Conclusion

1. Higher Cultural Capital

By means of this study, I was able to show the evolution of primary school teachers in society. Thanks to Bourdieu’s theory, I was able to redefine every form of capital of primary school teachers. As explained previously, the various forms of capital have sometimes evolved and sometimes stagnated, which could make teachers feel a sense of injustice, for example, a salary that does not increase.

However, we can be sure of one thing: the cultural capitals for the selected primary teachers are higher than those described by Bourdieu.in “Distinction. This may be explained by several factors, as I was able to show in the discussion chapter. Although it can be explained globally in terms of a global social movement, it is still a strong point for teachers who think they have a job and studies that are worth it. They think they had to work hard to get this job, and that they are still working hard every day to get it done, and done well.

Finally, a last point can be added regarding the social status of teachers. They can finally refer to the symbolic capital that Bourdieu also referred to in his books and theory.

Symbolic capital is nothing other than economic or cultural capital when it is known and recognized. It represents the volume of recognition, legitimacy, and consecration accumulated by a social agent within his or her area of belonging. In this sense, we realize that the symbolic capital of teachers is low. Even “too” low compared to the volume of cultural capital, for example, they have. They have the feeling that they are not represented and appreciated in society. This may also be an explanation for the dissatisfaction of these teachers with their jobs. ⁵

The education system abandons children with problems, those who have real learning difficulties, unfortunately the teacher cannot work miracles with a class of 30 students with heterogeneous levels; it is humanly impossible. We

5 This point will not be more developed because there is not much question of this symbolic capital

lack means and help. (Interviewee 1, one-to-one interview, December 20, 2018)

Moreover, this study highlights the social class of teachers as well as their habits, Preferences, and tastes. In themselves, primary school teachers seem to belong to the same social group because of their many similarities in lifestyle, for example, since the lifestyle is defined by a set of tastes, beliefs, and systematic practices characteristic of a class. They do belong to the same class but its place in the space of positions has changed.

It can be said that it has ascended, unlike trades, such as craftsmen, who remained in the same place.

2. Distortion of teacher Image in society

However, what stands out particularly in this study is a lack of consideration in French society about the identity of teachers (in terms of salary, the judgment of others, and hard work). Finally, if this study shows a discrepancy between Bourdieu’s analysis and the current state of social classes, it also shows a kind of unease on the part of teachers who all feel sidelined in society and unrecognized for their work.

Young teachers do not benefit, to a degree similar to that experienced by their elders (those of Bourdieu’s generation), from the same gratitude for their profession nor from social considerations based on their level of study and above all for the hours they work.

In addition, there is a real gap between the work provided and the salary they receive.

However, there is, above all, a gap between the level of study of these teachers and their valuation in society. This negative effect can only affect the experience of teachers and the interviews reflect this.

My work is absolutely not valued in society. When I say that I am elementary school teacher I always have remarks such as “Ah well, it’s always holidays,”

“You are just an official,” and they think that I do not deserve that many holidays, that my hours are lighten, that my salary is exaggerated.

(Interviewee 1, one-to-one interview, December 20, 2018)

One could explain this perhaps in terms of a society which keeps seeing elementary school teachers as Bourdieu describes them. That is to say, with a low level of qualifications and an impression of “imitating” others. However, we realize through the

interviews, that this is not really the case—they seem to live in the class they belong to (Dubet 1992). There is a difference in how to classify the petite bourgeoisie of Bourdieu’s time and teachers today.

What characterized the petty bourgeois, according to Bourdieu, was their feeling of not belong to the good social class, of not being in the good social order. However, primary teachers today are in agreement with themselves. They think that they belong to the middle class, and do not claim much more. The only thing that they claim is their image in society and the need for recognition in society. Hence, of course, this results in a disagreement regarding the social space of positions, but also because it seems to reflect society in general and not the feelings of the teachers and their real work. There is no excess of feeling of injustice, as Bourdieu could say, because this feeling of injustice seems justified and measured. Yet, despite its more heterogeneous social character, faculty morphology remains dominated by overrepresentation of the middle class, as we can see from this study.

The duality of occupation and status strongly structures the teaching identity and the relationship to the institution. This is why it is even harder for teachers today to feel supported in their professions.

This may finally show a change in the way in which school and the French educational system is viewed. There seems to be a question of a change of time, a change of generation, for the teaching population. National education promotes the internalization of norms of participation. It also makes the work of the generations. In general, the teaching works well beyond simple transmission. Even the teachers see problems in the education system in general—and they see their helplessness.

3. Ascending Position in Social Space

Obviously, with regard to the social space of positions, we can say that the classification of primary teachers has changed. They have risen in that space, drawing nearer to secondary school teachers. Although this is not inked in society, the results of this research show a rise in global capital and therefore in social status.

However, even with the uniformization of education and culture, we can finally say that these evolutions in social class and in the characteristics of elementary school teachers do not completely invalidate Bourdieu’s model. Tastes and practices remain strongly linked to social position variables. Yet, the symbolic dimension of the relations

of domination tends to lose its importance in a society with high socio-economic inequalities. It is increasingly less structured by class cultures. Similarities can be seen between Bourdieu’s theory and today’s teachers. This shows that Bourdieu was able to put in place an interesting theory.

Moreover, Bourdieu neglects the effects of generations in favor of the effects of age. He insists on the growing conformism and conservatism of the petty bourgeois.

Today many of his comments are no longer news. This does not mean that Bourdieu’s theory is not true, but that there is a generation gap. This is why tastes and practices are worth updating. However, Bourdieu often denies any cultural autonomy to social agents.

He transforms culture into an instrument of the class struggle, whereas, as we say today, the struggle is not so present, so the desire for social ascent is no longer desired as much.

This is why the problem is not only to be found in a generation problem but also in the way Bourdieu builds his theory.

The homogeneity of the same group of people, of the same profession, as Bourdieu’s preconceived analysis, seems lacking today in the example of teachers at schools. Although they have characteristics in common, they all retain their own peculiarities because of their personal tastes, their background or their school, and their professional backgrounds.

One can certainly criticize certain aspects of the study of Bourdieu. As I said, this study can show that Bourdieu and his book, although interesting, present a somewhat outdated and anachronistic theory. However, it deserves to be brought up to date. Hence, it is of interest to take into consideration that this is the Bourdieu generation. By means of this study, it is therefore a question of trying to evolve his theory for a new generation.

The social space of positions is not a space fixed forever, it is flexible and it evolves. This is why I think it was possible to undertake this research and show some of the evolution of primary school teachers.

Finally, social actors always develop strategies acquired through socialization, and this can be defined as habitus. Yet, this habitus does not have the same image as Bourdieu gives it. It has evolved over time. This is why we cannot say that Bourdieu’s theory and his social space are false, although its flaws have noticed all the same a lot of consistency.

But this space has changed, evolved, and the positions have too. Distinction is likely to be an attribute of those who, well born, have learned and integrated knowledge or skills that are difficult or painful to acquire for others. It is nonetheless true that the prisoner

model of his roles and habits in our contemporary societies seems to him outdated or at least questionable in its most rudimentary version.

In addition, the increase in the number of teachers is often seen as a negative aspect.

Yet it may be noted that it has also favored a diversification in social recruitment. Today, the profession is thus more open and closer to the structure of the active population who have jobs (Perier 2003). Finally, above all, it shows that each of these teachers do their jobs with passion—and their voices deserve to be more recognized and heard more often.