Primary School Teachers in the Social Space of Positions in Distinction

many opportunities to showcase our own differences. We show these in the social sphere:

clothing, decoration, interiors, tourism, leisure, sports, cooking, and so on. Culture allows social agents to undertaken strategies of distinction in relation to the members of the other classes. Bourdieu writes in Distinction: “Properties are converted into distinctive signs,”

and “a class is defined by its being-perceived as much as by its being, by its consumption ... as well as by its position in the relations of production.” The mechanisms of acquisition of cultural competence reinforce cultural legitimacy. We attain it within the school institution (through diplomas, for example) and within the family (which is why it is also a question of inherited capital).

In this sense, for Bourdieu, teachers, especially primary school teachers, are part of the petite (small) bourgeoisie of execution. This class has characteristics peculiar to itself (teachers are not the only ones who belong to this social class, but this study is only about teachers).

Thus, according to Bourdieu, the type of tastes, income, activities, and other parameters represent different characteristics of teachers. These characteristics are divided into the three types of capital Bourdieu often refers to (cultural, economic, and social). To this one can add the inherited capital that seems just as important in Bourdieu’s work, especially when the subject is reproduction.

4.1. Cultural Capital

Cultural capital is characterized by the form of cultural property an individual possesses.

It can refer to books, works of art, and thus the hobbies and tastes that come with these but also to the form of cultural competences attested to by diplomas at school.

According to Bourdieu, teachers belong to a social class that testifies to a “cultural goodwill” (p.414). It is an imitation of the culture of the ruling class, a recognition of the legitimate culture and the desire to access it. This class will imitate upper class practices

or engage in practices of substitution. For example, in a table on page 131 of Distinction, it is noted that professors are among those who listen to classical music the most (15 hours a week). This applied to 80% of those surveyed. They also visit museums the most (at least once every two or three months), which applied to 75% of the respondents.

Bourdieu (1979) states:

Cultural goodwill is expressed, among other things, by a particularly frequent choice of the most unconditional testimonials of cultural docility (a taste for shows or “educational” or “instructive” activities). p.415

It can also be expressed by evening classes or frequent library visits (and, so, daily reading of books). At the level of consumption, they will often go to simple yet beautiful restaurants, and like to eat simple but tasty dishes.

Yet, as far as their level of study is concerned, Bourdieu characterizes them as often having attained only the baccalaureate level, which is equal to a high school diploma in France. It seems there were very few teachers with further qualifications. In a table on page 152 of Distinction, he tells us, moreover, that 45% to 55% of teachers have graduated from high school only. Only 14% to 30% have further qualifications (though he shows that there was significant evolution in this regard between 1962 and 1975).

Thus, for Bourdieu, the cultural capital of the teachers, although average, remains higher than their economic capital (see the table on p. 140 of Distinction). In the next subsection, the nature of this economic capital is discussed.

4.2. Inherited Capital

The capital discussed above, and the effectiveness of the cultural transmission provided by the school, often depends on the importance of capital inherited from the family. In this sense, school validates previous social achievements. That means that inherited capital can be a component of the cultural capital.

Inherited capital is determined by the social class of the parents (especially the father), and the socio-professional origin in the social hierarchy.

According to Bourdieu, teachers are mostly from the middle class and, sometimes, from the popular class. On the father’s side, he ranks 70% of his respondents in the middle-class category, as against 20% in the popular class, and only 10% in the upper

class. (see the table on p. 590 of Distinction). When Bourdieu talks about a teacher coming from a higher class, he speaks of “downgrading.” This applies to people who come from a good background but do not have sufficient schooling success to continue in that environment. They then find themselves “declassified.” However, this kind of pattern occurs infrequently.

4.3. Economic Capital

Economic capital is the material and financial resources that an individual has at his or her disposal. This can be reflected in the income and in the assets that people may have.

As for the class of the teachers, the average salary was 35,000 French francs, or about 5,300 euros (NT$ 180,000). This is the equivalent of 3,000 euros today. Although this salary seems staggering nowadays, at the time it was an average salary. This is why Bourdieu classifies them as having relatively low economic capital. For example, Bourdieu places the bosses of commerce and secondary school teachers as having double this salary (see Distinction, p. 621).

Moreover, very few teachers are classified as owning real estate (10%). More than 35% were tenants, though more than 25% had access to property (which means they had the necessary income) but did not reach the stage of purchasing it.

In terms of daily expenses, and thus consumption in general, teachers, who were part of the social class in the ascending process, did not spend much on purely leisure outings because they spent on library membership, for example. This means that they would rather spend their money on cultural activities, from which they could learn something, rather than merely for the sake of consumption and entertainment. Thus, as we will see on the next subsection, the socialization with friends and the social capital that emerged not particularly developed for class.

4.4. Social Capital

According to Bourdieu, social capital is one’s set of current or potential resources. The possession of a sustainable network of more or less institutionalized relations of mutual acquaintance can be linked to this. There is not much discussion of social capital in Distinction. This may be because social capital is often a form of economic and cultural capital in which social networks have a central role (they fructify the other two forms of

capital), however, for the sake of more precise classification, reference is made to social capital here.

Especially through the subject of the political part. One may think of the political component as involving a logic of social engagement, as well as frequentations, a place of meeting, and thus of other “social” activities, particularly because it is part of a sustainable network. In Distinction, teachers are classified politically as being on the left of the political spectrum. They are also often linked to a certain militancy. Bourdieu presents to us the testimony of a teacher who is not a member of a political party and classifies him as an “exception” and “not like the others.”

Bourdieu tells us that the reason these teachers are on the left is a matter prudence.

They are often associated with a traditional group. Bourdieu (1979) states:

The ascetic rigorism of ascending fractions, which is often associated with cautious progressivism in politics, is above all the principle of a discipline imposed upon oneself and one’s own, and is totally subordinated to social climbing.

To build a social network that helps them to continue their quest for social climbing, the choice of friends is also important for teachers. Thus, Bourdieu tells us that these teachers prefer “educated” friends with whom they can share their need for cultural and educational activities. This is why, according to Bourdieu, they primarily socialize with other teachers. This type of choice is not only perceived as an aid, a possible springboard for social climbing, but also as an ascension within the social classes.

Conclusion. To conclude, according to Bourdieu, teachers belong to the middle class, though he defines them as a “petite bourgeoisie of execution,” a class that is beneath but also sometimes on horseback with the middle class of high school teachers. He refers to them as “new petite bourgeoisie,” referring to their intellectual profession. This is why it is sometimes possible for primary school teachers to have the characteristics of secondary school teachers. In this sense, their cultural capital will be even stronger as well as the notion pleasure.

In the case of university professors, they may belong to the upper class but

remain a dominated faction of this upper class. Thus, the petite bourgeoisie represented by teachers occupies a middle position in the social space though they show a desire for social climbing.

Yet, it may be noted that, in some of the diagrams in Distinction, teachers are placed in the popular class rather than in the middle class. There is no very clear explanation for this. It can be deduced that, according to Bourdieu, teachers occupy a position between these two social classes.