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1.4 Literature Review

1.4.2 Postwar KMT-Era Research

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foundation. As stated in the Ministry of Education guidelines, one of the main purposes of history classes was to cultivate respect for the emperor and love of country (son’nō aikoku 尊皇愛国). Narrative structure also improves, and there is more use of honorific language and possessive pronouns such as ‘we’ and ‘our’ (waga 我が). Yet, he notes that there is no discussion of anything other than political and military events (Baxter and Fogel 2007, 322-323). From 1903 onwards, the Primary School Ordinance dictated that only state-compiled textbooks be used for core subjects. This, combined with the influence of the Imperial Rescript on Education, ensured that textbooks continued to promote reverence for the imperial institution. In conclusion, Baxter states that three main themes tended to dominate the texts. Sensitivity about personal and national honor, acceptance of the goal of projecting the glory of Japan and the emperor, and emphasis on the virtues of loyalty and obedience all served the state’s goal of forming a Japanese historical consciousness (Baxter and Fogel 2007, 334).

1.4.2 Postwar KMT-Era Research

Jeffrey Meyer’s research on moral education in Taiwan seeks to identify how moral traditions are presented in Taiwanese elementary and middle schools. He does this by way of extensive textbook analysis as well as interviews with teachers. The textbook sample is composed of all the books from the 1983-1984 school year which contain moral content. These include ethics, language, social studies, literature, history, and geography texts used in elementary and middle schools in Taiwan. Meyer first makes the point that morality is pervasive in the curriculum, and that the values taught are almost exclusively Confucian. Most if not all of these values in the texts are drawn from classic Confucian virtues, such as the Eight Virtues (bā dé 八德) and the Four Social Bonds (sì wéi 四維). Precisely because there are so many different Confucian virtues, he identifies the ones that are considered most important by tallying up how many lessons are devoted to certain virtues. His examination of ethics, language, and literature texts showed that there is a very clear priority among the virtues taught. By far the most important values are patriotism and filial piety. Other values such as diligent study, cooperation, deference, obedience, and civic virtue also appear often (Meyer 1988a, 268-271). Aside from the

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morals themselves, Meyer also discusses two core characteristics of the textbooks. First, there are many conflicts between various traditional values and modern society which are not addressed. Examples include notions of family structure, gender equality, individual freedom, and competition. For instance, an urbanized, industrialized society such as contemporary Taiwan would favor a nuclear family structure, yet the traditional extended family structure seems to be favored in the texts. The second characteristic Meyer makes mention of is the overt and pervasive political indoctrination present throughout all of the textbooks in the sample. Mainland China is often presented as backwards, oppressed, etc.

in contrast to a free, progressive, and prosperous Taiwan. Meyer adds that at times the indoctrination is overbearing to the point of being counterproductive (Meyer 1988a, 276-279).

Chang Kuang-Hui’s analysis of postwar textbooks focuses on the development of anti-communist themes in books published between 1945 and 1963. Language readers, civics, history, and social studies texts are utilized. He notes that in texts published before 1949, promotion of patriotism and strengthening national consciousness are the defining themes. The Soviet Union is held up as a positive example, and there is no anti-communist content. Another characteristic of the pre-1949 texts is the focus on the postwar reconstruction of the nation (both economically and politically), and this reconstruction is equated with modernization. During the 1950s there were several revisions to national curriculum and new sets of texts were published. Initially though, many of the changes were minor. For example, in 1950 efforts were made to simplify some of the language and content in the texts (Chang 2003, 169-170). Other changes reflected the reality of the government having retreated to Taiwan.

However, Chang takes note of three key characteristics of textbooks published throughout the 1950s. The first is that the content was designed to instill Chinese nationalism and a Chinese identity in schoolchildren. The island of Taiwan, when even mentioned at all in the texts, is presented as always having had close historical and cultural ties. This is largely in keeping with the KMT’s goals of removing Japanese influence, creating citizens of the new republic, and preparing those citizens to retake the

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mainland. The second key feature of the texts is the presence of extreme anti-communist ideology, which quickly became a staple of the curriculum in the 1950s. Negative language and exaggerated illustrations were frequently used to dehumanize and delegitimize both the Chinese communists and the Russians (Chang 2003, 171-172). The last defining feature of the texts is the prevalence of lessons dealing with Chiang Kai-Shek. These lessons typically portray Chiang as a paragon of morality, representing some kind of Confucian virtue, such as patriotism, loyalty, or diligence. The lessons were designed to cultivate reverence for Chiang as the savior of the people (mínzú jiùxīng 民 族救星) and were part of the larger development of his personality cult (Chang 2003, 156-159). Over the course of the 1950s and into the 1960s the three abovementioned characteristics of the texts would become increasingly prominent.

