Pictorial-semiotic Analysis of the Advertisements of Taiwan Women’s Sphere

A. “Modern” Women

(TWS, 1934. 9, inside back cover) (TWS, 1935.1, inside front cover)

The brand name, “Nittoh Black Tea” (日東紅茶) and the woman in Western dress are the most eye-catching linguistic and iconic signs in Figure 1. Minor attention will be paid to the linguistic message of copywriting (in the middle) and advertiser (in the frame). The meaning of this drinking-something female figure as the iconic message is anchored by the black-bold-emphasized brand name, “日東紅 茶,” and this function of anchorage clearly indicates this print ad is all about “black tea” (紅茶) named “nittoh”（日東） and produced by “mistui” cooperation（三井株 式會社）.

Drinking black tea originally belongs to English tradition that is quite different from Japanese and Taiwanese tea culture. After Meiji Restoration, Japanese upper class tried to learn from and imitate Europeans thoroughly, in terms of technology, political system, and even daily life style. English tea making methods and wares was considered as Western and modern symbols. During the early period of

Japanese occupation of Taiwan, drinking the imported black tea was an expensive and high cultural activity among the intellectual and the rich (Huang, 2007).

“Nittoh” black teas was at the beginning named “Mitsui” black tea. Mitsui Cooperation was established in 1927 and soon merged with Taiwan Tea Company to be Taiwan Development Company. As the very first international tea brand of Taiwan, the brand name did not come out until 1930. Before that, Taiwan‟s Oolong tea had no specific brand name on the international market. Neither did Paochung tea. They had only local tea store names. Mitsui Co. set up tea plantations at Haishan and Dasi, and also built modern factories at Sansia‟s Dabao, Daliao,

Shuilioudong (Dasi) and Huangku (Wunshan) to produce “Nittoh Black Tea” (Chang, 2005).

The copywriting in Figure 1 says, Nittoh Black Tea is “fresh, tasty, and bright colored, a cheap and good national product.” Obviously, it is because Taiwan at that time was already Japanese colony, so that Taiwanese tea became a “national” product for Japanese. Comparing to other imported black tea, Nittoh tea was cheaper;

however, it was still a luxury to drink black tea at that time. Actually, the price of Nittoh Black Tea is 23.54 times higher than rice in Taipei in 1937, for instance (Huang, 2007).

Obviously, this “cheap and good national product” was “cheap” per se only because its target consumers were Japanese and upper class people in Taiwan. For them, Taiwan made black tea was cheap in price and good in quality comparing to those of foreign brands; this is exactly the signified (meaning) of the copywriting, the

signifier, in Figure 1, also explaining the social and historical context for us.

Moreover, the linguistic message, “fresh, tasty, and bright colored” correlates with the iconic message, “the steaming tea,” as the function of relay mentioned by Barthes.

Vice versa, the meaning of “the steaming tea” icon is anchored by the copywriting as

“fresh, tasty, and bright colored,” and “a cheap and good national product,” “Nittoh”

black tea.

At the same time, red color helps to present the visual and cultural

characteristics of tea. In Japanese language, English black tea is actually re-named and understood as “red” tea. Furthermore, the female figure dressed in western and modern style, her make-up, hat and hair, all signify the westernization and

modernization of a Japanese woman. And this constructs the denotation that

drinking Nittoh Black Tea was an activity that Westernized and modern Japanese and Taiwanese people would do during 1930‟s.

In Figure 2, a Kikkoman Soy Sauce ad was printed on the New Year issue of TWS in 1935. On the upper-right hand side, the brand logo “萬”and the company name, “Kikkoman Soy Sauce Cooperation” on the lower left hand side indicates this is an ad of Kikkoman Soy Sauce. The personified boar in lady overcoat and a little girl both hold a bottle of Soy Sauce by each other. The bottle held by the little girl is apparently a Kikkoman product that can be told by the brand logo tag on it. The copywriting on the upper left hand side is New Year wishes. “Kikkoman” is emphasized as キッコーマン by using katakana (片仮名)of Japanese writing system, which are mostly applied to foreign terms or highlight in context.

Japanese had been influenced by Chinese culture. Japanese also used “the animals of year” only that pig became boar in Japan. 1935 was the year of boar so that the personified boar became the element of the ad to convey the message of New Year wishes. The iconic message and linguistic message stand in a complementary relation, functioning as relay.

During the era of Japanese Occupation, there were mainly two kinds of soy sauce in Taiwan, the island (Taiwanese) and the inland (Japanese) ones. Taiwanese style of soy sauce was hand-made in the early days; on the other hand, business of Japanese soy sauce had been industrialized in 17^th century (Chiang, 2007).

