Jiang (2003) and Pan (2003) have proposed that V-shang can indicate a state or the beginning of an action. Jiang (2003) investigated that this kind of V-shang cannot be attached to ba3. Sometimes, the object NP following after V-shang is a period of time; sometimes, there is no need to add object NP before the.

(32) 23. attachment of le. However, most of the examples referred to by Jiang do not appear in Taiwan Mandarin Chinese: for example, the following sentence (12) is not comprehensible in Taiwan. (12). 他. 聽見. 院裡. 破口罵上 (Jiang 2003:47). ta tingjian. yuan-li. he. yard inside. hear. pokou ma-shang blame. ‘He heard someone blaming (someone) in the yard’. 治政 After reviewing the studies of syntactic functions大 of V-shang, we can say that 立 ‧ 國. 學. V-shang indicates the completion of an action, and further presents the situational type of accomplishment by showing the resultative meaning in particular sentences. ‧. like (13). At the end of the action, the helmet is on the head by means of the action of. sit. y. Nat. io. n. al. er. dai-shang ‘put on.’ Tu-shang ‘apply’ indicates that the person applies body lotion to. i n U. v. the skin. V-shang in these sentences exhibits the accomplishment of the action (13) a. 千萬記住戴上安全帽 qianwan jizhu must. Ch. engchi. dai-shang. remember. put-on. anquanmao helmet. ‘(You) must remember to put on the helmet.’ b. 沐浴 muyu. 後. 即刻. 塗上. hou. jike. tu-shang runfuruyi. taking shower after. immediately apply. 潤膚乳液. body lotion. ‘After taking a shower, I immediately apply the body lotion.’.

(33) 24. V-shang seems to function as the marker a successive aspect and an inchoative aspect by showing an ongoing action and the beginning of a state. Therefore, the analysis of V-shang is full of paradoxes. The explanation of the classification of V-shang shows mixtures of semantic features and aspectual functions.. 2.3. Remark. 政治大. In the lexical meanings of shang, with the movement meaning from a low position. 立. to a high position, there are nine extended meanings collected from Shi (1993), Zhang. ‧ 國. 學. (1995), and Liu (1998). Yet, the extended meanings are overlapped by the preceding. ‧. verb in V-shang, as Liu (1999) has mentioned. In other words, the researchers are still. Nat. sit er. io. V-shang.. y. unsure of the extended meanings of shang. Thus, it is important to re-think the use of. al. n. v i n C h meaning of V-shang The classification of the phrasal e n g c h i U can be distinguished by the. meaning of movement or non-movement. The sense of movement is in a vertical direction. Non-movement is complex as we combine all of the classifications from the previous studies because researchers have considered the result of an action, a state showing. the. beginning. of. change. or. aspect. presenting. ‘ongoing’ and. ‘accomplishment’ as the features of V-shang. Further to the movement meaning, the ‘non-moving action’ category remains inconsistent. The main problem is due to the.

(34) 25. mix in the levels of semantic and syntactic functions, so that different explanations are used to describe V-shang. According to previous studies, the semantic meanings of V-shang exhibit three types: directional movement, result, and state. V-shang meaning ‘a state’ in China does not show the same usage in Taiwan, but category of ‘state’ describes the final state of completed action, which can be categorized into category of ‘result.’ Hence, speaking generally, the meanings of V-shang in Taiwan Mandarin. 政治大. Chinese can be separated into directional and resultative.. 立. Besides the semantic meanings, the functions of shang in V-shang may be a. ‧ 國. 學. complement or verb particle. The nature of event in V-shang represents the complex. ‧. usage. The complement modifies the action of the preceding verb. The content. Nat. io. sit. y. meaning shows the vertical movement of the action and the ending point of the action.. al. er. In opposition to the complement, the verb particle is the usage without the content. n. v i n C h in which shang meaning, which describes the situation e n g c h i U cannot express the particular meaning but abstract function.. In regard to the types of the aspectual markers, V-shang seems to present perfective, successive, inchoative aspects (Li and Thompson, 1983; Chao, 1968). The features of perfective aspect match the usage of RVCs, but the successive and inchoative aspects usually display the ongoing event or the beginning of a state. Apart from Chao (1968), neither Comrie (1976), Li & Thompson (1983) nor Vendler (1957).

