Teachers in the Social Space of Positions: A Bourdieusian Analysis of Five French Primary School Teachers’ Perceptions

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(1)國立臺灣師範大學教育學系碩士論文. 指導教授: 黃鴻文博士. Teachers in the Social Space of Positions: A Bourdieusian Analysis of Five French Primary School Teachers’ Perceptions. 研究生: 李美 Marine Mounier 撰中華民國108年6月.

(2) Acknowledgements Throughout the writing of this dissertation I have received a great deal of support and assistance. I would first like to thank my supervisor, Dr. Huang, H-W., whose expertise was invaluable in the formulating of the research topic and methodology in particular. He also gives me useful comments, remarks and engagement through the learning process of this master thesis. I would like to acknowledge my classmates during this three years of master’s degree and in particular Wu, Z-M. and Leong, Y-E. You supported me greatly and were always willing to help me. You provided me with the tools that I needed to choose the right direction and successfully complete my dissertation. I would also like to thank the participants in my survey, who have willingly shared their precious time during the process of interviewing. This research will be nothing without them. In addition, I would like to thank my husband and my family for their wise counsel and sympathetic ear. You are always there for me, you were of great support in deliberating over our problems and findings, as well as providing happy distraction to rest my mind outside of my research.. 李美 Marine Mounier 108 年夏天.

(3) Abstract Pierre Bourdieu, the renowned French sociologist, wrote a book titled Distinction in which he analyzes the relationships between grading systems (social class) and living conditions (taste). The result of his analysis is a table of social status and classifications according to lifestyle. Thus, Bourdieu is able to classify many professions, including teaching, according different criteria. In this study, I consider how Bourdieu primary school teachers in the social space of positions he created and compare this with the perception of primary school teachers today. For this qualitative study, five French primary school teachers were selected for semi-structured interviews that focused on their opinions on the social class of teachers in France. In following the logic of Bourdieu, the interviews also address the issues of taste and hobbies. As these teachers are all young, it is easier to understand their current lifestyles and their current social condition and status. I also used the different forms of capital he has setting （ cultural, social and economic ） . Following analysis of the interviews and Bourdieu’s theory, the results of these analyses are compared. The results demonstrate that teachers always seem to belong to the middle class though this differs somewhat from Bourdieu’s notion of it. The differences between generations are observable in the great differences in the characteristics of the teachers. An important issue for the teachers seems to be their image in society. This study helps to update the work of Bourdieu as well as to define the social status of teachers, which is an important issue in sociology. Keywords: Primary School Teacher, Bourdieu’s theory, Forms of Capital, Social Space of Positions.

(4) 摘要. 法國著名社會學家皮埃爾·布迪厄（ Pierre Bourdieu ）寫了. Distinction 的書。他分析了評分系統（品味）和生活條件（社會階層）之間的關係。他製作了一個社會階級和社會分類的表格，其中包含生活方式。因此，布迪厄根據不同的標準對許多職業進行了分類。小學教師是其中的一部分。這個研究是想了解這些老師在布迪厄的職位的社會空間如何，以及現在的老師的看法是否相同。對於這個定性研究，我們選擇了五名法國小學教師。我們對他們對於法國社會階層教師的看法進行了半指導性訪談。採訪中還討論了遵循布迪厄邏輯的品味和愛好問題。這些老師都是年輕教師。因此，更容易理解他們目前的生活方式與跟上一代老師的差別。者所研究也使用了布迪厄所設定資本（社會，經濟，文化）。並且了解他們目前的社會狀況和地位。在對布迪厄的訪談和理論進行分析之後，通過對這兩個結果的比較得出結論。結果表明，教師們似乎是屬於中產階級，但他們在某種程度上與布迪厄的推論不同。然而，年齡的差異表明這些教師們的特徵差異很大。從教師的看法來看，大問題似乎是他們在社會中的形象。因此，這項研究有助於更新布迪厄的研究，但也有助於更新社會學中社會階層和社會地位的研究主題。這是社會學中的一個主要問題。. 關鍵詞：小學教師，布迪厄理論，資本形式，社會空間的位置.

(5) Table of Contents Chapter 1: Introduction .............................................................................................................. 1 I.. Statement of the Problem ................................................................................................... 1. II.. Purpose of the Research ..................................................................................................... 3. III.. Definition of Terms........................................................................................................ 4. 1. 2. 3. 4.. The Social Space of Positions ..................................................................................................... 4 Forms of Capital ......................................................................................................................... 7 Social Status ................................................................................................................................ 8 Self-image and Self-esteem ........................................................................................................ 8. Chapter 2: Literature Review ................................................................................................... 10 I.. Bourdieu’s Theory ........................................................................................................... 10 1. 2. 3. 4. 4.1. 4.2. 4.3. 4.4. 5.. II.. General theory........................................................................................................................... 10 Forms of Capital ....................................................................................................................... 11 On Distinction ........................................................................................................................... 13 Primary School Teachers in the Social Space of Positions in Distinction................................ 15 Cultural Capital .................................................................................................................... 15 Inherited Capital ................................................................................................................... 16 Economic Capital ................................................................................................................. 17 Social Capital ....................................................................................................................... 17 Recent Studies on Distinction .................................................................................................. 19. Primary School Teachers in France ................................................................................. 20 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.. Who is Primary School Teachers in France? ............................................................................ 20 Economic Conditions ................................................................................................................ 22 Daily Teaching and Professionalization ................................................................................... 23 Socialization.............................................................................................................................. 24 Political Commitment ............................................................................................................... 25 Image of Primary Teachers in Society ...................................................................................... 26 Social Status of Primary School Teachers ................................................................................ 28 Cultural Practices of the French and French Primary School Teachers ................................... 29. Chapter 3: Methodology and Research Design ....................................................................... 32 I.. Plan of Data Analysis....................................................................................................... 32 1. 2.. II.. Methodological Approach ........................................................................................................ 32 Analysis of Bourdieu’s Theory ................................................................................................. 32. Interviews with primary school teachers ......................................................................... 33 1. Interview Method ...................................................................................................................... 33 2. Selection of Subjects ................................................................................................................. 33 3. Teachers’ Background .............................................................................................................. 34 3.1. Interviewee 1 ........................................................................................................................ 34 3.2. Interviewee 2 ........................................................................................................................ 35 3.3. Interviewee 3 ........................................................................................................................ 35 3.4. Interviewee 4 ........................................................................................................................ 35.

