台灣的道德教育: 小學修身與公民教科書之比較研究 (1920-1960) - 政大學術集成

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(1)國立政治大學亞太研究英語碩士學位學程 International Master’s Program in Asia-Pacific Studies College of Social Sciences National Chengchi University 碩士論文. 立. Master’s 政治Thesis. 大. ‧ 國. 學台灣的道德教育:. ‧. 小學修身與公民教科書之比較研究 (1920-1960). y. Nat. er. io. sit. Taiwan's Moral Education: Comparative Analysis of. n. Elementary School (1920-1960) a Ethics and Civics Textbooks v. i l C n hengchi U. Student: Drew Daniel McNeil Advisor: Dr. Jerome Li. 中華民國 104 年 1 月 January 2015.

(2) 台灣的道德教育: 小學修身與公民教科書之比較研究 (1920-1960) Taiwan's Moral Education: Comparative Analysis of Elementary School Ethics and Civics Textbooks (1920-1960) 研究生：龍偉. Student: Drew Daniel McNeil. 指導教授：李福鐘. Advisor: Dr. Jerome Li. 立. 政治大國立政治大學. ‧ 國. 學. 亞太研究英語碩士學位學程. ‧. 碩士論文. sit. y. Nat. er. io. A Master’s Thesis. n. al Submitted to International Master’s Programi vin Asia-Pacific Studies Ch. n engchi U. National Chengchi University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts. 中華民國 104 年 1 月 January 2015.

(3) 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. v.

(4) Acknowledgements There are a number of people and institutions that made this research possible, and they deserve to be recognized. First, I would like to thank the members of my thesis committee, Prof. Hsueh Hua-Yuan and Prof. Tsai Chin-Tang for their insight and constructive comments. I would also like to thank the following for their support and encouragement: my mother Ann McNeil, Prof. Hsueh Huey-Miin and her family, Ms. Wu Yi-Ting, Mr. Muto Yuma, the Ministry of Education (for providing scholarship funding),. 政治大. and the friendly and helpful staff of NCCU and IMAS. Last but certainly not least, I. 立. would like to thank my advisor Prof. Jerome Li for his patience, understanding, helpful. ‧ 國. 學. advice, and his encouragement to finish what I started.. This work is dedicated to my brother Scott, who taught me more than any teacher I’ve. ‧. ever had. Our lives are but sparks in the darkness. Would that we all burn as bright as he. n. al. er. io. sit. y. Nat. did.. Ch. engchi U. v ni. Drew McNeil.

(5) ii. Author’s Note Japanese and Chinese names are written in the traditional order, with surname first and given name last. For some translations of Japanese and Chinese words, the original word and pronunciation are also included for reference. For Japanese words and names, the Modified Hepburn system of Romanization is used, and for Chinese words and names, the Hanyu Pinyin system is used. Exceptions to this are words or names that are already widely known in the Western world and/or were spelled differently in the past, such as. 政治大. Chiang Kai-Shek or Nanking (present-day Nanjing). Other exceptions include Taiwanese. 立. names, which use a different system of Romanization. Unless cited or otherwise noted,. ‧ 國. 學. all translations are my own. Also, original Japanese/Chinese text is provided for some of the translations, but only for the longer, more relevant, and/or particularly difficult-totranslate passages.. ‧. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. v.

