Chapter Ⅳ Analysis and discussion
4.2. Analysis of modified elements of the six degree intensifiers
4.2.2 Non-canonical modified elements with the six degree intensifiers
國
立 政 治 大 學
‧
N a tio na
l C h engchi U ni ve rs it y
性 iu1 lin5xin3 ‘have intelligence’ will denote the high degree of intelligence of the calf and reflect the speaker’s evaluation of the subject 牛 ngiu5 ‘calf’. Other instances found in the data are 有人生 iu1ngin5sen1 ‘have life’, 有智慧 iu1zii3fi3
‘show wisdom’, 有意義 iu1i3ngi3 ‘show significance’, 有靈性 iu1lin5xin3 ‘full of intelligence’, 有節奏感 iu1jied4zeu3gam2 ‘rhythmic’, 有貢獻 iu1gung3hien3
‘show contribution’, 有道理 iu1to3li1 ‘make sense’, and 有福氣 iu1fug4hi3 ‘get lucky’, etc. They can covey the highlighted measurable property when be placed into the construction [有 iu1 + bare noun].
(74) [HL69: 46]
4.2.2 Non-canonical modified elements with the six degree intensifiers
The above-mentioned section has discussed the canonical modified elements and their linguistic features by the holistic degree construction. They take most parts of the present data. Yet, other non-canonical modified elements including the optative verbs, the common nouns and the locative nouns are found in the data and is given to the discussion as well.
4.2.2.1 Interactions with the optative verbs
In the category of VP, the degree intensifiers can modify the optative verbs as well. 49 tokens are observed in the data. Interestingly, none can be found to co-occur with the degree intensifier 還 han5. Most cases are involved with the optative verb 會 voi3. The meanings of the optative verb 會 voi3 can be further sub-classified into
F2：聽講 牛 當‧
有‧
靈性‧‧
有影 啊
tang1gong2 ngiu5 dong1 iu1 lin5xin3 iu1 iang2 a3 hear about calf very possess intelligence indeed PRT
‘I hear that calf is very intelligent, indeed.’
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ability, prediction, and inherent features (Chang, 2001). The following passages will present corresponding examples to discuss the interaction between the optative verbs and the degree intensifiers.
(75) [HL69: 282]
‘F3: His mother can cook very well. Yet, he is still very pick-eating.’
(76) [NXI67: 159]
F2: ...𠊎𠊎俚兜 个 婦人家 當‧
會‧ 變‧ ngai5li2deu1 ge3 fu3ngin5ga1 dong1 voi3 bien3
our GEN women very can fickle
‘F2: We, the women, can be very fickle.
(77) [NXI29: 35]
In (75), the optative verb 會 voi3 ‘can’ represents the knowledge of doing something. The speaker describes that in spite of the mother’s good cooking ability, the target is still pick-eating. The use of the degree intensifier 當 dong1 here reflects the subjective judgement of the speaker. In (76), the speaker adopts the optative verb 會 voi3 ‘can’ along with the degree intensifier to predict that the proposition of
F1:你 阿婆 盡‧
‘Your grandmother frequently hit people a lot.’
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‧ 國
立 政 治 大 學
‧
N a tio na
l C h engchi U ni ve rs it y
“women being very fickle” will happen in the near future. In (77), the optative verb 會 voi3 ‘can’ shows the general characteristics of the person performing the action 打 人 voi3da2ngin5 ‘hit people’. Hence, 會打人 voi3da2ngin5 ‘hit people’ may merely show the habitual action of hitting others. When this linguistic expression is
intensified as in 盡會打人 qin3voi3da2ngin5 ‘hit people a lot’, it indicates that the frequency of such personal habitual activity happens more than often usual. In terms of grammatical functions, the [DI. + optative verb] construction serves as the
predicate most frequently as seen in (75) to (77). Only one token was found to serve as a complement as demonstrated in (78).
(78)
F2: ...還 無 个 時節 細人仔 跺到 當‧ 毋‧
甘願‧‧
han5 mo5 ge3 sii5jied4 se3ngin5e2 dio3do3 dong1 m5 gam1ngien3 still NEG NOM moment child step on very NEG unwilling
‘F2: Without any help, the children are very unwilling to step on the pickles.’