(6) 3.5. Interviewee 5 ........................................................................................................................ 35 4. The Assignment of Classes to Teachers ................................................................................... 36 5. Particularity of Marseille .......................................................................................................... 36 5.1. About the City ...................................................................................................................... 36 5.2. Primary Schools in Marseille ............................................................................................... 37. Chapter 4: Research Results .................................................................................................... 38 I.. The Different Forms of Capital of Primary School Teachers .......................................... 38 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.. II.. Cultural Capital ......................................................................................................................... 38 Economic Capital ...................................................................................................................... 41 Social Capital ............................................................................................................................ 43 Inherited Capital ....................................................................................................................... 44 Summary ................................................................................................................................... 45. Lifestyle ........................................................................................................................... 46 1. 2. 2.1. 2.2. 2.3. 2.4. 2.5. 2.6. 3. 3.1. 3.2. 4.. III. 1. 2. 3.. Education and Family Life ....................................................................................................... 46 Personal Taste ........................................................................................................................... 48 Reading ................................................................................................................................. 48 Movies .................................................................................................................................. 49 Music .................................................................................................................................... 50 Cultural Tour ........................................................................................................................ 50 Shows ................................................................................................................................... 51 Decoration ............................................................................................................................ 51 Activities and Social Life ......................................................................................................... 52 Activities of non-working hours ........................................................................................... 52 Social Life ............................................................................................................................ 53 Summary ................................................................................................................................... 55. The Perceptions of Teachers in the Social Space of Positions .................................... 55 In the Time of Bourdieu............................................................................................................ 56 In Present Day .......................................................................................................................... 58 Summary ................................................................................................................................... 60. Chapter 5: Discussion .............................................................................................................. 61 I.. The Same Social Class but a Different Age: A Redefinition of the Forms of Capital .... 61 1. 2. 3. 4.. II.. Cultural Capital ......................................................................................................................... 61 Economic Capital ...................................................................................................................... 62 Social Capital ............................................................................................................................ 63 Inherited Capital ....................................................................................................................... 64. Teachers of Bourdieu’s Time and Teachers Today: Different Lifestyles........................ 65. III. 1. 2.. Teacher’s Perception in Agreement with Bourdieu’s Social Space: A Paradox? ....... 69 Social Space of positions Evolves Globally ............................................................................. 69 Social Space of Positions Frozen in times: Stereotypes persisted in Society ........................... 70. Chapter 6: Conclusion and Remarks........................................................................................ 72 I.. Conclusion ....................................................................................................................... 72 1. 2. 3.. II. III.. Higher Cultural Capital ............................................................................................................. 72 Distortion of teacher Image in society ..................................................................................... 73 Ascending Position in Social Space......................................................................................... 74. Significance of the Research ............................................................................................ 76 Suggestions and Limit of the Research ........................................................................ 76.

(7) Appendix A Interview Guide .................................................................................................. 78 Interview Guide ....................................................................................................................... 78 1. 2.. Interview Part 1 ......................................................................................................................... 78 Interview Part 2 ......................................................................................................................... 79. Appendix B The french version of the space of social positions and the lifestyle space in Distinction. P.Bourdieu (p140-141)......................................................................................... 80 References ................................................................................................................................ 81.

(8) Table. Table 1 Details of the interviewees ................................................................................ 34.

(9) Figure. Figure 1English translation of Graph 5 and 6 of P. Bourdieu's book ............................... 6 Figure 2 Summary of Bourdieu’s forms of capital ........................................................... 7 Figure 3 Simplified diagram of the social space of position based on Bourdieu’s theory ...................................................................................................................... 56. 2.

(10) Chapter 1: Introduction I. Statement of the Problem Teachers play an important role in educating children. They also have a role in the education system itself and in the fight against inequality. It is often said that schools may be either a tool in the fight against inequalities or a place of the reproduction of them. Teachers are significant actors in this movement. It is important to understand their status within society and to understand how they work and live. It is also important to understand both the image teachers have of themselves and their image in society, and what they can do to transform it. Teachers use their social status to construct their social identity, one that is specific to themselves and to their profession. The importance of the teaching profession is even more important with regard to primary school teachers. Today, children are going to school at a younger age than before and around the world the rate of schooling of children increases every day. As I live in Taiwan, I have often been asked to compare France and Taiwan and to talk about the image of teachers in France. Teachers in Taiwan are often recognized and respected by people due to their profession, even if their wages are not among the highest in society. Teachers in France often carry a negative image. By this I particularly mean what people and the news say about teachers in France. There is a particular stereotype of primary school teachers that has been evident in the popular press. One often sees them striking for a better salary. They often think that their salaries are too low in relation to their qualifications and their workload. In summary, teachers often appear to be dissatisfied with their status and their work in general. Public opinion, then, reflects a certain puzzlement at their motivation to educate children when they seem to care more about their personal problems. However, in the field of sociology of education, we know that teachers in a good environment in the classroom but also in the society will be better able to teach well. In view of these various events, certain questions arise. Why do teachers in France consider their salaries to be too low? To which social class do they belong? Is their cultural and social status “high” enough to demand better salaries? A study of this topic may not only aid understanding of why these teachers are often dissatisfied with their. 1.

(11) working conditions—it can also help one to understand their point of view on this subject, on the conditions they find themselves in, and the perspective they have of themselves. Moreover, we know that stereotypes and clichés can lead to a difficult life for members of this profession, which may also be the case for primary school teachers. This is why it is important to take into account the perception of the teachers themselves and not only that of society in general. It would be of interest to determine what teachers think of their social status in France, what characterizes their thinking, and which social class they belong to. The study of the social status of teachers in France is not a new subject. The best-known and most recent such study in France is that of Farges (2011)—see the summary in the literature review—in which French teachers are viewed as having a certain kind of social status. This study poses the abovementioned questions applies the theoretical perspective of Bourdieu as presented in his book, Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste. This theoretical perspective is used to describe French school primary teachers in the space of social position in France. Figure 1 (below in this chapter) shows the social space of positions and the space of lifestyles presented in Distinction. What is important for Bourdieu are the social classes as a dimension of symbolic struggles over classification and the symbolic effects it exerts as soon as it is publicly recognized (Bourdieu 1980). However, in this study, I focus only on the argument in Distinction, especially on what is said about primary school teachers. I use a qualitative study to obtain details of teachers’ opinions. As Bourdieu’s theory was formulated in the middle of the twentieth century, it is of interest here to renew his perspective. This is not applied to teachers in general but, more specifically to the primary school teachers of the 21st century. They are, thus, young and new to teaching. The profession has evolved over time, especially in recent years. This is why it is important to examine only one age group, teachers not older than 30 years of age, in this research. By comparing the two generations—that of Bourdieu’s era and that of the present day—it is possible to observe an evolution or regression in the image of these teachers, their status and social class, and, finally, to understand the location of French primary school teachers in the social space of positions. By understanding the teachers, one will be able to ascertain their position. It is therefore a matter of bringing the perceptions of teachers regarding Bourdieu’s social space of positions into the context of the present day and thereby understand the position in which they consider themselves. 2.