(6) iii. Abstract In the Western world religion has long played an important role in moral education and self-cultivation. Conversely, in many Asian countries which have been influenced by Chinese Confucian traditions, moral self-cultivation is one of the primary goals of education. Taiwan, which was a Japanese. 政治大 Nationalist Party, or Kuomintang (KMT), presents a unique case for the 立 colony for 50 years before coming under the control of the Chinese study of ethics education, as Taiwanese schoolchildren were exposed to both. ‧ 國. 學. Japanese and Chinese moral traditions over the course of the 20 th century.. ‧. Taiwan’s modern education system, established by the Japanese and expanded under KMT rule, allowed the ideologies of the two governments. sit. y. Nat. to reach a wide audience. Government monopolies on textbook creation, the. er. io. provision of free or subsidized textbooks to schools, as well as the rigid and. n. uniform nature of theaschool system all ensured that v textbooks would be the. l. i. C hstudents and teachers. primary resource for both U n This research seeks to engchi. examine and evaluate Taiwanese moral education from 1920 through to 1960, a period which covers both Japanese and Chinese rule. The study will be carried out by way of a comparative analysis of elementary school ethics and civics textbooks published under both regimes. Key words: Taiwan, moral education, textbook analysis.

(7) iv. 摘要在西方傳統上，宗教對個人道德修養扮演重要角色。相反地，由於受到中國儒教傳統的影響，許多亞洲國家認為道德教育列為正規教育重要的一環。自十九世紀末至今，台灣經歷五十年日本政府的殖民階段，後續接受中國國民黨統治，其學童在不同政權下所接受的道德教育為. 政治大. 一值得研究的主題。台灣近代的教育系統建立於日本政府殖民時期，. 立. 之後經過國民黨政府修正。兩個政府都壟斷了教科書的編修與發行，. ‧ 國. 學. 並提供學生免費或價廉的教科書，更透過統一、嚴格的教育系統使得政府發行的教科書變成老師與學生最主要的學習資源，確保執政者之. ‧. 信念在民眾間可獲得推廣。本論文的目的是探討 1920 年至 1960 年期. sit. y. Nat. 間台灣兒童所接受的道德教育。研究的方法是檢視及評估此段期間內，. er. io. 分別由日本殖民政府與國民黨政府所出版的小學修身與公民教科書，. n. 我們將對教科書內傳達的道德價值觀進行分析與比較。 a v. i l C n hengchi U. 關鍵字：台灣，道德教育，教科書分析.

(8) v. Table of Contents Acknowledgements. i. Author’s Note. ii. Abstract. iii. 摘要. iv. Table of Contents. v. List of Tables and Illustrations Introduction. 立. viii 1. Introduction and Overview. 1. 1.2.. Purpose. 2. 1.3.. 學. 1.1.. ‧ 國. 1.. 政治大. Motivation. ‧. 1.3.1. Eastern and Western Morality 1.3.2. Japanese and Chinese Regimes Literature Review. 9. engchi. sit. y. n. Methodology. Ch. er. io. al. 1.4.2. Postwar KMT-Era Research. 3.. 5 8. 1.4.1. Japanese Colonial-Era Research 2.. 4. 1.3.3. Taiwanese History and National Consciousness. Nat. 1.4.. 3. i n U. v. 10 17 25. 2.1.. Unit of Analysis. 25. 2.2.. Description of Textbook Sample. 27. 2.3.. Analytical Framework. 30. Historical Background of Japanese Colonial Period. 33. 3.1.. Japanese Colonialism. 33. 3.2.. Assimilation. 34. 3.3.. Education in Meiji-Era Japan. 36. 3.4.. The Imperial Rescript on Education. 39. 3.5.. Japanese Education in Colonial-Era Taiwan. 41. 3.6.. The Kōminka Movement. 42.

