Ⅴ. ANALYZING THE VERBS IN THREE TYPES OF V-SHANG
5.5 Historical viewpoints on V-shang
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5.5 Historical viewpoints on V-shang
Before the Chin and the Han Dynasty, no V-shang compound appears in the Sinica corpus of Old Mandarin Chinese5. Shang functioned as a verb and parallelled the other verb. A ‘Verb -Verb’ structure occurred in this period. The only possible construction in Chin (秦) was niu yang xia lai ‘the cows and goats came down.’牛羊 下來 (Pan, 1980; Zhao, 2010), and most researchers regard it as the structure of paralleled verbs which can be added a conjunction between xia4 ‘down’ 下and lai2
‘come’來.
The period from the end of Han dynasty (漢) to Song dynasty (宋) represents the period of Middle Mandarin Chinese. In this long period, the Tang dynasty (唐) marks a division point in history. Before the Tang Dynasty, from the final part of the Han Dynasty (漢) to the Weijing (魏晉), V-shang with a NP complement was not used frequently. In <Shishouxinyu>世說新語, only one example of V-shang is given, tiao-shang-shuan ‘jump on to the boat’ 跳上船, and it shows [V-shang Ground]
structure with the meaning of directional movement.
5 Academic Sinica Tagged Corpus of Old Chinese (中央研究院上古漢語標記語料庫):
http://db1x.sinica.edu.tw/cgi-bin/kiwi/akiwi/akiwi.sh
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(87) 行 百里 不 去 , 遂 跳上船 <世說新語>
Xing baili bu qu, sui tiao-shang-chuan walk hundred miles not leave then jump on baot
‘(The monkey) walked in a hundred miles. It did not leave (where). Finally, it jumped on the boat.’
According to Pan (1980) and Zhao (2010), in the Tang Dynasty (唐), there was an abundance of patterns of V-shang with Patient in the texts. Also, in the Song Dynasty (宋), people frequently used V-shang with Patient NP. Some standard examples from classical novels in ancent history are presented as follows. The complements of V-shang in (88a) and (88b) are fronted, while the complement in (88c) follows
V-shang.
(88)a.以草敷上,遂生此坐 <祖堂集>
yi cao fu-shang, sui sheng ci zuo use straw put on then person this sit
‘(Someone) put the straw on (the …) and sat on it.’
b. 今 畫 現圖 一鋪 送上<入唐求法尋禮行記>
jin hua xiantu yipu song-shang now draw painting together give
‘(Someone) drew the painting and gave it to (someone).’
c. 身穿金甲,接上頭牟<敦煌變文選>
shen chuan jinjia , jie-shang toumou body wear armor put on helmet
‘(Someone) put on a suit of armor and a helmet.’
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d. 吹上寒枝 <全宋詞>
chui-shang han zhi
blow cold branches of the plant
‘The cold wind blew the branches of the plant.’
Another sentence in (88d) shows the ambiguous use of V-shang Ground or V-shang Patient, because the branches of the plant may indicate the endpoint of the process of being blown by the wind, or that the branches of the plant are blown by the wind.
In the Early Mandarin Chinese of the Yuan (元), Ming (明) and Chin (清) Dynasties, there are 2112 items of data in the Sinica corpus, and there are 303 data in Yuan, 792 data in Ming, and 1028 data in Chin6. Thus, the increasing number shows the mature development of [V-shang NP]. There is a high percentage of occurrence of [V-shang Patient], but [V-shang Ground] rarely appears in the texts. That is to say, the resultative meaning makes great influence on the [V-shang NP] structure. In the Yuan, there are 303 items of data, and we see V-shang in references like <Yuankanzaju>元 刊 雜 劇 , <Guanhanqingxiquji>關漢卿戲曲集, and <Shuihuchuan>水滸傳, etc.
V-shang with Patient is present to a high percentage. They are tested by omitting shang, and they are grammatical, as in guanfangmen ‘close the door’ 關房門 in
(89a). The patterns of V-shang in (89) are still used in the modern Chinese corpus.
6 Academic Sinica Tagged Corpus of Early Mandarin Chinese (中央研究院近代漢語標記語料庫):
http://db1x.sinica.edu.tw/cgi-bin/kiwi/pkiwi/pkiwi.sh
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(89) a. 關上房門 便要睡 (關漢卿戲曲集) Guan-shang fangmen bianyao shui close door then sleep ‘(Someone) closed the door and then slept.’
b. 穿上 束帶朝章(元刊雜劇) chuan-shang shudaichaozhang put on clothes
‘(Someone) put on the clothes.’
c. 莊客 點上燈火 (水滸傳) zhuangke dian-shang denghuo guest light up light
‘The guest lit the light.’
In the Ming, references from <Yongledaxixiquji>永樂大戲戲曲集, <Xiyouji>西遊記,
<Jinpingmei>金瓶梅 and <Pingyaochuan>平妖傳 contain 792 items of data of V-shang. V-shang with Patient also frequently occurred, as in some examples in (90a-c). zou-shang ‘report’ 奏上, wu-shang ‘play’ 舞上 and chi-shang ‘eat’ 吃上 require a Patient role. Zou-shang ‘report’ 奏上 is an example that shang cannot be omitted. That is, ‘Tang King’ represents a goal, which is the function of Ground. The upward orientation expresses physical respect to the king. chi-shang ‘eat’ 吃上 in (90b) attaches to an exaggerated complement. V-shang with Extent is also used in the text; for example, (90c), a quantifier is attached after V-shang wu-shang ‘play’ 舞上.