(12) to be today. This may confirm or refute Bourdieu’s theory, though this is not the main object of this research—rather, it is especially important to know how to position primary school teachers today. Focusing on this topic, the purpose of this thesis is to provide an overview of the status of today’s teachers in France. The aim is that current and future teachers will be able to understand where they stand at the social level, and to understand why they are in this bracket. I therefore propose to analyze the transformations of social status associated with the teaching profession, that is to say, the changes in what it means to be a teacher in French society. This study is also a means to provide an update of the social status and social class of these primary school teachers. I not only present a definition of their social status but also construct the social space of their positions. This is why I need to understand their incomes, their tastes, and their ways of living in the manner in which Bourdieu did in his study. These points can be distinguished in terms of the notions of social, cultural, and economic capital theorized by Bourdieu. It is also a means of determining whether the distinction made by Bourdieu is still relevant. It is for this reason that this study does not only concern economic capital but also social and cultural capital. It is the combination of these capitals that determine the teachers’ status and define their social class.. II. Purpose of the Research In the course of this study, I attempt to provide answers to a number of questions, such as: What description of teachers does Bourdieu provide in Distinction? How the young teachers perceive themselves today? Which social class do they think teachers in France belong to? What are their interests, tastes, hobbies, and incomes? To what class do their family members belong? Is it the same as Bourdieu provides in this outline? Are their cultural and economic capital always the same? And, finally, what about the principle of social reproduction? To answer these questions, I first analyze the book. In addition, I conducted interviews with young primary school teachers. By means of these analyses, I highlight the similarities and differences that exist between the two generations of teachers.. 3.

(13) In summary, this study, based on Bourdieu’s theory, explores the economic, cultural, social, and capital of selected French primary teachers though the lens of their perceptions of themselves. The result of the exploration will permit me to identify the teachers’ placement in the social space of positions in France today. Specifically, this study involves the following: 1. Describing the economic, cultural, social and inherited capital of selected primary school teachers in France. 2. Analyzing the placement of primary school teachers in the social space of positions in the selected teachers perceptions. 3. Comparing the selected teachers’ different forms of capital and their perception of social space of positions with those described in the book Distinction.. III. Definition of Terms 1. The Social Space of Positions When Bourdieu writes about social space of positions, he does not refer directly to classes but to the social spaces in which one finds social classes or social status. From the moment one talks about society, one finds social spaces, distinctions, and differences. According to Bourdieu (1979), the structure of the social space comprises two fundamental dimensions—the volume and the structure of the capital of the groups. That is, the relative weight of the different kinds of capital, economic and cultural, in the total volume of their capital. By means of this schema, Bourdieu seeks a correspondence between this structure and the space of symbolic properties. It is to make this schema more convincing and more precise that it is superposed on the space of lifestyle. This space is translated into the form of a space of incorporated dispositions (of tastes, of desire, of affinities, and of what people possess) and positions (opinions and representations) (Lenoir 2004). For Bourdieu to be even more accurate, we should add a third schema: a theoretical space of habitus. Bourdieu mentions the theoretical space of habitus but does not add it to the schema in Distinction (pp. 140–141), hence, it is not the main subject of this study. Finally, I realize that taking into account different criteria such as income, occupation, educational level, ethnicity, and religion, to measure the position of an individual raises the problem of consistency between established positions. The same individual can occupy a high position on one scale and a very low on another (Lenoir 2004). The fundamental question then consists in asking to what extent and according to. 4.

(14) which process the compatibility (or incompatibility) between the different positions that the same individual occupies in the different hierarchies is established. In the first dimension of social space, those who are provided with a large volume of global capital, such as bosses, members of the liberal professions, and university professors face those most deprived of different kinds of capital, such as unskilled and agricultural workers. The second dimension is the relative weight of economic capital and cultural capital in the heritage as a whole. In this respect, for example, teachers, who are richer in cultural capital than in economic capital, stand on the other side the bosses, who are richer in economic capital than in cultural capital. The third dimension is that of the social trajectory, that is, the evolution of the volume and structure of capital. In short, social space is a representation of the social world built on the basis of principles of differentiation and distribution. It is constituted by all the active properties in the social universe considered. Agents and groups of agents are thus defined by their relative positions in this space. These are related to their economic, cultural and social capital. For example, the doctor position is higher in the Figure 1 than a worker, who occupies the bottom of this space. Bourdieu describes the social field as a multidimensional space of positions, such that any current position may be defined in terms of different variables (Bourdieu, 1984).. 5.

(15) Figure 1 English translation of Graph 5 and 6 of P. Bourdieu's book (Bourdieu, 1979, p. 140–141). This schema is a translation of the original French one; it is neither as complete nor as precise as the original and it is therefore preferable to refer to the latter. Social space, as conceived by Bourdieu, is thus a system of differences, that is, a set of structurally defined properties differentially distributed according to the classes. In this logic, social space is a space constructed as a structure of positions defined by the place they occupy in the distribution of a particular kind of capital (Lenoir 2004).. 6.

(16) 2. Forms of Capital Bourdieu’s idea is that the individual does not own and inherit only material capital but also other equally important elements from which he or she can derive material or symbolic benefits. Bourdieu speaks of three fundamental forms of capital and sometimes adds a fourth. The first is economic capital. The term generally refers to all financial and inherited resources. The second form of capital is cultural capital. This form of capital refers to all the cultural resources available to an individual. The last one is social capital. This generally refers to the network of personal relationships that an individual can mobilize when he or she needs them. All of these forms of capital establishes a volume of capital, an important element as far as social space is concerned.. Social Capital. Capital Culturel. Volume of capital. Cultural Capital. Symbolic capital Figure 2 Summary of Bourdieu’s forms of capital (Author’s representation). Individuals differ in terms of their unequal possession of capital. They have different volumes of capital, and there is also a difference between the different forms of capital and their abilities.. 7.