(9) vi. The School System in Colonial-Era Taiwan. 44. 3.8.. Common School Curriculum. 46. Historical Background of Early Kuomintang Period. 48. 4.1.. Chinese Nationalism. 48. 4.2. The Three Principles of the People. 49. 4.3.. Symbolism and the Party-State. 52. 4.4.. Nationalist Education and the Nanking Decade. 54. 4.5.. Citizenship Training During the Nanking Decade. 55. 4.6.. The New Life Movement. 57. 4.7.. Retreat to Taiwan and KMT Reform. 59. 4.8.. Anti-Communist Ideology. 60. 4.9.. Content Analysis of Japanese Ethics Textbooks Moral Values. 69. 5.2.1. Loyalty/Patriotism. 72 79. Loyalty. Nat. Patriotism. sit. 5.2.1.1. 5.2.1.2.. io. 5.2.2. Diligence/Persistence. al. n. 5.2.3. Empathy/Compassion. Ch. 5.2.4. Civic Virtue 5.2.5.. 5.3.. 63. y. Presentation. ‧. 5.2.. 63. 學. 5.1.. 6.. 60. engchi U Responsibility/Duty. er. 5.. 政治大 Elementary School Curriculum 立. ‧ 國. 4.. 3.7.. v ni. 74 82 86 87 89. 5.2.6. Filial Piety. 91. 5.2.7. Other Virtues. 92. Portrayal of Groups. 94. 5.3.1. Ethnic Groups. 94. 5.3.2. Gender. 98. 5.3.3. Family. 100. 5.3.4. Occupations. 101. Content Analysis of Chinese Civics Textbooks. 106. 6.1.. 106. Presentation.

(10) vii. 6.2.. Moral Values. 112. 6.2.1. Political Knowledge. 115. 6.2.1.1.. Organization/Functions of Government. 116. 6.2.1.2.. State Policy. 121. 6.2.1.3.. Democratic Process. 124. 6.2.1.4.. Rights and Duties. 127. 6.2.2. Moral Knowledge. 6.3. 129. 6.2.2.1.. Confucian Morals/Family Relations. 129. 6.2.2.2.. Health/Hygiene. 131. 6.2.2.3.. Other Virtues. 133. 政治大 Ethnic Groups 立. Portrayal of Groups. 134. 6.3.1.. 135. 6.3.2. Gender. 136. ‧ 國. 學. 6.3.3. Family. Discussion. Nat. Illustrations. 7.3.. Moral Values. 7.4.. Portrayal of Groups. 7.5.. Group Identity. n. al. Conclusion. 149. sit. 7.2.. io. 8.. Presentation. 144. er. 7.1.. ‧. 7.. 139. y. 6.3.4. Occupations. Ch. 138. engchi U. v ni. 144 151 154 156 161. 8.1.. Challenges and Possibilities for Future Research. 161. 8.2.. Conclusion. 162. References. 165.

(11) viii. List of Tables and Illustrations 29. Table B. Details of Chinese Civics Textbooks Used in the Analysis. 30. Table C. Common School Ethics, Vol. 1 (1921). 66. Table D. Common School Ethics, Vol. 5 (1930). 66. Table E. Common School Ethics, Vol. 6 (1930). 67. Table F. Good Children, Advanced (1942). 67. Table H. 治 Elementary-Level 政 Ethics, Vol. 2 (1943)大 Common 立 School Advanced-Level Ethics, Vol. 1 (1944). Table I. Table of Moral Values (Japanese Texts). 70. ‧. Table L. Civics, Vol. 3 (1948) Civics, Vol. 4 (1950). Table N. Civics Textbook, Vol. 1 (1957). Table O. Civics Textbook, Vol. 1 (1958). Table P. Civics Textbook, Vol. 3 (1959). Table Q. Table of Moral Values (Chinese Texts). Nat. Table M. io. n. al. Ch. engchi U. 68 68 109 109. Civics, Vol. 2 (1948). y. Table K. Civics, Vol. 1 (1948). sit. Table J. er. Table G. ‧ 國. Details of Japanese Ethics Textbooks Used in the Analysis. 學. Table A. v ni. 110 110 111 111 112 114. Image A. 64. Image B. 64. Image C. 65. Image D. 65. Image E. 74. Image F. 74. Image G. 77.

(12) ix. Image H. 83. Image I. 83. Image J. 93. Image K. 93. Image L. 95. Image M. 95. Image N. 107. Image O. 107. Image P. 108. Image Q. 108. Image R. 立. Image S. 政治大. 151 151. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. v.