(35) 26. added successive and inchoative situational types in the classification of the aspect. Because of the finished action from the preceding verb, completed V-shang cannot attach to zhe‘in the action of…’著 and zai ‘at’在. As a result, V-shang seems to display a perfective aspect. When V-shang presents an ongoing event and the beginning of an action, it looks like the situational types of ‘successive aspect’ and ‘inchoative aspect.’. 政治大. Therefore, following the above point of view, ai-shang ‘love’愛上 and ma-shang. 立. ‘blame’罵上 express the turning point of the completed change. They show perfective. ‧ 國. 學. aspect which describes the finished turning point from the previous event. For. ‧. example, zhongyu ‘finally’ 終於 in sentence (14) below marks the situation in which. Nat. 追求. 下，終於. n. al. 的. Xiaomei zai Xiaoming Xiaomei zai Xiaoming. de zhuiqiu. Ch. i n U. 愛上. 他. v. xia，zhongyu ai-shang ta. e n g cunder hi. de court. sit. 曉明. er. 在. io. (14) 小美. y. Xiaoming tried hard for a long time.. finally. love. him. ‘After being courted by Xiaoming’s courting, Xiaomei finally fell in love with him.’ Ai-shang ‘love’ 愛上 and ma-shang ‘blame’ 罵上 also show the continuing situation, which presents the successive aspect. Also, ai-shang refers to the beginning of the state that Mary loves John, which presents the inchoative aspect. Based on Chao (1968)’s study, it is found that ai-shang and ma-shang may present three kinds of.

(36) 27. situational types at the same time. If V-shang contains an aspectual function, more than one aspect can occur in the sentence (Chuang, 2001). Therefore, it is doubtful that V-shang really can denote aspectual functions. As we have mentioned above, it can be seen that arriving at a definition of shang from previous studies is difficult, and the classification of V-shang still contains some paradoxical issues. In conclusion, due to the complexity of V-shang, the use of a. 政治大. systematic framework will help to solve the problem of classifying V-shang. The. 立. re-classification of the semantic categories of V-shang under a theoretical framework. ‧ 國. 學. is the first step. In the following Chapter 3, this study will review the theories which. ‧. can help to solve the above problems.. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. v.

(37) Chapter 3 Theoretical framework In order to solve the problems found in the analyses of previous studies, this chapter extends Talmy’s theory of motion-event. Talmy (2000)’s theory clearly. 政治大. describes the standard features in a motion-event, and it can be projected into the. 立. event portrayed by V-shang. This chapter will introduce the background knowledge. ‧ 國. 學. of motion event and the way in which the Chinese frame differs from the typology in. ‧. section 3.1. Section 3.2 introduces Lexical Functional Grammar to bridge the lexical. Nat. sit. n. al. er. io 3.1 Motion event. y. semantics of V-shang with the syntactic structures.. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. Since the directional complement shang indicates an action of movement, the present study explains the movement of a motion event according to Talmy (2000). The features of a motion event are constrained by three characteristics in a language: (i) it is colloquial in style; (ii) it is frequent in occurrence in speech; and (iii) it is pervasive. The Motion event in Figure 1 contains central elements, where ‘Figure’ is a moved object, ‘Ground’ is the ending point of the motion, and ‘Path’ is the moving. 28.

(38) 29. process. ‘Motion’ is encoded by the predicate, and it refers to the occurrence (MOVE) or nonoccurrence (Be located) which is a translational motion. The motion event excludes “self-contained motion,” which refers to rotation, oscillation and dilation. Figure 2. Talmy (2000) Motion-event frame. 立. 政治大. Other external elements are associated with Cause of the movement and Manner of. ‧ 國. 學. the action, which is called co-event. An example can be seen in the sentences in (15). ‧. of Talmy (2000): ‘the pencil’ functions as the Figure, and ‘the table’ represents the. Nat. io. sit. y. Ground. Path is shown by ‘on’ or ‘off.’ For example, (15a) presents Motion with the. n. al. er. preposition ‘off,’ while (15b) indicates the location with ‘on.’ Manner and Cause are derived from predicates.. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. (15). Manner. Cause. a. Motion. The pencil rolled off the table.. the pencil blew off the table. b. Location. The pencil lay on the table.. the pencil stuck on the table. Talmy suggests that the best way to express Co-event is to distinguish subordinate clauses. There are three kinds of Co-event in (16). The main Motion event associated with Cause or Manner contains Figure, Path and Ground. The Figure can be agentive,.