(17) 3. Social Status For the definition of social status, I borrow it from Rui (2018) who explains the notion of social status in sociology. Status refers to the position an individual occupies in a given social system (Parsons 1988). As it is associated with a set of roles, it defines what the individual is entitled to expect from the behavior of others towards him or her. While not all positions are necessarily linked to a hierarchy, companies are generally characterized by statutory rankings whose foundations depend on their value systems. Statuses are therefore ordered according to the level of privilege and honor they confer on individuals. Focusing on the social consequences of this distribution, Max Weber considers that individuals occupying the same position in the prestige system of a society form status groups (Weber, 1995) who share a common sense of belonging, lifestyle, and about a common perspective on the world. Status groups are thus the cultural dimension of social stratification alongside economic classes and political parties. Social status is therefore linked to social structures. However, Bourdieu’s notion of social status is somewhat different since it criticizes both Karl Marx and Weber, assigning to each class or status group transhistorical or transcultural properties. Ignoring the idea that a class receives some of its properties from the system of its relations with other classes may lead to false identifications and a lack of real analogies. Messu (2012) shows that Bourdieu proposes to account for the eminently social mechanism by which individuals convince themselves of their legitimacy in relation to occupying a particular position. In other words, Bourdieu proposes to clarify the Weberian mechanism of adherence to the legitimate and to add a stratum of sociality to this mechanism, in the sense of it being a socially arranged process. There is something almost psychological about it. Thus, social status is represented in social space more than in social classes. 4. Self-image and Self-esteem Mead (1934) describes the dynamic by means of which individuals gain self-respect. This respect for oneself is bound, for each individual in contemporary society, to recognition by the community of the social function that it performs. Each individual accedes to this recognition when his or her social role is recognized by other social actors. In this context, self-respect is not a zero-sum game because all individuals can access it as long as everyone recognizes the social role played by others (Santarelli 2016). This notion is important in the context of the teachers’ vision of themselves and their work in society.. 8.

(18) Another sociologist, Honneth (2000), explicitly mobilizes the concepts of selfesteem and social esteem and assumes that there is a clear relationship between them. He defines self-esteem as the type of relationship one has with oneself that corresponds to social esteem. He stresses that self-esteem develops within a socially inclusive society in which all individuals can have self-esteem and in which all are concerned with one another’s ability to develop their own individuality, so that they can gain both self-esteem and the esteem of others.. 9.

(19) Chapter 2: Literature Review I. Bourdieu’s Theory Bourdieu’s theory is a complex one based on several different concepts. These concepts differ from those of other sociologists in that the thinking is quite different and innovative for its time. Indeed, as Lenoir (2004) has pointed out, according to Bourdieu, sociology must build not classes but social spaces within which classes can be separated, yet which only exist on paper, even if the divisions formulated by the researcher, as is the case in Distinction, correspond to real differences in the most varied fields. 1. General theory Garcia (2015) provides a summary of Bourdieu’s theories. According to him, Bourdieu bases his theories on several concepts: He emphasizes the cultural arbitrariness of the pedagogical action which, by means of the social and linguistic code it requires, values cultural capital and the habitus of the dominant classes. In this respect, schools legitimize a bourgeois culture far removed from the popular classes. Bourdieu (1980) thinks that it is unnecessary to contrast subjectivism and objectivism or individual consciousness and collective consciousness. He also transforms the term “social actors” to “social agents,” which he finds more adequate. One of his best-known notions is that of habitus. Among the tools of Bourdieu’s theories, habitus remains the most cited. Habitus is for Bourdieu (1986) an objective foundation of constant conduct. That is why agents who endow themselves will behave in a certain way in certain circumstances. Habitus allows an individual to move in the social world and to interpret it in a way that, on the one hand, is his or her own, though which, on the other hand, is also common to the members of the social categories to which he or she belongs. However, there remains a degree of uncertainty and spontaneity in these acts; habitus does not believe in universal law. Bourdieu distinguishes four types of fundamental capital: economic, cultural, and social capital. Economic capital measures an individual’s economic resources, both income and wealth. Cultural capital is the measure of all the cultural resources available to an individual. They can be of three forms of cultural capital: incorporated (knowledge and know-how, skills, form of speech, etc.), objectified (possession of cultural objects),. 10.

(20) and institutionalized (school titles and diplomas). Social capital measures the resources that are linked to the possession of a durable network of relations of mutual acquaintance and inter-recognition. Symbolic capital refers to any form of capital (cultural, social, or economic), and entails a particular recognition within society. Bourdieu refers to all these social resources as capital as they result from an accumulation that allows individuals to obtain social benefits（Bourdieu, 1979）. For Bourdieu, economic capital and cultural capital are the two most important forms of capital in our societies. Yet, there exists for him a type of capital specific to each social field. This determines its structure and is the stake in the struggles. Distinction offers a social criticism of taste judgments as common sense. Here, Bourdieu is echoing Kant’s tradition and philosophy. The book shows that the principles of classification maintain a relation of homology with the social structure. Within the social structure, classes (upper, middle, and popular) are distinguished, as are their factions (traditional bourgeoisie vs. economic or intellectual bourgeoisie). Esthetic preferences are only one of the most visible manifestations of distinction. Judgments of taste make it possible to distinguish oneself from others. This relies on a system of perception of the social world. They contribute to maintaining this social world. Moreover, the establishment of these cultural hierarchies reproduces and legitimizes symbolic hierarchies and thereby maintains an unequal social order. Here we find the thesis of “symbolic violence.” Bourdieu mentions it in La Reproduction （Bourdieu & J Passeron 2005）, in which he refers to the social functions of the school system. Distinction formulates central propositions in Bourdieu’s theory of the social world. It shows the complex change in social structures (the system of aim positions) and mental structures (the principle of worldview). It reveals how the former base and the second legitimize (and thus perpetuate) in return (Bourdieu, 1979). Bourdieu settled a school of thought attached to the intellectual production of a sociological critique of culture (Forquin 1981). 2. Forms of Capital Bourdieu notes that individuals are not interchangeable. To explain this, he developed an entire theory, of which the four great forms of capital occupy the center. Individuals are distinguished by their unequal possession of capital. They have different volumes of. 11.

