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discovered separatism is an outcome of existing social distances.107 There is an irony how there seem to be more separatist movements growing in an increasingly globalized world. As distances between countries shorten, minorities may feel the need to establish their interests, ethnicity, culture, and identity.108 This will be explored further in Chapter 3 under the globalization-separatism debate. Ethnicity and cultural identity as a cause for globalization-separatism will be discussed next.
2.2 Ethnicity and Cultural Identity as a Catalyst of Separatism
Many separatist movements stem from ethnic conflicts and cultural identity. Ethnic identity is instilled in a person from birth or early in life, they are rooted in the bases of the human personality.109 Identity has been explained by Henry Hale as “a set of points of personal reference on which people rely to navigate the social world they inhabit.”110 Points could be the social relationships in which people have and how they relate it back to the human environment or also, their ethnicity could define their identity as well because it is inherent in their birth therefore, people may use the culture around them to find their identity. Mead argues that “self-consciousness is the process of being able to conceive of oneself from the perspective of others.”111 Identity can be seen as one that separates you from others but you might also find common characteristics as others and others might perceive that to be an aspect when observing your personality.
107 Heraclides, A. (1991), The Self-Determination of Minorities in International Politics, Abingdon: Psychology Press, p. 8
108 Pavkovic, A., and Cabestan, J. (2012), “Secession and Separatism from a Comparative Perspective: An Introduction,” in Cabestan, J., Pavkovic, A. (eds.), Secessionism and Separatism in Europe and Asia: To Have a State of One’s Own, Abingdon: Routledge, p. 18
109 Brass, P. (1985), Ethnic Groups and the State, London: Croom Helm, p. 21
110 Hale, H. E. (2008), The Foundations of Ethnic Politics: Separatism of States and Nations in Eurasia and the World, Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press, p. 34
111 Mead, G. H. (1934), Mind, Self, and Society, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, p. 200-2
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Ethnic category has been defined by Paul Brass as “any group of people dissimilar from other peoples in terms of objective cultural criteria and that contains within its membership either in principle or in practice the elements for a complete division of labour and for reproduction.”112 He further illustrates that an ethnic community is also an ethnic category that “has adopted one or more of its marks of cultural distinctness and used them as symbols both to create internal cohesion and to differentiate itself from other ethnic groups.”113 Judging by the definition of ethnicity or an ethnic community, it demonstrates that ethnicity and cultural identity most likely plays an important role in separatist movements considering without internal cohesion or a factor of differentiation that will set a person apart from other groups, people would not come together to form an ethnic community, let alone a separatist movement. Thus, if a person does have internal cohesion and differentiation to others, separatist movements can be formed more easily considering that person will have a common ground with those standing beside them.
When discussing the concept of ethnicity and cultural identity, two main theories of
“primordialism” and “constructivism” (sometimes also called “circumstantialism” or
“instrumentalism”),114 have become the most common when characterizing these concepts and they are normally presented as a debate. Primordialists, as mentioned in Chapter 1, believe that ethnic identities are timeless, and endure through the centuries. Constructivism, however, has become a theory which captures the essence of all the other theories which do not believe ethnic identities to be permanent or everlasting. Chandra gives a more detailed definition of constructivism when Chandra describes constructivism as the dual belief that people have
“multiple, not single, ethnic identities” and that identification can shift.115
Nonetheless, it does not seem that the divide between primordialists and constructivists is that clear and it seems blurred at times considering in actuality, scholars who name themselves primordialists are essentially constructivists as Stephen Van Evera, self-avowed primordialist, summarizes “The constructivist claim that ethnic identities are socially constructed is clearly
112 Brass, P. (1985), Ethnic Groups and the State, London: Croom Helm, p. 17
113 Brass, P. (1985), Ethnic Groups and the State, London: Croom Helm, p. 17
114 Hale, H. E. (May, 2004), “Explaining Ethnicity,” Comparative Political Studies, v. 37, no. 4, p. 458-85
115 Chandra, K. (Winter, 2001), “Introduction: Constructivist Findings and Their Non-Incorporation,” APSA-CP, 12 (1): 7-11
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constructed.”116 Even though Van Evera believes identities are socially constructed, however, he also contends that our identities will stay with us until we leave this world and that it is eternal.Chandra further explains that primordialists do not deny the constructivist claims that people can have multiple identities but primordialists tend to place more emphasis on tendencies of group stability and constraints on manipulation of situations based on identities. On the other hand, Chandra also notes that many theorists who are considered to be leading constructivists, such as Anderson and Gellner,117 argue along the same lines as primordialists thus, Chandra argues that primordialism and constructivism do not differentiate too much in the debate. Due to the fact that it seems like even primordialists are constructivists, it would be difficult to categorize the literature in this field.118
While theories may be slightly muddled in the sense that both theories might essentially be arguing similar contentions however, they both produce an important point about ethnicity and cultural identity in that both theories emphasize group stability when dealing with ethnic identities. Without group stability, there could be no uprisings of separatist movements considering people would not band together to form a movement when there is not a common factor of ethnicity. Thus, finding the reason behind whether ethnicity could be an important source for the creation of separatist movements is significant as this could decipher whether people would group together to produce a separatist movement.