(39) 30. non-agentive or even self-agentive. In English, Path is expressed by the prepositions, so this kind of language is regarded as a satellite-framed language. (16). (Talmy, 2000). a. BELoc + Manner The. lamp. lay. on. the. table.. =. [the. lamp. WASLoc. on. the. table]. WITH-THE-MANNER-OF [the lamp lay there]. b. MOVE + Manner i. Nonagentive The. rock. rolled. down. 立. 治政 hill. = [the rock MOVED 大. the. down. the. hill]. WITH-THE-MANNER-OF [the rock rolled]. ‧ 國. 學. ii.Agentive. I bounced the keg into the storeroom. = [I MOVED the keg into the storeroom]. ‧. WITH-THE-MANNER-OF [I bounced the keg]. io. sit. y. Nat. iii.Self-agentive. n. al. er. I ran down the stairs. = [I WENT down the stairs] WITH-THE-MANNER-OF [I ran]. c. MOVE + Cause. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. i. Nonagentive The. napkin. blew. off. the. table.. =. [the. napkin. MOVED. off. the. table]. WITH-THE-CAUSE-OF [(something) blew on the napkin]. ii.Agentive I kicked the keg into the storeroom. = [I MOVED the keg into the storeroom] WITH-THE-CAUSE-OF [I kicked the keg]..

(40) 31. In a different kind of languages, predicates in their lexical meanings not only indicate the Manner of Motion but also Path. These kinds of verbs are called Path-conflating motion verbs. Talmy offers two types of languages: satellite-framed languages and verb-frame languages as in (17) below. The standard satellite-framed language is English, which is marked with particles like in, out, or across depicting Path, as in (17a) below. The style that predicates encode Path in the lexical meanings. 政治大. is a standard feature of verb-frame languages, as in Spanish.. 立. b.. I ran out the kitchen door.. Sali por la puerta de la cocina.. ‧. Ground. io. n. al. [Motion + Path]. verb. satellite. Ground. Manner. er. Path. y. ‘I exited [by] the kitchen door.’. Nat. [Motion + Manner]. Spanish. sit. English. 學. a.. ‧ 國. (17). Ch. noun. verb. engchi. i n U. v. noun. verb. However, from Chen & Guo (2009), Chinese is regarded as a third type of language, because the construction in Chinese is different from the above two types of languages. The construction in (18) below is composed of two parallel verbs. (18). [Motion + Manner]. [Motion + Path]. 李四. Verb 爬. Verb 上. Lisi. pa. shang. Ground. Noun 山了。 shan. le.

(41) 32. The first predicate expresses the Manner of the action, while the second predicate which is a verb rather than a satellite indicates the Path. Thus, it shows that Chinese combines features from a satellite-framed language as well as from a verb-frame language. A sentence with V-shang and the action verb provides a frame of motion event. Thus, with a directional complement shang, Path goes from the lower position to Ground, which is the top of the mountain, and the first verb provides the Cause of. 政治大. the action. The Figure is an Agent. Lisi is an Agent and also a causer who makes. 立. himself move.. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. 3. 2 Thematic roles and Lexical Functional Grammar. Nat. io. sit. y. In addition to Talmy’s elements in motion event, this study also uses thematic. n. al. complements with the. er. roles to modify the NP complement which follows after V-shang, especially the. i n C feature ofh [-Ground]. And U e n g c h i then,. v. this study uses Lexical. Functional Grammar (LFG) to map the lexical semantics of V-shang to the syntactic structure. Thematic relations describe the semantic functions of noun phrases with respect to the action of the verb. Each noun phrase bears at least one thematic role in a sentence (Andrew, 1985). The general characters of thematic roles are given below in (19): (19) a. Agent: deliberately performs the action Bill ate his soup quietly..