4.2.2.2 Interactions with the nouns
The last section discussed the [DI. + NP] construction. In the traditional view, for a degree intensifier to modify an NP might be regarded as a solecism of category or concept. However, in the past ten years, many studies on degree intensifiers have shown that the [DI. + NP] construction is a productive and expressive linguistic phenomenon nowadays (Chang, 2004; Lee, 2011; Chiu, 2012; Chen, 2014). When an NP frames into the [DI. + NP] construction, the degree intensifiers will change the functions and the meanings of an NP from its original sense. That is, some properties of an NP are singled out and strengthened. Li (2011) points out that two features of an NP can be found in the [DI. + NP] construction. One is that the NP in the construction will display its sense extension. The other is that the holistic construction has been
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‧ 國
立 政 治 大 學
‧
N a tio na
l C h engchi U ni ve rs it y
lexicalized.
The qualia structure proposed by Pustejovsky (1991) can be used to explain the construction of [DI. + NP]. A nominal can be examined through four aspects under this framework: Qc (constitutive role): the relation between the entity and its
constituent parts; Qf (formal role): that which distinguishes it within a larger domain (its physical characteristics); Qt (telic role): its purpose and function; and Qa
(agentive role): whatever brings it about. Qualia structure is also a concept which can illustrate essential attributes such as the objects, events, and relations within a lexical item. The meaning of a lexical item varies and elevates some of the qualia roles in different context. The following lists several instances to show how one qualia role is elevated.
As can be observed in the list, the NPs of the first part are common nouns. They can be further analyzed according to the elevated qualia roles, Qt and Qf. The NPs of
a. Common nouns
Qf/Qc > Qt 猴 heu5 ‘monkey’, 大水 tai3sui2 ‘flood’, 大姓 tai3xiang3
‘famous name’, 老相 lo2xiong3 ‘old face’, 低分 dai1fun1
‘low score’, 惡面 og4mien3 ‘bad face’
Qf 古銅色 gu2tung5sed4 ‘bronze’, 這阿度仔个樣仔 ia2a1tu3e2ge3iong3e2 ‘this foreigner-like’
b. Locative nouns 頭前 teu5qien5 ‘front’, 後背 heu3boi3 ‘back’, 歸坪 gui1piang5 ‘the entire acre’
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‧ 國
立 政 治 大 學
‧
N a tio na
l C h engchi U ni ve rs it y
the second part are locative nouns. They represent abstract spatial ideas. Other explanation will be applied to these special cases. With regard to the six degree intensifiers, it is found that these nouns could be freely combined with. No obvious pattern can be inferred from which the degree intensifiers tend to collocate with. Yet, if one further examines these nouns, one can discover the different meanings that they convey when compared with their original sense. Consider the following examples:
(79) [NXI8: 90]
(80) [NP82: 202]
As can be seen in (79), the noun 猴 heu5 ‘monkey’ denotes a wild animal with fur (Qc & Qf). When it is intensified, the Qt will be highlighted to convey the
energetic behavior of a monkey which usually cause trouble. Hence, in example (79), 當猴 dong1heu5 ‘very indecent’ can be used to describe a person’s behavior. In (80), certain feature of the noun 大姓 tai3xiang3 ‘big name’ is elevated when intensified.
大姓 tai3xiang3 ‘big name’ denotes the ranking list of family names especially top ten (Qc). The most common family names are well-known to people. When this noun
F2:有兜人 當‧
猴‧ iu1deu1ngin5 dong1 heu5 someone very vulgar
‘Someone is very vulgar.’
M1：你 像 <王金平> 恁‧
大姓‧‧
n5 qiong3 wang2 jin1 pyng2 an2 tai3xiang3 you like Wang Jin-pyng so famous
‘M1: Your family name is famous as Jin-Pyng Wang’s. ’
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‧ 國
立 政 治 大 學
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N a tio na
l C h engchi U ni ve rs it y
frames into the construction, the noun conveys the meaning of being famous (Qt).
These cases illustrate the correlation between the degree intensifiers and nouns.
Though locative nouns of the second part cannot be analyzed in the same way as the nouns of the first part, they present interesting linguistic phenomenon. Observe the example below:
(81) [HL5: 194]
Locative nouns usually denote the direction or location. In (81), the speaker wants to intensify the order of the queue she waits in. She adopts the degree intensifier 盡 qin3 to emphasize that the queue is longer than her expectation.