(21) capital as well as different distributions of different forms of capital according to their abilities. Lenoir (2004), speaks in particular of two principles, which he characterizes as principal, and which make it possible to distribute groups according to their position in statistical distributions. These two most efficient principles—they are not the only ones— are economic capital and cultural capital. They are principles that are meant to be explanatory in the sense that they attach themselves to socially determining properties that makes it possible to distinguish and bring together agents who are as similar as possible (and therefore as different as possible from members of other classes). As indicated above, cultural capital is defined by all the knowledge, skills (habitus: the ability of an individual to position him- or herself), diplomas, and cultural property owned by an individual. It is surely the most important capital for Bourdieu and the one he discusses the most in these works and notably in Distinction. Economic capital represents the totality of the wealth of an individual; it is more the material wealth, such as income and heritage, that an individual has acquired. Even if cultural and economic capital are the most important, there is also social capital, which is the network of relationships and knowledge that an individual and his or her family has and can activate in order to obtain critical information or additional assets. The first is economic capital. The term generally refers to all financial and inherited resources. It is hence what economists generally refer to as heritage—all the material goods possessed by an individual, such as housing, jewelry, shares or bonds, etc.—, but also income (because these goods allow a certain standard of living and the constitution, or not, of patrimony) (Philippe 2012). The second form of capital is cultural capital. This is often perceived as the most important form of capital of Bourdieu’s sociology. This form of capital refers to all the cultural resources available to an individual. Cultural capital can exist in three forms: in an embodied state, that is, in the form of the durable dispositions of the organism; in an objectified state, in the form of cultural goods, paintings, books, dictionaries, instruments, and machines, which are the trace or the realization of theories or of critics of these theories, problems, and the like; and finally, in an institutionalized state (Bourdieu 1979, p. 3), a form of objectification that rests on academic titles and which Bourdieu sets apart. There is also social capital. This generally refers to the network of personal. 12.

(22) relationships that an individual can mobilize when he or she needs them. Social capital is, for Bourdieu (1980), imposed as the only way to formulate the concept of social effects. More specifically, it is the set of current or potential resources that are related to owning a sustainable network of relationships (Bourdieu 1980). It is, thus, a matter of belonging to a group due to there being not only common points but also common interests between members. This network is partly “inherited” (family relations, for example) and can affect any individual. Not all relationships are equal: some are more effective than others, which creates inequalities here too. Finally, for Bourdieu (1980), social capital, linked to belonging to a sustainable network, plays a multiplicative role in creating symbolic capital in the various social fields: school, media, art, language, science, housing. This symbolic capital organizes the legitimated relations of domination in the different social fields. All of these forms of capital establishes a volume of capital, an important element as far as social space is concerned. These three forms of capital the individual inherits for parents in one part, and constitutes them during his life for the other, and tries to transmit them as inheritance to his or her children. It is in this sense that Bourdieu uses the word “capital” for the three forms. Inequalities can thus affect these three forms of capital. However, Bourdieu also speaks of a last form of capital, symbolic capital. This is capital that validates a certain social prestige that corresponds to the influence of individuals in society. He legitimizes the possession of other forms of capital, which differ according to the importance of each in decision-making in particular. 3. On Distinction The notion of “distinction,” the title of Bourdieu’s book, focuses on the mechanisms of construction and reproduction of French society in the 1970s. Bourdieu insists on the relational dimension rather than on the substantive aspect of the categories that compose social space: the differences, the gaps, the distinctive features—these are all properties that only exist in and through relations with other properties (Lenoir 2004). The book discusses the tastes of the socio-professional category but also classified in social class and so too determines how a cultivated disposition and cultural competence are apprehended through taste, the manner of consuming varying according to the categories of agents and according to the terrain to which they apply (Bourdieu 1979).. For Bourdieu, finally, social classes do not seem to exist in themselves. What 13.

(23) observation allows one to establish is a space of differences in which classes exist in a virtual state, given the distributed structure of the different kinds of capital that are weapons in so many social struggles, even if they are not always themed as such (Lenoir 2004). This fundamental dimension of the class struggle is found in particular with the symbolic dimension, a dimension on which Bourdieu often insists. Bourdieu orders the different classes in which each group can be characterized or “distinguished” by a specific cultural habitus, a system of regulated provisions. This habitus is a reflection of social conditioning and the foundation of the tastes, practices, and attitudes common within in group (Forquin 1981). This hierarchical cleavage is opposed by a horizontal divide that is explained by the different forms of capital (social, economic, and cultural). The method used in Distinction comprises surveys and observations. The study was conducted between 1963 and 1968 on a total of 1,217 subjects from Paris, Lille, and a small provincial town. It allows analysis of the cultural practices and choices of relatively homogeneous groups. The methodology used in the book has been defined by Henry, Werner & Le Roux (2000), who describe it as correspondence analysis. It is a complex analytical method that consists of a basic dataset in the form of a table of characteristics of individuals and properties. The basic output consists of two clouds of points: the cloud of individuals and the cloud of properties. The interpretation is based on a study of the two clouds. It is in this sense that it is often referred to as a paradigm. According to Mercklé (2010), the systems of hierarchization, association or conversion between cultural practices, tastes and representations are determined by the positions occupied in the social space by individuals who carry them, at the same time as they contribute, by their classifying power, to forging these systems of positions and justifying them. The mechanism is as follows: Individuals are endowed with habitus, that is, systems of dispositions they have incorporated in the course of primary socialization and which therefore differ according to the social milieus of belonging. In adulthood, these habits produce the tastes, representations, and practices that make up what may be called “lifestyles,” which are therefore socially differentiated, as is the habitus. These differences are not “absolute” but “relative” The childhood of leisure, common trajectories and individual trajectories from the end of primary school to the high school years, are restored in the system of antagonistic relations with the other lifestyles in which he is caught within what Pierre Bourdieu refers to as a “field.”. 14.

(24) Finally, for Forquin (1981), in Distinction, Bourdieu produces theoretical knowledge ruptured from with natural representations and, in particular, from the dominant esthetic philosophy of Kant. The book highlights the structures of social and cultural space. 4. Primary School Teachers in the Social Space of Positions in Distinction According to Bourdieu’s theory and the society of its time, as for society today, there are many opportunities to showcase our own differences. We show these in the social sphere: clothing, decoration, interiors, tourism, leisure, sports, cooking, and so on. Culture allows social agents to undertaken strategies of distinction in relation to the members of the other classes. Bourdieu writes in Distinction: “Properties are converted into distinctive signs,” and “a class is defined by its being-perceived as much as by its being, by its consumption ... as well as by its position in the relations of production.” The mechanisms of acquisition of cultural competence reinforce cultural legitimacy. We attain it within the school institution (through diplomas, for example) and within the family (which is why it is also a question of inherited capital). In this sense, for Bourdieu, teachers, especially primary school teachers, are part of the petite (small) bourgeoisie of execution. This class has characteristics peculiar to itself (teachers are not the only ones who belong to this social class, but this study is only about teachers). Thus, according to Bourdieu, the type of tastes, income, activities, and other parameters represent different characteristics of teachers. These characteristics are divided into the three types of capital Bourdieu often refers to (cultural, economic, and social). To this one can add the inherited capital that seems just as important in Bourdieu’s work, especially when the subject is reproduction. 4.1. Cultural Capital Cultural capital is characterized by the form of cultural property an individual possesses. It can refer to books, works of art, and thus the hobbies and tastes that come with these but also to the form of cultural competences attested to by diplomas at school. According to Bourdieu, teachers belong to a social class that testifies to a “cultural goodwill” (p.414). It is an imitation of the culture of the ruling class, a recognition of the legitimate culture and the desire to access it. This class will imitate upper class practices. 15.