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chi-shang sanshilai dajinzhong eat thirty golden clock‘(Someone) ate thirty golden clocks.’
c. 把大門槓子舞上一回 (平妖傳) ba damengangzi wu-shang yihui ba gatepost play once
‘(Someone) played on the bar of the main gate once.’
In the Ching, there are 1028, including novels like <Hongloumeng> 紅 樓 夢 ,
<Xingshiyinyuan>醒世姻緣 and <Rulinwaishi> 儒林外史, which show great use of V-shang. The variation of V-shang with Extent appeared in Early Chinese as in (91).
Quantifier NPs attached to [V shang].
(91) a. 花上幾百錢 (紅樓夢) hua-shang jibaiqian spend hundreds dollars
‘(Someone) spent hundreds of dollars’
b. 添上這一百棍 (儒林外史) tian-shang zheyibaigun
add this one hundred hit
‘(Someone) hit ( someone) one hundred times’
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c. 屏杯也得買上四隻 (醒世姻緣) bingbei yede mai-shang sizhi cup must buy four
‘(Someone) had to buy four cups’
The sentence in (91a) uses consuming verb, hua-shang ‘spend’ 花上, with the quantity of money. Tian-shang-zheyibaigun ‘hitting one hundred more times’ 添上 這一百棍 in (91b) and mai-shang-sizhi ‘buy four ’買上四隻 present V-shang with
Extent roles.
As a result, it is found that the complement to which V-shang can attach changes from the concrete endpoint to a measure element. Hopper & Traugott (2003) have proposed the process that leads lexemes from concrete to abstract or from lexical to grammatical as one of grammaticalization. The process presents a uni-directional way of decline, and not all kinds of lexical items can undergo grammaticalization. ‘Cline’
is the basic feature of grammaticalization, and it indicates a natural pathway of evolvement of lexical items or a continuum from a source lexeme (e.g., a lexical item) to a target lexeme (e.g., a grammatical item). Abstractness of meaning is another apparent character which can be used to analyze the lexeme. Thus, the variation from space to time presents a grammaticalization process.
This study observes that, in Old Mandarin Chinese, V-shang developed in a serial verb construction. The above analysis suggests there should be semantic change and
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an alternation of prototypical meaning. The resultative meaning occurring in V-shang Patient happened in middle Chinese. V-shang with Extent occurred in early Mandarin Chinese. Compatible with Hopper & Traugott (2003)’s grammaticalization process, in Old Chinese, prototypical meanings as a verb functioned in a serial verb construction, and extended meanings developed from the original use. In the same result as the idea in the last section within the cognitive polysemy approach, V-shang generates a lexical semantic meaning from ‘vertically higher’ to other extended usages. The complements following V-shang also change from Ground to Patient and Extent. The related meanings show the feature of polysemy rather than homonym.
5.6 Summary
During the process of historical development, the independent shang has the function of V-shang compound. The NP complement following V-shang change from being the concrete endpoint to being a measure element including quantity or duration of time. The above analysis exhibits the change of the syntactic structures of V-shang and of shang. Shang has the structures of <th, loc> and <th, ext>. And, the argument structure of V-shang should be <th, loc>, <ag, pt> and<th, ext>. As the lexical item assigns the argument structure, the strcture presents the function of a predicate. Thus, apart from previous studies, shang in V-shang functions as a predicate rather than as
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an abstract particle. This evidence points out the proof of the viewpoint of the VV compound in V-shang (Lu, 1991). Also, from the last chapter, we found that V-shang is polysemy with related extended meanins rather than homonym with unrelated extended meanings.
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Chapter 6 Conclusion
In the view of the early studies, shang is a directional verb complement containing several senses as a polysemous word, and V-shang also contains different functions within semantic and syntactic levels. In order to theoretically analyze the meaning of V-shang, the present study utilizes Talmy’s motion event theory to observe the collocating features of V-shang. And, we find that the semantic meanings should be changed due to the presence of different preceding verbs and attached complement noun phrases.
V-shang with Ground portrays the vertical movement of Figure from the lower-landmark to the higher landmark. The final landmark is the so-called Ground, so the argument structure of V-shang Ground is <th, loc>. In the collocations of V-shang, V1 are always physical motion verbs. Shang in the category of V-shang Ground and V-shang Patient requires two thematic roles: Theme and locative.
V-shang with Patient expresses a resultative meaning and the accomplishment of the action from V1, and the phenomenon shows the same the semantic meaning as that of the resultative verb complement. The movement of the orientation is not
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vertical but transverse. The verb types of V1 become transitive action verbs or stative verbs. However, the argument structure, due to the Patient complement originating from V1, is encoded as <ag, pt>.
[V-shang Extent] contains two kinds of complement NP: time references and frequency phrases, which are called Extent in this study. Meaning in this category is abstract, but it may be similar to the phase verb complement dao4 ‘get to’ 到 to conveying the sense of ‘getteing to.’ The restrictions on V1 in V-shang compounds are lesser than those in the other two categories. The required thematic roles of V-shang are Theme and Extent; hence, shang expressing the extended meanings requires the thematic roles of Theme and Extent.
From Lu (2011), the division of V-shang develops in two directions. One direction concerns the ending point, and the other emphasizes the contacted surface. The argument structure of shang remains the Locative role in the division. It is a metaphorical usage from space to time (Lakoff & Johnson, 2003). As a result, based on Hopper & Traugott (2003)’s grammaticalization theory, it is found that shang becomes grammatically abstract.
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Part 1: Verb types in V-shang with Ground[+path] 跑上 pao-shang ‘run up’
Part 2: Verb types in V-shang with Patient [+path] 穿上 chuan-shang ‘put on’
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交上 jiao-shang ‘make up with’
染上 ran-shang ‘addict to ’
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