Kikkoman Co. established in 1917 and its previous company name was Noda Soy Sauce established in 1630, also a brand name officially granted by Tokugawa bakufu (Yates, 1998). Japanese people were not used to Taiwanese soy sauce; meanwhile, the Japan-imported soy sauce was rare and expensive. Therefore, Kikkoman started

Both the personified boar and the little girl in the Kikkoman ad dress in Western style. If we take a closer look on the fashion history of 1930‟s, we may find that the fur coat and the hat (also the way to wear it) of the boar on the left hand side were rather trendy according to French taste of the years, as shown in Figure 3 and 4.

Fig. 3 fur coat in Art Goût Beauté in 30‟s Fig. 4 hat style in Art Goût Beauté in 30‟s

(Ginsburg, 1989：142) (Ginsburg, 1989：101)

These French fashion signs indicated again, the same as in Figure 1, the

“Westernization” and “modernity” were related with the product—consumers of Kikkoman Soy Sauce were Westernized and modern, even though soy sauce was actually a traditional dressing in both Japanese and Taiwanese culture.

B. The Wedding and the Bride

Fig. 5 modern Tokyo wedding pose (TWS, 1935. 9: 4)

The woman in Figure 5 is a bride in Western wedding dress and with a bouquet.

“Modern Tokyo wedding pose / it‟s seen and seeing / the reflection of rainbow,” says the illustration. The linguistic message above the photo also anchors the meaning of the iconic message that this is an ad of Shizuko Shirasaka (白坂靜子) Cosmetic Club.

After mid-1930‟s, almost all the upper class adopted this style of wedding dress (Chen, 2007). “Modern Tokyo,” as a signifier, ostensibly pointed to that Taiwanese wedding fashion closely followed Tokyo style, and this wedding pose was modern and fashionable merely because it was influenced by Japanese fashion and imported from Tokyo, instead of a presentation of Taiwanese local fashion.

Besides, the text and the picture in Figure 5 are complimentarily related with each other in terms of Barthes‟ “relay.” As mentioned above, Japanese use katakana system to introduce foreign terms. “モダン(modern)”and“ネオン(neon),” two foreign terms already in three lines of copywriting, together with the female figure in the picture, create the Western and modern atmosphere immediately.

It should be mentioned here that there was a special term, “wan wife (or mistress),” innovated by Japanese man in the early period of Japanese Occupation.

It means “the wife (or mistress) in Tai-Wan.” Most of these mistresses were

prostitutes at that time. “Wan wife” was indeed discriminated and disappeared for a while due the improvement of social order. However, it was re-used again, in 1926, but referring to those women, who were born, brought up and married in Taiwan.

Accordingly, most of Japanese bachelor officers would marry women who were born and grew up in Japan. Even Japanese women brought up in Taiwan were often criticized as “frivolous, careless, unlikely hard-working, and lack of obedient, serving spirits and virtues”(Takenaka, 2001). Therefore, those girls who were born and brought up in Taiwan could meet difficulties in finding husbands. TWS used to held symposia discussing the related issues. These s social issues reflected that Japanese

and popularity of Western style and Tokyo wedding fashion implied how girls in Taiwan looked up to “the inland” culture and adored the bride in Japan (Takenaka, 2011: 207). As the editor of TWS, Fumiaki Kakinuma (柿沼文明), declared in the first issue “people in Taiwan praise everything inland unconditionally” (1934: 12).

One can easily find both the discrimination toward the colony (Taiwan) and the

admiration toward the mother country (Japan), reflected in the ads and various texts of the pop culture in the period of Japanese Occupation of Taiwan.

According to TWS issues published in September and November in 1935, the wedding column mentioned only the Western and Japanese traditional style of wedding dresses. However, there was another popular style of wedding gown, Western-Chinese-mixed one, as shown in Figure 6. Besides the Western tiara, veil and bouquet, the blouse, the long skirt and the dustcoat, and the embroidery on them were all in Chinese traditional style.

Fig. 6 Western-Chinese-mixed style of wedding gown in 1930‟s (Chen, 2007: 17)

TWS‟s column also offered information about the reasonable expenses of

Western and Japanese weddings. But only Western and Japanese ones, the magazine would suggest, for they were the most ideal and ideologically correct forms of

wedding in Taiwan. Western wedding meant the Westernization and modernization.