(25) or engage in practices of substitution. For example, in a table on page 131 of Distinction, it is noted that professors are among those who listen to classical music the most (15 hours a week). This applied to 80% of those surveyed. They also visit museums the most (at least once every two or three months), which applied to 75% of the respondents. Bourdieu (1979) states: Cultural goodwill is expressed, among other things, by a particularly frequent choice of the most unconditional testimonials of cultural docility (a taste for shows or “educational” or “instructive” activities). p.415 It can also be expressed by evening classes or frequent library visits (and, so, daily reading of books). At the level of consumption, they will often go to simple yet beautiful restaurants, and like to eat simple but tasty dishes. Yet, as far as their level of study is concerned, Bourdieu characterizes them as often having attained only the baccalaureate level, which is equal to a high school diploma in France. It seems there were very few teachers with further qualifications. In a table on page 152 of Distinction, he tells us, moreover, that 45% to 55% of teachers have graduated from high school only. Only 14% to 30% have further qualifications (though he shows that there was significant evolution in this regard between 1962 and 1975). Thus, for Bourdieu, the cultural capital of the teachers, although average, remains higher than their economic capital (see the table on p. 140 of Distinction). In the next subsection, the nature of this economic capital is discussed. 4.2. Inherited Capital The capital discussed above, and the effectiveness of the cultural transmission provided by the school, often depends on the importance of capital inherited from the family. In this sense, school validates previous social achievements. That means that inherited capital can be a component of the cultural capital. Inherited capital is determined by the social class of the parents (especially the father), and the socio-professional origin in the social hierarchy. According to Bourdieu, teachers are mostly from the middle class and, sometimes, from the popular class. On the father’s side, he ranks 70% of his respondents in the middle-class category, as against 20% in the popular class, and only 10% in the upper. 16.

(26) class. (see the table on p. 590 of Distinction). When Bourdieu talks about a teacher coming from a higher class, he speaks of “downgrading.” This applies to people who come from a good background but do not have sufficient schooling success to continue in that environment. They then find themselves “declassified.” However, this kind of pattern occurs infrequently. 4.3. Economic Capital Economic capital is the material and financial resources that an individual has at his or her disposal. This can be reflected in the income and in the assets that people may have. As for the class of the teachers, the average salary was 35,000 French francs, or about 5,300 euros (NT$ 180,000). This is the equivalent of 3,000 euros today. Although this salary seems staggering nowadays, at the time it was an average salary. This is why Bourdieu classifies them as having relatively low economic capital. For example, Bourdieu places the bosses of commerce and secondary school teachers as having double this salary (see Distinction, p. 621). Moreover, very few teachers are classified as owning real estate (10%). More than 35% were tenants, though more than 25% had access to property (which means they had the necessary income) but did not reach the stage of purchasing it. In terms of daily expenses, and thus consumption in general, teachers, who were part of the social class in the ascending process, did not spend much on purely leisure outings because they spent on library membership, for example. This means that they would rather spend their money on cultural activities, from which they could learn something, rather than merely for the sake of consumption and entertainment. Thus, as we will see on the next subsection, the socialization with friends and the social capital that emerged not particularly developed for class. 4.4. Social Capital According to Bourdieu, social capital is one’s set of current or potential resources. The possession of a sustainable network of more or less institutionalized relations of mutual acquaintance can be linked to this. There is not much discussion of social capital in Distinction. This may be because social capital is often a form of economic and cultural capital in which social networks have a central role (they fructify the other two forms of. 17.

(27) capital), however, for the sake of more precise classification, reference is made to social capital here. Especially through the subject of the political part. One may think of the political component as involving a logic of social engagement, as well as frequentations, a place of meeting, and thus of other “social” activities, particularly because it is part of a sustainable network. In Distinction, teachers are classified politically as being on the left of the political spectrum. They are also often linked to a certain militancy. Bourdieu presents to us the testimony of a teacher who is not a member of a political party and classifies him as an “exception” and “not like the others.” Bourdieu tells us that the reason these teachers are on the left is a matter prudence. They are often associated with a traditional group. Bourdieu (1979) states: The ascetic rigorism of ascending fractions, which is often associated with cautious progressivism in politics, is above all the principle of a discipline imposed upon oneself and one’s own, and is totally subordinated to social climbing. To build a social network that helps them to continue their quest for social climbing, the choice of friends is also important for teachers. Thus, Bourdieu tells us that these teachers prefer “educated” friends with whom they can share their need for cultural and educational activities. This is why, according to Bourdieu, they primarily socialize with other teachers. This type of choice is not only perceived as an aid, a possible springboard for social climbing, but also as an ascension within the social classes. Conclusion. To conclude, according to Bourdieu, teachers belong to the middle class, though he defines them as a “petite bourgeoisie of execution,” a class that is beneath but also sometimes on horseback with the middle class of high school teachers. He refers to them as “new petite bourgeoisie,” referring to their intellectual profession. This is why it is sometimes possible for primary school teachers to have the characteristics of secondary school teachers. In this sense, their cultural capital will be even stronger as well as the notion pleasure. In the case of university professors, they may belong to the upper class but. 18.