(42) 33. b. Experiencer: the entity that receives sensory or emotional input Susan heard the song. c. Patient: undergoes the action and changes its state The falling rocks crushed the car. d. Theme: undergoes the action but does not change its state I put the book on the table. e. Time: the time at which the action occurs The rocket was launched yesterday.. 政治大 The monster was hiding under the bed. 立. f. Location: the place in which something is situated or takes place. ‧ 國. 學. Dowty (1991) and Bresnan (2001) proposed an implicational hierarchy of the subject; that is, speakers place an Agent into subject position, and then the second preference. ‧. is the Benefactive, then Theme/Patient, and finally Location as in (20).. sit. y. Nat. io. n. al. er. (20)Thematic hierarchy: ag > ben > go/exp > inst > pt/th> loc. i n U. v. Dowty (1991) proposed a proto-role approach that two role types are needed to be. Ch. engchi. defined, which are proto-agent and proto-patient. The following are lists of entailments for the two proto-roles. (21) Proto-Agent entailments and examples (subject NP) a. volitional involvement: John is being polite to Bill. b. sentience / perception: John knows/ believes the statement. John sees/ fears Mary. c. causation: His loneliness causes his unhappiness. d. movement: He accidently fell. e. independent existence: John needs a new car..

(43) 34. Dowty used the semantic entailments to characterize the properties of a Proto-Agent role. The sentence (21a) conveys that a verb entails that the activity of the role is volitional. As in (21b), the entailment of perception and sentience can be found in verbs such as stative perception verbs and stative psych predicates. Causation in (21c) means that the verb causes an event or change of state in another participant. It is often accompanied by movement. Movement, however, can be found alone without. 政治大. causation or volition, as in (21d). Independent existence in (21e) means that the NP is. 立. presumed to exist before and after the event and that it is not changed by the action of. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. the verb.. (22) Proto-Patient entailments and examples (object NP). y. Nat. n. al. c. casually affected: Smoking causes cancer.. Ch. engchi. er. io. b. incremental theme: John filled the glass with water.. sit. a. change of state: John erased the error.. i n U. v. d. stationary relative to another participant: The bullet entered the target. e. existence not independent of the event: John built a house. The entailment (22a) may contain both definite and indefinite changes of state. Incremental themes are affected objects, and it is entailed upon objects that they undergo a definite change of state. The NP ‘the glass’ in (22b) refers to an entity which can be used to measure the quantity of water. The entailments in (22c-e) are corresponding counterparts of the entailments of Proto-Agent (22c-e)..

(44) 35. Lexical Functional Grammar (LFG) is a non-derivational generative framework. LFG takes the insight of the mapping between the predicate argument structure and the syntactic structure, so that there is an argument structure (a-structure) linking the lexical semantic structure and the syntactic structure of a predicator (Bresnan and Kaberva, 1989; Bresnan and Zaenen, 1990). In order to conduct this device, LFG states two planes of syntactic representation: functional structure (f-structure) and. 政治大. constituent structure (c-structure) (Kaplan and Bresnan, 1982). The c-structure is. 立. represented as a tree configuration, and the f-structure forms grammatical information,. ‧ 國. 學. such as grammatical features (e.g., SUBJ and OBJ), tense, aspect, person, number, etc.. ‧. Nat. io. sit. between a-structure roles and f-structure roles.. y. Lexical mapping theory (LMT) is the UG component constraining the linking. er. Argument functions include SUBJ, OBJ, OBLΘ (oblique function), OBJΘ. al. n. v i n Ch (secondary objects). They are characterized binary distinctive features: [+r] e n g cbyhtwoi U ([+r] and [-r] for restricted and unrestricted) and [+o] ([+o] and [-o] for objective and non objective) (Bresnan, 2001; Her, 2009). Grammatical functions show the features of [r] and [o] as follows. (23) The features of grammatical functions SUBJ OBJ OBJθ OBLθ. [-r, -o] [-r, +o] [+r, +o] [+r, -o].