There are two approaches when dealing with the analysis of ethnic separatism; one is to find the forces responsible or the causes behind the upsurge in separatist movements, for example as shown through Burma, Bangladesh, Quebec and Southern Philippines. The second
116 Van Evera, S. (Winter, 2001), “Primordialism Lives!” APSA-CP, 12 (1): 20-22, p. 20-22
117 Anderson, B. (1993), Imagined Communities, London: Verso [1st Edition, 1982]; Geertz, C. (1967), “The Integrative Revolution: Primordial Sentiments and Civil Politics in the New States,” in Geertz, ed., Old Societies and New States, 3rd edition, New York: The Free Press, p. 105-28; Gellner, E. (1983), Nations and Nationalism, Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press; Shils, E. (June, 1957), “Primordial, Personal, Sacred, and Civil Ties,” British Journal of Sociology, 8: 130-45
118 Hale, H. E. (2008), The Foundations of Ethnic Politics: Separatism of States and Nations in Eurasia and the World, Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press, p. 15-16
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method is to decipher the moves a separatist movement will make in order to leave the central government. Both are very diverse approaches since one is for an explanation of the trends behind recent separatist movements while the other, can be discriminated between different cases as it is a comparison not across time, but across space.119 For the purpose of this thesis, it will be taking the first approach where this thesis will aim to find whether ethnicity or cultural identity is a cause for separatist movements and try to figure out the reasons behind the upsurge of separatist movements in recent years. The issue of identity and cohesion within groups and how they are maintained and formed in the first place are too often neglected as most scholars move to the societal level of the argument before first deciphering the causes behind it.120
Various reasons can be found when exploring the issue of identity. One reason could be that favoured or preferred treatment to one ethnic group in the state will cause a deep sense of inequality, especially when the state is controlled by one class or ethnic group. When privileges are distributed unequally as well, this may cause one ethnic group to rise and fight for what they believe to be theirs. Another could be due to the language spoken by diverse ethnic groups; it is common for people to relate more with others that speak the same language. Even differences in culture between ethnic groups could drive a wedge between them and cause a separatist movement. Furthermore, there is the possibility that citizens would feel a sense of identity with their territory because individuals may envision that their territory comes with a common ancestry and a way of life. Particular symbols on their lands could make people discover the meaning of their identities, whether it is individually or as a group.121 These reasons can be exemplified through the cases of Basque and Catalan in Spain, as shown above, their movements are deep rooted in economic inequality but as we will argue in this section, you will also find that their movements stemmed from a diversification in ethnicity and cultural identity as well.
Basque nationalism has been more radical than Catalan nationalism since at times; they use terrorist tactics to achieve their goals whereas Catalan draws on a more peaceful method. The
119 Horowitz, D. L. (April, 1981), “Patterns of Ethnic Separatism,” Comparative Studies in Society and History, 23 (2): 165-195, p. 165
120 Brass, P. (1985), Ethnic Groups and the State, London: Croom Helm, p. 2
121 Matusitz, J. (2015), Symbolism in Terrorism: Motivation, Communication, and Behaviour, New York: Rowman
& Littlefield, p. 115
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reason as to why ethnicity and cultural identity is so significant to the Basque case is because in the past when the Basques and Catalans were still suffering from an identity crisis, they found their identity in romantic nationalism. The leader of the Basque movement was Sabino Arana and he propounded the Basque language and formed the Basque Nationalist Party in 1895. The importance here was that people in Basque celebrated an exclusionary form of Basque nationalism where they were not as tolerant of outsiders who moved to Basque to assimilate.