(28) remain a dominated faction of this upper class. Thus, the petite bourgeoisie represented by teachers occupies a middle position in the social space though they show a desire for social climbing. Yet, it may be noted that, in some of the diagrams in Distinction, teachers are placed in the popular class rather than in the middle class. There is no very clear explanation for this. It can be deduced that, according to Bourdieu, teachers occupy a position between these two social classes. 5. Recent Studies on Distinction If Bourdieu’s theory in Distinction seems to be a more or less abstract theory, one may wonder about his uniqueness within the sociological community of researchers. However, in seeking other studies on the theme of distinction, I realized that it had at least not been put aside. Distinction has been discussed and used in studies by many researchers. Some of this research is recent, having been conducted in the last five years. For example, De Lescure (2015) shows that Bourdieu’s theory remains a resource for studying the emergence of professional groups and of professionalization processes, in particular the intermediate professions and trades of education and training. It will even resume and use the diagram of the space of the positions to recreates it with the training agents. In a report on a conference by Glevarec (2014), we discover a study of the musical tastes of the young French and English popular classes that uses the theory of Bourdieu. Another is on the restitution of the results of an analysis of the cultural practices of the English. This study shows that the most important cleavage lies in the practice of diversified cultural activities and the virtual absence of practices, again based on the system of axes that Bourdieu created. The report also tells us about a study that highlights the correspondence between the social space of positions and that of the political opinions that Bourdieu was writing about, bringing it up to date with the structural transformations in the French population since 1979. Another study, by Longchamp (2016), takes up the concept of distinction and the pose of the nursing profession. The title of this study is “The space of nursing.” This study notably used the interviews combined with document analysis, in particular, changing the basic fields, using verticalization, academization, and proletarization, and horizontally new sectors outside hospitals. Capital, on the other hand, becomes that of medicine and. 19.

(29) nursing. This is innovative research using the distinction schema but with completely new concepts. The results of this research show that there are four types of nurses—elite, dominant, heterodox, and dominated—as there are different types of social classes. Adhikari and Gellner (2018) have also tried to adapt the concept of capital found in Distinction to circumstances in Nepal, in particular, to respond to the links between caste, class, migration, education, and cultural consumption. Returning to French studies, we find that of Bodin, Héas and Robène (2004). Although it critiques Bourdieu’s theory, it uses most of his concepts and his theory in Distinction to take stock of tastes in sports today, in particular, the tastes formerly referred to as “luxury,” such as golf. And understand through interviews that are the learners (at the social level) today. In Mercklé (2010) there is also a tone of criticism. However, he seeks to understand whether Bourdieu’s model is relevant to young, adolescent, and non-adult individuals. He thus analyzes the principles of differentiation of cultural behavior among adolescents in a popular social milieu and their possible transformation with age. He even recreates a schema for teenagers. Despite his criticisms, he concludes that the investigation in Distinction “still” appears relevant after 30 years.. II. Primary School Teachers in France 1. Who is Primary School Teachers in France? In general, the latest surveys of primary school teachers show that the predominant figure among trained future teachers is a woman. She is, on the father’s side, generally from the middle class Access to the occupational group has very often resulted in a social promotion of the activity held by the mother (Perrier 2001; Charles & Legendre 2006; Charles 2006). In primary schools, teacher teach children aged 3 to 11 years old. They teach them reading and writing, history and geography, math, science and technology, civic education, arts, and sports. From external speakers, they also discover a living language, music, and computer science. Primary school teachers must also teach students to acquire working methods and rules of social life. They work in small groups whenever possible, and look for new teaching methods, especially for children with difficulties. In France, primary school is separated into three cycles. The first one is apprenticeships and occurs in nursery school. Cycle 2 or the basic learning cycle occurs in elementary school in. 20.

(30) which there are preparatory classes. The third cycle involves deepening, also occurs at elementary school though with middle level classes. The work week of a school teacher comprises 26 hours of instruction with the students, plus one hour of consultation devoted to compulsory school councils, and work with the educational team of the school. Outside class time, primary teachers also spend many hours correcting notebooks and exam scripts, preparing lessons, and receiving parents. As Delcroix (2016) points out, it is the 1904 law prohibiting congregations from teaching that will increase the feminization of primary school teachers, which wars will only accentuate. Continuing education for teachers was introduced in the 1970s; however, Peyronie (2000) states that only 58% of teachers undertook internships from 1972 to 1985. This was partly due to the fact that continuing education has struggled to establish itself and was criticized, as it still is today. The creation of the IUFM 1 in 1989 followed recruitment from a license only, marked a period of adjustment in the profession, and was underlined by strong growth available positions (Delcroix 2016). It was not until 2008 that a diploma was required for one to become a teacher in primary school, now it became the master’s degree. To become a primary school teacher today, you have to have passed an exam, the CRPE (competition for the recruitment of primary teachers), organized by the Ministry of National Education in France. This competition is open to students enrolled in their first or second year of a master’s degree and those who already hold a master’s degree. The trainee must obtain his or her complete master’s degree to be tenured. There is also an internal competition for civil servants and a third competition for people outside the public service who fulfill certain conditions of professional experience. In theory, all master’s degree, professional or research, allow one to enroll in the CRPE, though specific training courses are set up by universities. The Master’s of Teaching, Education and Training (called MEEF in French) 1st degree is a specialized degree available once one has already completed a degree and is intended for students wishing to move towards the professorship of schools. At the end of the 90s, the thesis defended by some researchers, such as Charles. 1. . IUFM (Teacher Training University Institutes) is the former name given to primary teacher training schools. Today these schools are today replaced by ESPE (Higher Schools of Teaching and Education).. 21.

(31) (1988), was that, according to his research, during the last 40 years, with the progressive closure of access to the profession, teachers from the popular classes (workers, employees, small artisans, traders and farmers) seemed to reach consensus within the scientific community of sociologists. Charles and Cibois (2010) confirm that this thesis was largely verified or taken up by the latter when authors such as Thélot (1994), Cacouault and Oeuvrard (1995), and Dubet (1996) approached this question. They think they are therefore fairly closed professions. As for its hierarchy, Leroy-Audouin and Suchaut (2007) remind us that the primary school principal has no hierarchical power in the establishment. Apart from hourly discharges from which he or she can eventually benefit, his or her teaching load is identical to that of colleagues. The principal seems to have the status of one teacher among others and cannot in principle impose any decision. 2. Economic Conditions Teachers often complain about their economic conditions and the low wages that go with their jobs. Their salary is 1,700 € per month after two years and 2640 € at the end of their career (Lesparre 2018). According to ministry figures, the average salary of a teacher (including bonuses) is 2,461 euros net, and the median is 2,332 euros. Durand (2018) adds that teachers’ remuneration is made up of a base salary plus bonuses of about 10%. They enjoy a status guaranteeing a progressive evolution according to their progress in the “echelons.” For Charles and Cibois (2010), the fact that, since 1991, all teachers are now recruited on the basis of possessing a bachelor’s degree and partaking in a selective or very selective competition, according to the academies and the recruitment context, should logically lead them to compare their results with other professions at the same level in the social hierarchy. At this level of the hierarchy, given the central role played by school capital in the process of social reproduction of individuals in recent decades, the social origin of those who access these occupations rarely corresponds with the social structure of the current active population. As a result, they see themselves as lacking recognition for their jobs and become dissatisfied. However, Périer (2001), who conducted a study on 858 primary school teachers, shows us a contrary picture. Young teachers of the new generation seem to find their wages acceptable with regard to job security and thus feel they occupy a higher average. 22.