(13) 1. 1. Introduction 1.1 Introduction and Overview 「…身修而後家齊，家齊而後國治，國治而後天下平。自天子以至於庶人，壹是皆以修身為本。其本亂而末治者否矣…」. 政治大 regulated, their states were rightly governed. Their states being rightly governed, the 立 whole kingdom was made tranquil and happy. From the Son of Heaven down to the mass “…their persons being cultivated, their families were regulated. Their families being. ‧ 國. 學. of the people, all must consider the cultivation of the person the root of everything besides. It cannot be, when the root is neglected, that what should spring from it will be. ‧. well ordered...”. y. Nat. sit. -Attributed to Confucius. n. al. er. io. (James Legge translation). Ch. i n U. v. The passage above is from the Great Learning (dà xué 大學), one of the ancient Chinese. engchi. texts which make up the traditional Confucian canon. To put it simply, the main idea reflected in the passage is that moral cultivation of the self is the basis of good governance and an orderly society. This has had immeasurable impact on Chinese philosophy, education, politics, etc. and in turn has deeply influenced many other Asian societies. Education in particular was heavily influenced by Confucian thought, and one of the key goals of education was producing a morally-sound individual. Even up until the present day this is still a key difference between Asian and Western education. In the Western world, moral education has long been closely associated with religion. Moreover, with the rise of modern, secular education systems in the United States and elsewhere, moral education has gradually disappeared from the curriculum..

(14) 2. Taiwan, on the other hand, is a place in which moral education is still alive and well in the curriculum. During the first half of the 20th century, Taiwan was a colony of Japan, another Asian nation whose culture also has been strongly influenced by Confucian ideas. The Japanese colonial government established Taiwan’s first modern education system, and moral education was an important part of the curriculum. After the end of WWII, control of Taiwan passed to the Chinese Nationalist Party, otherwise known as the Kuomintang (國民黨) or KMT. Under the nationalist government, moral education continued to be an important part of the curriculum. However, the goals and motivations of these two governments greatly differed. How was this reflected in Taiwanese moral education?. 立. ‧ 國. 學. 1.2 Purpose. 政治大. The principle goal of this research is to provide a more comprehensive picture of moral. ‧. education in Taiwan before and after WWII via analysis of elementary school ethics and. y. Nat. civics textbooks. The historical period to be examined is roughly from 1920 to 1960,. sit. which spans across the Japanese colonial period, the transition period after WWII, and. al. er. io. the early years of KMT rule. This will allow for a better understanding of the change and. n. iv n C comparative analysis of the Japanese h e nandg cChinese i Utexts used in Taiwanese elementary h schools can yield some insights regarding this transitional period in Taiwan’s history. It is continuity in Taiwanese ethics education over time and across regimes. It is hoped that. worth emphasizing that this study does not seek to evaluate the success or failure of ethics education in Taiwan. Rather, it seeks to investigate what moral values were being promoted by these two regimes through textbooks, and why. Identifying certain trends in Taiwanese moral education may also pave the way for further in-depth sociological studies of Taiwan and its culture. Lee Teng-Hui (李登輝), the first directly-elected president of Taiwan and chairman of the KMT from 1988 to 2000, noted that, “Taiwan has always been ruled by power that came from abroad. Today I say this kind of thing without hesitation. Even the Nationalists are a.