Arana regarded using race as his main argument for creating the Basque nationalist movement considering he found it to be a means of exclusion because of its primordial and unchangeable nature. Also, the language of Basque is also a very difficult one to learn as they wanted to differentiate themselves from Spanish immigrants.122 Thus, the Basque ethnicity (Euskadi) and Basque language (Euskera) have been viewed as pre-Indo-European and are considered archaic by their European counterparts, which explain why Spain and France have considered the Basque region to be culturally exclusive for generations.123 The close ties in which the people in Basque feel towards their ethnicity is one of the core reasons as to why they developed a separatist movement and why it is such an extreme one. As Ramo describes, that for many decades, “numerous segments of Basque society perceived threats to their collective identity coming from both Madrid and from new groups within the Basque Country itself.”124 Due to their identity and their cohesiveness, the creation of a separatist movement is not surprising when people in the Basque society feel that they are being pressured or intimidated. It is evident that ethnicity and cultural identity play a vital part in the rise of separatist movements in Basque considering they are already so different compared to their counterpart, Spain, in both culture and language, therefore, it is only natural for them to oppose it when one part of the region is favoured when compared to the other.
Catalan is also another region in Spain where ethnicity and cultural identity is a prerequisite to separatist movements occurring. As stated earlier, Catalan also found its identity in romantic nationalism. However, Catalans were more open and tolerant to immigrants
122 Barnes, R, “Basque and Catalan Nationalism: An Evolution,” Fair Observer, January 10th 2013,
http://www.fairobserver.com/region/europe/basque-and-catalan-nationalism-evolution/ [Last Accessed: November 16th 2015]
123 Matusitz, J. (2015), Symbolism in Terrorism: Motivation, Communication, and Behaviour, New York: Rowman
& Littlefield, p. 115
124 Matusitz, J. (2015), Symbolism in Terrorism: Motivation, Communication, and Behaviour, New York: Rowman
& Littlefield, p. 115
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assimilating to their country and culture. In addition to this, Catalans have a language similar to Spanish, which makes it easier for others to learn. The founder of Catalan, Prat de la Riba, placed more emphasis on the language factor above all other factors such as race and territory.
Riba defined the nation as “a society of people who speak a language of their own and have the same spirit that manifests itself or is characteristic for the whole variety of the whole collective life.”125 The meaning behind Riba’s statement was that if people came to Catalan and learned and spoke the Catalan language then they would be considered Catalans as well. In essence, this is a form of cultural identity since Riba focused on using language as the main emphasis when designing the identity of Catalan. By grouping people who spoke the same language together, it not only makes it easier for them to communicate but it also creates a sense of belonging and coherence among the region as well. Furthermore, by making it simple for others to assimilate into the culture and identity of Catalan, it can also be viewed as a tactic to increase the numbers of people who would support separatist movements as they may feel a deep connection to the Catalan region if they spoke the language. Separatist movements would arise easily when this happens because the region is still speaking a different language from their central counterpart.
An exclusivity of the region exists because of this and separates them from Spain, causing a separatist movement to move forward due to the difference of cultural identity.
Separatist movements stemmed from the cultural identity of Catalan; however, another factor which pushed the immediate growth for the separatist movement in Catalan was when Catalan won considerable autonomy in 2006, but only to have it overturned by the current ruling conservative People’s Party in 2010.126 As can be demonstrated by this case, this thesis views that when one ethnic group which is in power make decisions that are not beneficial to the other ethnic group, separatist movements tend to ascend because of the inequality felt. This was very much the case here since the separatist parties in Catalan rose to power in 2012 after fuller autonomy to Catalan was denied. Further dissatisfaction with the central government fueled the
125 Barnes, R, “Basque and Catalan Nationalism: An Evolution,” Fair Observer, January 10th 2013,
http://www.fairobserver.com/region/europe/basque-and-catalan-nationalism-evolution/ [Last Accessed: November 16th 2015]
126 Hallinan, C. and Foreign Policy in Focus, “How Ethnic Tensions and Economic Crisis Have Strengthened Europe’s Secession Movements,” The Nation, April 9th 2014, http://www.thenation.com/article/how-ethnic-tensions-and-economic-crisis-have-strengthened-europes-secession-movements/ [Last Accessed: November 18th 2015]
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Catalan movement since Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy condemned an independence referendum, citing the 1976 Constitution. By refusing to allow one ethnic group of their rights, when clearly a majority in Catalan wish for a referendum since more than 1.5 million Catalans marched for their right to independence and a referendum in Barcelona in 2012,127 it illustrates that the unfairness felt by the Catalans would make them wish to achieve independence now more than ever. The argument that is presented above is about a dominant ethnic group making decisions affecting the minority ethnic group would create a wedge between the two groups and cause the minority ethnic group to have separatist movement uprisings.