(32) social level. Most teachers are older, and are more are inclined to complain about the inadequacy of salaries in their profession. The study of INSEE (2003) confirms this. Young teachers are twice as likely as their elders to believe that job security and vacations can justify their pay, even if they still think it should be re-evaluated. 3. Daily Teaching and Professionalization Primary school teachers can learn their trades in various ways. It may be that, in terms of their motivation, their ways of teaching are not the same. For example, there are studies (Safty 1993; Felouzis 1997) that show professors who are more motivated by their professions and are focused on students. They have high expectations for the success of their students and focus on teaching basic skills. However, there are also studies showing teachers whose attitude is contrary to this positive one (Dréano & Gaillard 2002; Beckers 1994). Neither the functioning of the school system nor the practices of teachers are considered to be related to students’ difficulties (Talbot 2006). In such cases, the fault is often placed with the child’s family. Thus, teachers can ask questions about different subjects during their teachings. These can be about the student, the school itself, or even about the content of courses. It should be noted that, previously, the method of teaching was stricter, with a traditional education in values; however, today, we find a conception of the profession more turned to the psychological level and thus more “maternal,” which advocates education through their personal development and autonomy. (Charles & Cibois 2010). As far as everyday teaching is concerned, I note, in particular, with reference to Briquet-Duhazé (2010), that the teaching of reading is an essential element for primary school teachers. This issue plays a role in professionalization. However, in addition to teaching, teachers spend most of their time monitoring and managing the class. We see this in particular in Philippot and Baillat (2009). This study demonstrates the weight of the constraints relating to “class management” in teaching work. These lead to the recognition that a significant part of a teacher’s professional activity is situated upstream from learning related to school subjects. Moreover, as Basco (2003) shows, today, teachers are no longer the only source of knowledge. From this study we can see that children today have now access to mass media. Teachers are thus merely one element in the mosaic of available information. As a result, the teaching of children has become more complex as teachers have to take external discourses into account, especially the increasingly oppressive opinion of parents.. 23.

(33) Regarding the evaluation of teachers, Delcroix (2011) reminds us that the evaluation of teaching staff for their first degree is conducted during an inspection by an inspector responsible for a constituency. During this evaluation, the teacher must be able to show that he or she can teach a class in particular by his pedagogy. He or she must also teach the concepts of the program while helping students in difficulty. Finally, there is an interview with the inspector. The teacher should reflect on his or her practice and present official teaching materials. Following this inspection, the school teacher receives a report and an educational note. For Starck (2010), the inspection authorizes a wide variety of evaluative practices. This diversity keeps track of the creations that the actors have been able to implement in very fast-moving social, cultural, and institutional contexts. Finally, the classroom environment also plays an important role in teaching. There is often a problem in classes of a lack of means, premises, and furniture (Basco, 2003) This also results in a lack of pedagogical means, which often discourages even the most motivated teachers? 4. Socialization School socialization is a fundamental experience for any individual: school is a place of primary socialization (Darmon, 2006). However, as Gasparini (2008) reminds us, the vocational training of teachers is a singular form of secondary socialization in the sense that it prolongs the world of school while being confronted with the need to break with this fundamental primary experience in order to decenter his point of view. The professional socialization of the teacher implies not the complete discovery of a new framework, but a displacement of status and responsibility within a universe whose mode of socialization is familiar. As of their year of training, new primary teachers are “disenchanted,” according to sociologists Broccolichi and Sinthon (2017) entitled “The socialization of the profession of young teachers of schools” (they presented the main results of the study at a seminar that was summarized by Caccivio, 2017). According to the study, the professional socialization of elementary school teachers follows three steps. At first, the students adhere to the ideals of the institution (e.g. the success of all and benevolence). Subsequently, part-time professors, beginners, face difficulties, feel unaccompanied, and see that their colleagues have given up. Finally, once they have become “real” teachers, they find themselves in many difficult positions, divided into several classes, with institutional prescriptions seeming to them to be incompatible with their constraints. 24.

(34) The teachers which beginning schools would then approach their demobilized colleagues, and would be disappointed again when faced with the practices of the latter— assessments of the difficulties of the insufficient students, the quasi-absence of differentiation, and the lack of indulgence towards children in difficulty (Soyer, 2017). However, in Leroy and Suchaut (2007), socialization teachers still belong to a group and follow the rules of this group. This is the “big family” that characterizes a relational mode in which team members have achieved some form of social peace through the submission of each to a set of explicit and implicit rules. In this type of relationship, it is the well-being of one another that matters, and sociability is paramount in the search for pragmatic solutions in which the director of the school plays the role of mediator (GatherThurler, 1994). In the same sense, Gasparini (2008) also tells us that the novice teacher is confronted with a material, relational, didactic, and pedagogical organization that cannot be totally improvised, given the changes that have taken place in the last thirty years in the teacher-student relationship, particularly in terms of authority. As for the difference from the other professors at other levels, they are often seen to be in a position of being dominated by the scale of the lessons. This is what Isambert-Jamati (1985) notes in explaining the stereotypes that mark primary school teachers “intellectual incapacity,” and “ignorance.” Bourdieu (1990) will say that the symbolic and practical delimitation of a primary order of education within the school tends to internalize in future teachers their cultural position as a dominated position, since they do not are there only one to learn. Due to this socialization, and, in particular, the great difference between training and the real profession of teachers, many face an identity crisis after some years of teaching (Baso 2003; Léon 1978; Amiel & MaceKradjian 1972). There is a conflict between the teacher’s real self (what he or she sees him-/herself doing every day in class) and his or her ideal self (what he or she would like to do or thinks he or she should do). 5. Political Commitment If political commitment is just as important in defining the primary school teacher, this is because it is an integral part of the imagination, of teachers’ representation in society. Indeed, often the teacher is seen as a professional who rebels, who complains and protests. For example, Frajerman (2008) tells us that in the mid-twentieth century, teachers. 25.