(45) 36. Well-formedness constraints, including the Subject Condition: every predicator must have a subject, and Function-Argument Bi-uniqueness: each a-structure role must be associated with a unique function. They are used to ensure that every sentence has a subject and that two arguments cannot be mapped to the same grammatical function (Bresnan, 2001). Dowty (1988) also proposed the following principle and corollaries in order to appropriately map the proto-roles to the grammatical functions.. (24) Argument Selection Principle:. 立. 政治大. If the predicate has two grammatical functions, subject and object, the argument with. ‧ 國. 學. the most proto-agent entailments will be mapped to the subject and the argument. ‧. having the greatest number of proto-patient entailments will be mapped to the object.. al. er. io. sit. y. Nat. (25) Corollary:. v. n. If the two arguments have the same number of proto-agent and proto-patient. Ch. engchi. i n U. entailments, either one can be mapped to the subject or to the object..

(46) Chapter 4 Three categories of V-shang There are at least 3,233 items of V-shang data and 160 types of V-shang collocations of different verbs with shang in the Academia Sinica corpus 1 which are. 政治大. the main sources of data for this paper. A search for types of V-shang for eight. 立. verb-categories, VCL, VC, VK, VJ, VHC, VG, VF, and VD 2, was carried out on. ‧ 國. 學. search engines in the Academia Sinica corpus. V-shang as Verb-Complement (VC) V-shang. is. transitive. showed. ‧. where. 2,222. items. of. data,. and. Nat. io. sit. y. Verb-Complement-Location (VCL) where V-shang is followed by a location showed. n. al. er. 529 items of data, so items from these categories are used as the majority of data in the present study.. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. This chapter, based on the discussions presented in Chapter 2 and the frameworks. Academic Sinica Balanced Corpus of Modern Chinese (中央研究院現代漢語平衡語料庫): http://db1x.sinica.edu.tw/cgi-bin/kiwi/mkiwi/mkiwi.sh 1. 2. Word types on the search engines: VCL (a verb needs location object), VC ( a verb needs an object), VK (a verb attaches to stative verb), VJ (a verb needs two thematic roles, such as <theme, goal>, <experiencer, goal> and <theme, range>), VHC (intransitive verb), VG (a verb connects the subject and object, such as dang ‘to be’ in wo yao dang ge laoshi ‘I want to be a teacher’), VF (a transitive verb needs the thematic roles <agent, goal>, <agent, goal, theme>), and VD (double object verb). 37.

(47) 38. introduced in Chapter 3, investigates three types of features of V-shang. The features of the three types of V-shang can be reflected in the collocations of the noun phrases following V-shang. That is, the kinds of noun phrases following V-shang provide the basic division of three categories of V-shang: V-shang Ground, V-shang Patient, and V-shang Extent. The description of the complement NP is based on Talmy (2000)’s motion event frame and Andrew (1985)’s thematic relation. In motion events, the. 政治大. movement of shang may be separated into [+Ground] NP and [-Ground] NP. The. 立. basic category is [+Ground] NP with V-shang.. ‧ 國. 學. The first section introduces the criteria of categories in V-shang. Section 4.2 4.3,. ‧. and 4.4 separately discuss the features in each category of V-shang, [V-shang Ground],. Nat. io. sit. y. [V-shang Patient] and [V-shang Extent], based on motion event theory and the. al. er. research on aspect. They will analyze the characters of the types of noun phrases. n. v i n C hof the orientationUof movement indicated by the following V-shang and the features engchi different categories of V-shang.. 4 .1 Criteria of categories in V-shang From Talmy’s (2000) motion event-frame, motion verbs create motion events and express the movement process from the starting point to the endpoint which is named Ground, so the appearance of Ground is the main criterion for distinguishing whether.