Ethnicity and cultural identity are core causes for separatist movements and cohesion shown by the ethnic groups are all down to culture, language or condemnation by the dominant ethnic group. Case studies such as South Tyrol and Veneto in Italy, Flanders in Belgium and Quebec in Canada, can also fully demonstrate that ethnicity and cultural identity are direct causes for their separatist movements. Not only have the separatist movements in these European countries gained traction because of economic inequality, but also, the origins of their separatist movements have been deep rooted in ethnicity and cultural identity. To illustrate the depth of importance that ethnicity and cultural identity play, case studies are the best way to demonstrate this.
For the case of South Tyrol, as explained earlier, the separatist movement mainly rose because of ethnicity and cultural differences. South Tyrol was a region which was ruled by Austria until the early 20th century until they were annexed by Italy in 1919 and they officially became a region of Italy on October 10th 1920.128 South Tyrol is a predominantly German-speaking region, despite Mussolini’s attempts at Italianisation where German was forbidden and Italian vocabulary and culture were pushed onto locals. They also claim to be of
127 Burgen, S., “Catalan Independence Rally Brings Barcelona to a Standstill,” The Guardian, September 11th 2012, http://www.theguardian.com/world/2012/sep/11/catalan-independence-rally-barcelona [Last Accessed: November 18th 2015]
128 Rosenberger, M. P., “Self Determination in South Tyrol – The Red Eagle Spreads its Wings,” Fair Observer, December 20th 2012, http://www.fairobserver.com/region/europe/self-determination-south-tyrol-red-eagle-spreads-its-wings/ [Last Accessed: November 19th 2015]
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Austrian/Bavarian heritage. The people of South Tyrol feel that they would be better annexed to Austria rather than Italy and in October 2013, a referendum was held for the reunification of South Tyrol with Austria and there was a resounding majority where 92 per cent voted in favour.129 It is estimated by local authorities that German is spoken by 75% of the 510,000 inhabitants of South Tyrol.130 It was stated by Constance Zec Bessada, a Los Angeles attorney, in an interview about her South Tyrolean roots, she explained that decades of forcing Italian on German locals had little effect in making the region more Italian. She further added, “The suppression has obviously left a bad taste in the Sud-Tirolers’ mouths, but like so many occupied peoples, they have not let go of their traditions and their identity, no matter how brutal the occupying determination. I’m thinking of how Greek culture survived hundreds of centuries of Turkish rule.”131 As it can be seen from this statement, the locals of South Tyrol are very connected to their traditions and culture, therefore for a dominant ethnic group, like Italy, trying to overpower South Tyrol, the people of South Tyrol are not likely to take this well and separatist movements are bound to appear. They are in concept Italian citizens but they do not feel Italian or adhere to Italian culture. Therefore, ethnicity and cultural identity were an eminent cause for South Tyrol’s separatist movements who wish to secede back to Austria and leave Italy.
For Veneto, while their claim is mainly based on their economic inequality, another factor which has contributed to their separatist movement increasing is ethnicity. Like Basque and Catalan, Veneto has its own regional language.132 The promotion of the Veneto dialect has created a defense against the Italian state and migrants, much like the Basque case in Spain.
Language is a part of ethnicity and cultural identity, the people in Veneto identify with their regional language considering Veneto speakers emphasize regional belonging over their national
129 Hepburn, E., “The ‘Domino Effect’ from Scotland’s Referendum is Increasing Demands for Independence in
129 Hepburn, E., “The ‘Domino Effect’ from Scotland’s Referendum is Increasing Demands for Independence in