Robert Martin’s textbook analysis seeks to examine the socialization of schoolchildren in Taiwan and China by identifying the virtues, models, and norms presented to them in the texts. Her textbook sample is composed of elementary school language readers from Taiwan and China. The Taiwanese texts were published in 1970, while the Chinese texts were published in the late 1950s and early 1960s. Martin finds that the predominant feature of the Taiwanese texts is their emphasis on filial piety. Patriotism and diligent study are also stressed, but as manifestations of filial piety, the most important virtue (Martin 1975, 244-246). This contrasts sharply with the messages of the Chinese texts, which promote public-spirited conduct, self-sacrifice, and hard work (i.e. manual labor).

With regard to social relationships, the family is presented as the primary social unit in the Taiwanese texts, but the Chinese texts attempt to weaken the traditional role of the family. Instead, more attention is devoted to an individual’s responsibility to the work brigade, production unit, community, etc. (Martin 1975, 246-252). The Chinese texts also present a variety of role models, such as farmers, soldiers, workers, but the Taiwanese texts simply present traditional paragons of virtue pulled from Chinese history. Attitudes towards nature, academics, manual labor, the government, etc. also differ considerably.

Martin concludes that children in Taiwan and China are “…being socialized to be citizens of two divergent societies” (Martin 1975, 260).

More recent research by Chang Bi-Yu investigates the KMT’s Sinicization agenda through an analysis of postwar Taiwanese elementary geography education. His textbook sample covers geography, social studies, and ‘general knowledge’ texts (i.e. all the texts which taught geographic knowledge) published between 1945 and 1968. Chang identifies five characteristics which contributed to the construction of a Chinese national identity.

The two most important characteristics are patriotism and anti-communist ideology. He notes that these two themes pervade all of the texts, and are particularly prevalent in the textbooks used during the first few years of elementary school. With regard to patriotism, love of China and its image as the ancestral homeland are heavily emphasized. In addition, leaders (i.e. Sun Yat-Sen and Chiang Kai-Shek) and symbols of the Republic of China (ROC) are given high status, and children are taught how to demonstrate their patriotism through actions such as participating in the National Day parade and saluting the flag. Even actions such as encouraging thrift and buying local products are also considered patriotic (Chang 2011, 389-392). The second of the key elements in the texts is anti-communist ideology. The Chinese communists are branded as bandits who colluded with the Russians to usurp China. In later editions of the texts, outright hostility towards Russia and communists is toned down, and instead Taiwan’s development is compared to a backward and miserable China. Full color illustrations are also employed to highlight the stark differences, with images of a bright, modern, and prosperous Taiwan alongside images of a gloomy, barren, and poor China (Chang 2011, 392-394).

The anti-communist theme also allows children to identify an enemy from which the mainland must be recovered.

The third characteristic of the texts is emphasis on territorial claims. The ROC is naturally proclaimed to be the legitimate government of the whole of China, and while the KMT did not have control over mainland China, the inviolable integrity of the ROC is repeatedly stressed. Maps of the ROC are also used to visualize territorial claims. The image of a begonia leaf-shaped China appears often in the texts, and makes it easy for schoolchildren to recognize the boundaries of the ROC. Lessons on lost territory are also presented, and these losses are presented to students as a national disgrace. While the children are taught to feel humiliated about this, they are also reminded of their duty to

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recover these lost territories. The fourth characteristic of the texts is learned homesickness for the Chinese homeland. This was another way in which the KMT attempted to construct a Chinese identity. Taiwanese children are presented with a sense of nostalgia for a distant homeland. Characters throughout the texts make frequent mention of the desire to return home. There is also a focus on the cultural, ethnic, and ancestral connections between Taiwan and China, which Chang notes was also an attempt by the KMT to try and reduce conflicts between the mainlanders in Taiwan and local Taiwanese (Chang 2011, 394-398). The fifth and final theme is the subordination of Taiwan. The island of Taiwan is largely ignored in the texts. Among all the textbooks analyzed, there is only one lesson devoted to the island of Taiwan, and Chang estimates that on average only about 3% of textbook content is concerned with Taiwan. When Taiwan is mentioned in the texts, it is usually only to make a reference to China. Chang identifies three ways in which Taiwan is addressed in the texts: ethnic and historical ties between Taiwan and China, Taiwan’s rich resources, and the KMT’s postwar achievements in Taiwan (Chang 2011, 399-400). From his analysis he concludes that the main aims of KMT geography education was to create a new generation of children with a Chinese identity and to foster loyalty to the KMT regime. In closing, he also ties the study’s findings to present-day Taiwan’s identity problem: “Being constantly taught to be

‘Chinese first, Taiwanese second’, the post-war generation of Taiwanese was discouraged from exploring, understanding, or establishing an intimate relationship with their own environment; the lack of affection, understanding and experience of one’s locality jeopardized the development of a satisfying and rooted identity” (Chang 2011, 402).

Su Ya-Chen’s research examines how political ideologies and values are represented in elementary school social studies texts. This is done by way of comparative analysis of two sets of texts published during the last three decades of the 20th century. The first set of texts was published between 1978 and 1989, and the second set was published between 1989 and 1995. Through the use of several focus questions, Su investigates not only changes in political ideologies and values over time, but also looks at the portrayal of ethnic groups and minorities as well as the narrative style used. The findings are organized around four main themes: ethnic/political kinship between China and Taiwan;

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nationalism and national identity; legitimization of the KMT and their achievements; and legitimization of women’s experiences.