Japanese wedding meant to follow the tradition of mother country for Japanese people in Taiwan. As for Taiwanese, holding a Japanese wedding ceremony symbolized a

“more-like and becoming” Japanese process. That is to say, the editors of TWS seemed to reckon that Western style of wedding would urge the connection between Taiwan and Tokyo modern fashion, on one hand. Japanese style of wedding would enforce the support of Japanese tradition in Taiwan, on the other hand. Both were activities of identifying and integrating with Japanese mainstream culture at that time.

C. House Wife and Household

Fig. 7 Fuku Sanitary Spray Fig. 8 Ii Jii Economic Gas Regulator

(TWS, 1934.6, inside back cover) (TWS, 1936. 12: 152)

The visual focus in Figure 7 is the pictorial message, a housewife in kimono (traditional Japanese clothes) spraying the antiseptic solution, surrounded by the linguistic message of the product. Next, readers may notice the brand name,

“powerful antiseptic solution, Fuku Sanitary Spray” on the upper right corner and then the circled copywriting, “graceful and fragrant” at the diagonal side. Last, copywriting about other effects of the product printed in different font size and style will be noticed. Apparently, this linguistic message functions as “anchorage” with regard to the iconic message, and directs readers through the signified image toward the meaning chosen in advance by the advertiser.

At the beginning of Japanese Occupation, there were still plague, cholera, and malaria in Taiwan. In order to stop these contagious diseases, Japanese government introduced the concept of public health and started health and environment related researches. Modern hospitals and medical facilities were thus established in Taiwan.

By 1920, most of the contagious diseases were under efficient control in Taiwan (Chen, 1992). Mosquito repellent was an important method to prevent one of the

major diseases, malaria. Certainly, housewives were responsible for maintaining a mosquito-free and healthy environment for their families.

The painting style in Figure 7 is similar to ukiyo-e style. Comparing with the women portrayed in Utamaro Kitagawa‟s paintings, one may find that they all have narrow-long eyes, hooked-nose and three-fourth part of face without emotional expression (see Fig. 9). Although the clothing and hairstyle are different, the housewife is still in Japanese traditional style instead of Western modern style, in order to imply and be correlated with the copywriting, “graceful and fragrant.” Text and picture are in a complementary relation. The housewife at work, especially in kimono and traditional Japanese style, is “graceful and fragrant,” so is the product, Fuku Sanitary Spray. Because of the designed configuration of iconic and linguistic messages in the ad, the signs and its meanings are naturalized--kimono and Fuku Sanitary Spray are both “graceful and fragrant.”

(1) Three Beauties of the Time (2) Love that Rarely Meets (3) Reflective Love

Fig. 9 Utamaro Kitagawa‟s paintings (Genshoki Ukiyo-e Dai Hyakka Jiten Vol. 7, 1980: 92, 93, 96)

Figure 8 is an ad of “IiJii (イーヂー) Economic Gas Regulator.” A housewife is cooking in the kitchen and the product, IiJii Economic Gas Regulator, is at the center of the ad. Brand name with enlarged font size anchors the meaning of iconic message that this is a print ad about a gas regulator. The linguistic message at the lower part renders information about dealers. And from that, readers can tell the stores were all around downtown areas where both Japanese and Taiwanese resided and worked. Both were target consumers.

Gas Company was established in 1911, fueling street lamps and family uses mainly (Chen, 2008). During years of Japanese Occupation, most gas stoves were

The price was almost half of the average month wages, 42-50 “yuan” dollars. The owners of this product should be the upper class.

The linguistic message was about “safety,” “economic,” and “fuel cost down.”

It is natural to emphasize the safety of using gas stove in the ad. In 1936, the Japanese military try to manipulate and control the energy resources by promoting

“life improving movement,” with the slogan that “national defense rooted in kitchen”

(Takenaka, 2011). This economic gas regulator seemed to benefit these middle and upper classes housewives to achieve the goal of rationalization of domestic

consumption (Frederick, 2006).

In Figure 7 and 8, we may find the female figures in ads were no more in modern or Western clothing. As long as the female were married, they should present themselves in traditional Japanese style in order to become the perfect image of housewives in domestic sphere. Housewives were asked to follow “life

improving movement” that married women should stay home and reduce the cost of household affairs, including energy saving, so as to take the responsibility of serving the country.

D. Health Care

Fig. 10 Dainaa Vanishing Cream Fig. 11 Pelanin Tablets (TWS, 1936. 6: inside front cover) (TWS, 1937. 9: inside back cover)

Figure 10 is about a skin care product. The visual focus is the female figure placed at the lower part. Product name is enlarged and printed in vertical direction at the left hand side of the ad. The rest part of the ad is all covered with copywriting, and by using boldface, “eczema,” “pimples,” and “freckles” are emphasized as the main skin problems that can be treated by the product. Also, the copywriting offers the special features of the product, the way to get free sample, volume of the container and the price of the product, addresses of dealers, and the information of the company.

