Chapter Ⅳ Analysis and discussion
4.1 Data distribution
4.1.3 Distribution of the grammatical functions of the [DI. + X]
國
立 政 治 大 學
‧
N a tio na
l C h engchi U ni ve rs it y
4.1.3 Distribution of the grammatical functions of the [DI. + X]
construction
The figures in the left side of Table 11 show the distribution of the six degree intensifiers and grammatical functions found in the [DI. + X] construction. In terms of grammatical functions, the distribution of the positions of [DI. + X] can be presented in a descending order: predicate (1095, 74.7%), attributive (175, 11.9%), complement (147, 10.0%), adverbial (44, 3.0%), subject (5, 0.3%) and object (1, 0.1%). The grammatical function which occurs most frequently is predicate. Such a tendency implies that [DI. + X] construction plays the prominent role in a clause mostly.
When the function of the [DI. + X] construction used as a predicate is further examined, it is found that it collocates with 當 dong1, 恁 an2 and 盡 qin3 frequently (comprising 29.5%, 26.7%, 9.1% of the occurrences). Three corresponding examples are presented. In example (41), 當慶 dong1kiang3 ‘very capable’ serves as the predicate to emphasize the capability of the subject 玉蘭姑 Ngiug8-lan5gu1 ‘Aunt Ngiug-lan.’ In example (42), 恁毋慣 an2m5guan3 ‘very unaccustomed’ serves as a predicate. In example (43), 盡好食 qin3ho2siid8‘very delicious’ is also a predicate.
Next, the grammatical function of attributives can be found as well. In example (44), the attributive 恁大 an2tai3 ‘very big’ modifies 樹仔 su3e2 ‘tree’. The [DI. + X]
construction as attribute collocates with 恁 an2 frequently (88, 6.0%) compared to the amount of times which it collocates with the [DI. + X] construction as predicate. A similar situation happens when the [DI. + X] construction is used as a complement.
They also collocate with 恁 an2 more frequently (80, 5.5%). In example (45), 恁細義 an2se3ngi3 ‘very carefully’ is used as a complement to the main verb 紹介仔
seu3gie3e2 ‘introduce’. In example (46), 異久 i3giu2 ‘very long’ serves as an adverbial to modify the entire clause 佢嫁落去‘She was married.’ Last, [DI. + X]
construction as a subject or object is less frequently seen (5, 0.3%; 1, 0.1%). To
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distinguish the differences of these two grammatical functions relies on the context;
that is, conversation. For instance, in example (47), one may find it is difficult to understand what is given to pigs if one only reads the single clause instead of the entire conversation. On putting the clause into the conversation, one can find that 恁 多 an2do1 ‘so many’ refers to the real subject 蕒仔 mag4e2 ‘cabbage’. Similarly, in example (48), it is easier to figure out what 恁多 an2do1 ‘so many’ refers to when one reads the entire passage. Not all of the [DI. + X] constructions can be used as these two grammatical functions. It is found that only within [an2 + X] and [dong1 + X] can be observed in such a pattern.
(41) [HL11: 4] F1: ‘And Aunt Yulan is really capable at doing things.’
(42) [HL70: 5]
F3: 歸家人 斯 恁‧
毋慣‧‧
gui1ga1ngin5 sii5 an2 m5guan3 all family SII very unaccustomed F3: ‘None of the family is very accustomed to doing something.’
(43) [HL68: 85]
F2: 該 魚仔 hon... 骨頭酪酪 盡‧
好食‧‧
喔 ge3 ng5e2 hon gud4teu5log4log4 qin3 ho2siid8 ho1 that-CL fish PART tender fishbone very delicious PART F2: ‘The tender bones of that fish are very delicious.’
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uncle PART introduce very carefully F1: ‘Uncle introduced this matter very carefully.’(46) [HL13: 120] F2: ‘She was married for a very long time.’
(47) [HL18: 132]
F2：… 蕒仔 食忒 愛 割 正來 割
mag4e2 siid8ted4 oi3 god4 zang3loi5 god4 cabbage eat-PRF need to mow then mow
‘We cut off the cabbages when we need them.’
F1: 恁‧
多‧
拿來 分 豬仔
an2 do1 na1loi5 bun1 zu1e2
so many to pig
‘So many of the cabbages are taken to feed pigs.’
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‧ 國
立 政 治 大 學
‧
N a tio na
l C h engchi U ni ve rs it y
(48)
[SXI8: 39]
F2:� 下 恁‧
多‧
愛 討 𠊎𠊎 不 怕
en1 ha3 an2 do1 oi3 to2 ngai5 bud4 pa3
we now so much have to dun I NEG fear
‘We now have many women to choose from. So, I have nothing to worry about’
Further, the ways in which the syntactic categories correlate with the
grammatical functions were also cross-analyzed in addition to the cross-analysis of the correlations between the six degree intensifiers and the grammatical functions.
The figures in the right side of Table 10 show that among 1095 tokens of predicates, the [DI. + X] construction usually occurred as an AP (856, 58.4%). This can be further implied that most of APs are predicative for the purpose of making judgments,
showing attitudes and commenting. As shown in example (41), the adjective 慶 kiang3 ‘capable’ of 當慶 dong1kiang3 ‘very capable’ forms a [DI. + AP] construction and serves as a predicate. Apart from the APs, the syntactic category of VP of the [DI.
+ X] construction can function as a predicate as well (226, 15.4%). As presented in (49), the combination 盡得人惱 qin3ded4 ngin5nau1 ‘very annoying’ serves as a predicate. It is also worth mentioning that [DI. + NP] can potentially serve as predicate.
Next, as for the attributive usage in a clause, the [DI. + AP] construction is found more frequently than other syntactic categories (170, 11.6%). In example (50), the
F1： 喔 怕 愛 討 心臼 了 啦
ho1 pa3 oi3 to2 xim1kiu1 le1 la2 PART fear need to marry wife PRF PART
‘Probably he is going to find a woman to marry.’
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‧ 國
立 政 治 大 學
‧
N a tio na
l C h engchi U ni ve rs it y
attributive 異靚 i3jiang1 ‘very fantastic’ modifies 景色 gin2sed4 ‘scenery.’ In terms of the subcategory of ADVP, most cases function as adverbials in a clause as shown in the afore-mentioned example (51). As can be seen in example (53), 盡慶 qin3kiang3
‘very capable’ serves as a complement to the main verb 讀書 tug8su1 ‘study’.
Notably, the grammatical functions used as subjects and objects are rarely seen (6, 0.4%). In the present data, they are all in the form of [DI. + AP] in which AP is occupied by 多 do1 ‘many/much’ .
(49) [NXI29: 4]
F2: � 這下 个 家長 盡‧
得人惱‧‧‧
呢 en1 ia2ha3 ge3 ga1 zong2 qin3 ded4 ngin5nau1 no2 we now GE parents very annoying PRT F2: ‘Parents nowadays are very annoying!’
(50) [SXI10: 132]
M1: 愛 日頭 落山 該下仔 異‧
靚‧
个 景色 喔
oi3 ngid4teu5 log8san1 ge3ha3e2 i3 jiang1 ge3 gin2sed4 ho1 to sun down that moment very fantastic NOM scenery PRT M1: ‘To watch super fantastic scenery, you have to wait until the sunset.’
(51) [NXI29: 60]
F2: 厥 爸 讀書 盡‧
慶‧ gia1 ba1 tug8su1 qin3 kiang3 his father study very well F2: ‘His father studies very well.
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