Unsurprisingly, the first set of texts places strong emphasis on the ethnic and political ties between China and Taiwan. For instance, aside from the Chinese settlers who came over to Taiwan, the text also states that the aboriginal people are also closely related to ethnic groups from the south of mainland China. The construction of railroads, telegraph lines, etc. under Qing imperial rule and administrators such as Liu Ming-Chuan (劉銘傳) are also praised. The second set of texts briefly discusses Taiwan under the rule of the Dutch, the Japanese, etc. However, the message of kinship with China is still the primary message of the texts. With regard to national identity, Su notes that nationalism is defined as a reaction against foreign aggression and imperialism, and that the textbook content largely serves to reinforce loyalty to the Chinese homeland. Negative stereotypes of foreign colonization are emphasized and positive aspects are ignored. In particular, much attention is given to the idea that all Taiwanese people resisted Japanese rule and gladly welcomed the KMT. No mention is made of the 228 massacre or any other conflicts between Taiwanese and mainlanders. While over the years there were several changes made to the textbook content, Su finds that the narrative and core message of the two sets of texts are largely unchanged (Su 2007, 219-225).

With regard to legitimization of the KMT and their achievements, the first set of texts unconditionally expresses the idea of the KMT as the sole, legitimate government of all of China and Taiwan. Taiwan is also presented as a base from which to stage the eventual reunification of China. Sharp contrast is also drawn between the democratic, prosperous, and progressive Taiwan and the oppressed, poor, and backward mainland China, which corroborates Chang’s findings. The second set of texts no longer features sections regarding the duty of reunification with mainland China, and instead is more concerned with Taiwan’s economic development. Su notes that while there are fewer overt political messages, the theme of KMT accomplishments in Taiwan is still heavily emphasized. As for women’s experiences, in the first set of texts no space is devoted to women’s experiences or perspectives, and minority groups are largely ignored as well. In the

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second set of texts, some attention is given to increased female participation in the economy, yet traditional gender roles are still reinforced. The chapter in question mentions that women in the work force face the additional burdens of child-care and household chores (Su 2007, 226-229). Su concludes that the texts largely present selective, conservative, government-endorsed views. While she identified some trends which pointed towards increasing cultural diversity and gender equality, she noted that the core messages of the texts changed little. That is, the ideologies presented served to reinforce a unified Chinese national identity, draw contrast between the KMT and other groups which controlled Taiwan (such as the Dutch or the Japanese), and enhance the legitimacy of the KMT and the ROC. Content which was deemed sensitive or controversial was excluded (Su 2007, 229-232).

A similar study on Taiwanese moral education by Kao Jian-He focuses solely on civics and ethics education, and analyzes elementary school texts published between 1952 and 1989. The study also includes a wealth of detail on the various reforms and changes to the national curriculum standards made since the 1930s. The textbook analysis covers civics and ethics texts in their various incarnations, including the Civics (gōngmín 公民) series of the 1950s, Civics and Morality (gōngmín yǔ dàodé 公民與道德), and Life and Human Relationships (shēnghuó yǔ lúnlǐ 生活與倫理) used from the 1960s onwards. Kao notes that the content of the civics texts of the 1950s draw heavily on documents such as Sun Yat-Sen’s will, the speeches of Chiang Kai-Shek, and national policies. He also notes that the two themes of Sinicization and anti-communism are prevalent throughout these texts.

This is largely a reflection of the political situation of the KMT in Taiwan, especially with regard to the communist threat and local unrest. As such, the texts reflect the government’s goals of stressing Chinese ethnic identity and preparing to retake the mainland. Kao also classifies the morals in the texts into different units. The first unit is the self, followed by the family, the school, the nation, and finally the world. The morals presented include a wide array of traditional values. Examples include filial piety and diligence, which are presented in the context of the family, and loyalty and courage, which are presented in the context of the nation (Kao 2007, 45-52). This progression of morals from the self to the rest of humanity is reminiscent of the powerful Confucian idea

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that world peace and harmony are rooted in cultivation of the self. Reforms initiated in the late 1950s culminated in the publication of Civics and Morality in 1962, which placed more emphasis on morality in the texts. Despite this though, Kao notes that for the most part the layout and main themes of the text remain the same, with themes such as anti-communism becoming even more prominent (Kao 2007, 69-78). The analysis continues with a discussion of the more recent texts and how they come to more accurately reflect Taiwan’s changed political situation.

While extensive studies of Taiwanese textbooks are available, there are few that compare texts from different periods in Taiwan’s historiography. As mentioned previously, studies on Taiwanese education tend to be grouped in with larger disciplines, such as Japanese history, Chinese history, colonial history, etc. The abovementioned studies also tend to use 1945 as a starting point or as an ending point. That being said, the findings of these in-depth studies provide important background information, examples of analytical tools, and points of departure for future studies. They also can help to identify trends in education at the time and in general can help to better understand which ideologies were being transmitted through textbooks and why.

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2. Methodology