(48) 39. V-shang contains sense of motion or not. Object NPs can be divided into [+Ground] NPs and [-Ground] NPs. A Ground with shang can be described in dao4… shang ‘arrive to’到…上 to indicate the goal of location; for example, pao-shang shan 跑上山‘run up onto the mountain’ can transfer into ‘pao dao shan shang’ 跑到山上. Or, for example, as in (26): (26) a. 李四. 買. 了. 車票. 奔上. Lisi. mai. le chepiao. Lisi. buy ASP ticket. 火車。. ben-shang. huoche. 政run 治train大. 立. huoche. on. train. 了 shang. ASP. Nat. ‘Has Lisi gotten on the train?’. 嗎? le. ma?. y. dao. 上. ‧. Lisi. 火車. io. sit. Lisi. 到. 學. b. 李四. ‧ 國. ‘Lisi bought the tickets and got on the train. ’. al. er. In contrast, [-Ground] NP may include the object of verbs, quantifiers, and time. n. v i n C hto describe the semantic references. Thematic roles are used e n g c h i U functions of noun phrases. with respect to the action of the verb (Dowty, 1991; Andrew, 1985). [+Ground] feature represents Location; the thematic roles with [-Ground] are Patient or Theme following V-shang. Objects of [+Patient/Theme] undergo the action and the change of state; that is, they are not ending points of movement but are part of [-Ground] NP. Thus, [-Ground] NPs can be divided into [+Patient] NPs and [-Patient] NPs. The way to distinguish.

(49) 40. [+Patient] and [-Patient] is to move the NP complement with ba3 in front of V-shang. The verb must be an action verb which may be a motion verb, and NPs are the complements of the verbs. Furthermore, objects of [-Patient] NP, which are also part of the [-Ground] groups, consist of a time reference, and the quantifiers. And, they do not undergo a change of state and present the ending point of a motion. Secondly, there are generally two kinds of Ground: concrete and abstract. The. 政治大. concrete Ground, such as the mountain, with V-shang is the prototypical use of. 立. V-shang, and it expresses the physical directional movement from the low position to. ‧ 國. 學. the high position with movement verbs. On the other hand, an abstract Ground. ‧. represents a goal, such as the final position of the status, so it is like a metaphorical. Nat. io. sit. y. usage, as in fei-shang zhitou ‘become a wife of a rich man’ 飛上枝頭. Directional. n. al. er. movement no longer expresses vertical but transverse orientation; for instance,. Ch. someone may bump into trouble.. engchi. i n U. v. Thirdly, in order to analyze the orientation of motion in V-shang, the adverb is used to help to distinguish the feature of [+ Path] or [-Path]. Chen and Kuo (2009) have discussed the motion-verb construction. They utilized Talmy’s theory of motion event to analyze the motion verb constructions in Chinese novels. There are eight constructions of the combination of manner verbs, path verbs and deictic verbs:.

(50) 41. M+P+D, M+P, M+D, P+D, P+P, M, P and D.3 Of these constructions, only three need manner verbs, and V-shang shows the pattern of M+P. M+P+D and M+D, in particular, are two other ways to examine whether V1 in V-shang is a motion verb or not. That is, a verb which can appear with DVC like shang4 ‘up’ 上, xia4 ‘down’ 下, lai2 ‘come’ 來, qu4 ‘go’ 去, qilai ‘upward’ 起來, jinqu ‘get in to’進去, guoqu ‘across’ 過去, and xiaqu ‘get down’ 下去, has the feature of directional indication;. 政治大. hence, it is a motion verb. The descriptions of the adverbials below in (27) are also. 立. 匆匆地. 走. ‧. cong cong de zou. y. Nat. ‘walk hastily’. Ta yi jiqi xunsumingjie de bufa. Ch. he rapid. 了過來. iv zou n U. n. al. 走. er. 他以極其迅速敏捷的步伐. io. b. Adverbial phrases. sit. a. Adverbs. 學. (27). ‧ 國. used to examine Chinese motion expressions.. e n g c hdeisteps. le guo lai. walk le come. ‘He walked over with very rapid and swift steps.’ c. Adverbial clauses. 我沒跑步,. 但走得. 很快,. 走進辦公室. Wo mei paobu dan zou de hen kuai zou jin bangongshi I. not run but walk. fast. go to. office. ‘I didn’t run, but walked very fast (when I) walked into the office.’ 3. M=Manner verbs, P=Path verbs (non-deictic), D=deictic verbs (indicating path). Manner verbs refer to the way in which a figure carries out a motion. Path verbs refer to the trajectory over which a figure moves. Deitic verbs indicate path relative to the speaker (Slobin, 2004)..