In the ad, the woman wears kimono and holds up the product close to her face with a contented smile, showing her approval and the emphasis on the very product.

With the verticalized and enlarged brand name, Dainaa (ダイナー), the iconic message is therefore anchored as an ad of Dainaa Vanishing Cream.

The copywriting introduces the special features of the product in details, especially the ingredients, such as the local island (Taiwan‟s) fruit “papaya (パパイ ア)” made “lipase (リパーセ).” Besides names of fruits and plants, most of the ingredients are terminologies written in katakana so that the connotation of a hi-tech product can be conveyed to the audience and consumers.

The product specialized in clearing pimples and eczema. It also had the effect on whitening the tanned skin. M.D. Oto Mori (Ogai Mori‟s, a Japanese writer‟s, eldest son) conducted a research in 1935 and came out with a result that those

(Japanese) who had lived in Taiwan for a long time would gradually had darker color skin comparing to those who lived in Japan. And this darker color was called “the Taiwan color” (Takenaka, 2011). Dainaa Vanishing Cream was to whiten this tanned skin implied the darker Taiwanese color were not as popular as the whiter Japanese color and even despised. The color of colony should vanish. If you purchased and used the product, Dainaa Vanishing Cream, you would become much more like Japanese as the female figure in the ad, a beautiful Japanese actress.

It is the bold and enlarged word, “Pelanin,” will catch the audience‟s attention first and at the same time, will anchor the meaning of the whole picture as an ad of female hormone tablets. There is a woman on the upper part of the ad wearing Western dress and hat right. In the ribbon-made frame, a drawing of the container and two tablets of the product is placed at the right bottom. It also offers

information such as, “12 Tablets / Pelanin / 1TAB. 100 M.U.” on it. Linguistic message, “problems and cramps of menstruation” is slightly enlarged and emphasized as the target syndromes of the medicine. Other related syndromes, such as aging and

popular and most of the ads of these medicines claimed to be efficient as “self-care and home treatment.” It was embarrassing and ashamed for Taiwanese women to go to gynecological doctors (Liang, 2007). This helps to explain the reason why there were so many ads of gynecological medicines on media at that time. “Pelanin” is a kind of estrogen, a female sex hormone, and it is printed in English instead of

Japanese or Chinese. This would inform the customers that the product belonged to the Western medication; nevertheless, female users would not feel embarrassed, if they had to take the tablets in front of others, for most people would not understand the meaning of the English term, “Pelanin,” right on the box.

Besides, the Westernized female figure on the top of the picture, as well as the product name, indeed signifies the product is a modern medication. By both of the linguistic and iconic messages, one is informed that the medicine is in the form of tablet, quite different from traditional Chinese or Japanese medication that is usually in the form of liquor. All imply the female consumers who would choose the

“Pelanin” to solve their gynecological problems were Westernized and modern women.

E. Motherhood and the Kominka Movement

Fig. 12 Kinsen Condensed Milk Fig. 13 Kinsen Condensed Milk

(TWS, 1937. 6: 27) (TWS, 1937. 11: inside front cover)

Figures 12 and 13 are both ads of condensed milk. Visual focus mainly lies on product and the infant figure and secondly, on the enlarged and bold product brand name, “Kinsen Condensed Milk,” and the copywriting, “a substitute of breast milk, the best ever.” Other linguistic message is about the dealer and importer. In complementary relations, the linguistic and the iconic message function as

“anchorage” and “relay” when generating meanings.

Condensed milk was invented by Gail Borden in 1853 (Chen, 2007). In Japan, it was till Meiji Restoration (1868-1912) and later the introduction of dairy farming, Japanese began to accept milk as a daily necessity of nutrition (Shih, 2007). From this historical perspective, one may realize that milk and condensed milk were both introduced and imported by the colonizer, and at the same time, symbolized the modernization. After Japanese Occupation, Taiwanese people knew about milk and would dissolve the condensed milk in water to feed babies if there was not an

Condensed milk was invented by Gail Borden in 1853 (Chen, 2007). In Japan, it was till Meiji Restoration (1868-1912) and later the introduction of dairy farming, Japanese began to accept milk as a daily necessity of nutrition (Shih, 2007). From this historical perspective, one may realize that milk and condensed milk were both introduced and imported by the colonizer, and at the same time, symbolized the modernization. After Japanese Occupation, Taiwanese people knew about milk and would dissolve the condensed milk in water to feed babies if there was not an