(51) 42. As a verb, either a manner verb or a neutral verb occurs with shang to compose a verb-complement, and shang becomes a predicate implying the sense of ‘path.’ V-shang creates a motion-verb construction and a motion event. That is to say, if shang contains the meaning of path, it is a motion-verb construction. Adverbs which modify the direction may help to point out the features of shang, like zhizhidi ‘straightly’ 直直地 in the sentences in (28). (28) a. 李四. 政山治大 pao-shang 立 shan. 直直地. 跑上. Lisi zhizhidi. ‧ 國. mountain. 學. Lisi straightly run. ‘Lisi ran straight up the mountain’ 股市. 直直地. 衝上. ‧. b. 今天. 歷史. 最高點. today stock. history highest. sit. n. er. io. straightly rose. al. y. lishi zui gaodian. Nat. jintian gushi zhizhidi chong-shang. i n U. v. ‘Today, stocks rose straight to the highest point in history.’ c. 張三. Ch. e n g 搬上 chi. 把書. 直直地. 台. Zhangsan. ba shu. zhizhidi. ban-shang. tai. Zhangsan. ba book. straightly. move. stage. ‘Zhangsan moved the book directly on to the stage.’ The sense of ‘directly’ by zhizhidi is not accepted here, because it does not show the orientation of the action. These three examples of V-shang contain different kinds of Ground. (28a) has a concrete ending point; (28b) has an abstract point in Stock, and (28c) shows the way that the book is moved on to the stage. Thus, in order to find the.

(52) 43. directional meaning of shang, an adverb zhizhidi ‘straightly’ 直直地 which modifies the verb to show the upward direction is used to test whether there is a meaning of path in V-shang or not. Fourthly, since the preceding verb (V1) in V-shang can be the cause of the action, the type of the verb in V-shang is important. Within the relation between the verbs and the aspect, Vendler (1967) proposed four aspectual categories to distinguish the verb. 政治大. types, including (i) states, (ii) activities, (iii) accomplishment, and (iv) achievement,. 立. which can be distinguished by three features: dynamic, punctual and telic.. ‧ 國. 學. The dynamic feature divides verbs into dynamic verbs and stative verbs. Stative. ‧. verbs, including seem, know, want and be, are atelic and non-punctual, because there. Nat. io. sit. y. is no inherent duration. Three types of dynamic verbs are distinguished by punctual. al. er. and telic. ‘Punctual’ verbs can be regarded as instantaneous or as a single point (begin. n. v i n C hthose with durationU(sing a song). ‘Telic’ represents to sing) to differentiate them from engchi. events with an endpoint. Activity verbs have inherent duration and no particular ending point. Accomplishment descriptions, such as build a house and paint the painting, are not instantaneous, because the ending point is the completion of the action. Achievement verbs, such as arrive, leave, notice and recognize, point out the beginning or the end of the action (Mourelatos, 1981). Achievement and accomplishment can be grouped together as telic events. The duration of time can be.

(53) 44. tested by adjoining a time phrase like ‘for a while’ or ‘in a week.’ In Talmy’s theory, the motion verb portrays a motion event. Most of the motion verbs are activity verbs, especially physical verbs. Teng (1964) and Xu (2008) generally classify verbs into activity verbs which perform an action and stative verbs which perform in a non-dynamic way, like xihuan ‘like’喜歡, xiangxin ‘believe’相信, ai ‘love’ 愛, and xiang ‘think’想. A stative verb. 政治大. attaches to zhe 著 rather than to zai 在 in Mandarin Chinese. On the other hand, there. 立. are two kinds of inchoative verbs: absolute, such as ‘die’, ‘get sick’ and ‘graduate’ and. ‧ 國. 學. scalar, such as, ‘improve’ and ‘grow up.’ Inchoative verbs can only be attached to zai. ‧. 在, and they show the meaning of instant action, without the internal process. In. Nat. io. sit. y. activity verbs, there are two standard movement verbs: verbs of location including sit,. er. stand, sleep, lie, squat, and kneel and verbs of motion including put, leave, stop, hang,. al. n. v i n Clocation The verbs of h e n garecintransitive; h i U the. plant, and move.. verbs of motion are. intransitive. They can attach to the location phrases of zai to display the direction, as in (29). (29) a.李四坐. 在地. 上. Lisi zuo. zai di shang. Lisi sit. zai ground. ‘Lisi sat on the ground.’. on.