(15) 3. foreign power. They are nothing more than a political party that came to rule the Taiwanese” (Shiba 1994). As foreign regimes, both the Japanese colonial government and the KMT understood the importance of education as a tool of social control. The establishment of a modern and comprehensive education system in Taiwan allowed Japanese education to reach a significant percentage of the population. After WWII the KMT expanded upon this system and also extended compulsory education, which further increased enrollment rates. While the Japanese and KMT regimes may have had different goals, their respective educational curricula both placed a strong emphasis on ethics and the cultivation of Confucian morals. How was moral education adapted to meet regime goals and the demands of the modern state? What messages were being transmitted. 政治大 can provide a clearer picture of how these two regimes envisioned an ‘ideal citizen’ and 立 through ethics texts, and why? Comparative analysis of the Japanese and Chinese texts. and contemporary Taiwanese society as well.. ‧. 1.3 Motivation. 學. ‧ 國. an ‘ideal society.’ From this a number of insights can be drawn regarding these regimes. y. Nat. sit. There are several motivations for pursuing this research project. The first is a personal. al. er. io. interest in the differences between Western and Eastern moral systems and the role of. iv n C sharply with Confucianism, which is often seen as aUmoral philosophy or guide to moral hengchi behavior. In the Western world, religion and morality often come into conflict with n. ethics in education. Western morality, often steeped in religion, contrasts particularly. modern, secular education. However, Confucianism and moral cultivation have long played an important role in education throughout East Asia, and today this is still the case. The next motivation for pursuing this research is that Taiwan is a unique case for comparative educational studies. Over the course of the 20th century, Taiwanese schoolchildren were presented with both Japanese and Chinese interpretations of ethics education. Both the Japanese and KMT regimes had very different interests and goals with regard to the island of Taiwan, and this is reflected in their educational goals and.

(16) 4. curriculum content. In addition, Taiwan never experienced a formal decolonization process as other countries did. With the end of WWII control of Taiwan passed from Japan to the KMT, and significant changes in education and society in general occurred very rapidly. The final motivation for carrying out this research is to contribute to the field of Taiwan history and help to connect Taiwan’s past with its present. Taiwanese history is fragmented, and more often than not it is studied within the broader context of another discipline, such as colonial studies or Japanese history. For a long time, even in Taiwan, the island’s history has been downplayed or ignored. In addition, language barriers also. 政治大 create a clearer picture of Taiwanese history, and that a more comprehensive picture of 立. present a problem to researchers. It is hoped that this study can in some small help to Taiwanese history can in turn aid in the development of Taiwanese national. ‧ 國. 學. consciousness.. ‧. 1.3.1 Eastern and Western Morality. y. Nat. sit. Traditionally, it is through the medium of the family or the community that children learn. al. er. io. morals and value systems. These values vary significantly across time, place, culture, etc.. n. yet they form an important part of our identity. The lessons we learn as children have a. Ch. i n U. v. tendency to stick with us into adulthood and beyond, and they profoundly shape our lives. engchi. in ways that are difficult to measure. In the Western world, moral teaching has been very strongly associated with religion, principally Christianity. Religious institutions have long functioned as schools and centers of learning. However, the advent of secularism, nationstates, and compulsory schooling has drastically changed the way in which children are educated in the modern era. Thus, it is not surprising that in the United States and many other Western nations, the idea of teaching morality in schools is a very sensitive topic. Indeed, any issue that touches upon the separation of religion and the state is hotly debated, particularly in the United States. The renowned developmental psychologist and proponent of moral.

(17) 5. education, Lawrence Kohlberg, noted that, “For many contemporary educators and social scientists, the term ‘moral education’ has an archaic ring, the ring of the last vestiges of the Puritan tradition in the modern school” (Kohlberg 1966, 1). Morals and religion have been highly intertwined for so long that even today in the United States moral cultivation is often seen as the purview of the family and various religious and civic organizations. In the American public school system, while some lessons may have moral implications, subjects solely dedicated to moral cultivation are rare to non-existent. In East Asia, however, moral training has long been considered an important component of education. This line of thinking was born out of the Confucian traditions of ancient. 政治大 that the primary goal of education has been the moral cultivation of self. Examples from 立 China. Throughout the dynastic periods of China up until the present day it can be argued Chinese history have long been used to provide examples of virtuous behavior which. ‧ 國. 學. were to be emulated (Meyer 1988, 21). From China Confucian ideas spread and have influenced societies across Asia, including countries such as Japan, Korea, and Vietnam.. ‧. As this study is specifically concerned with Taiwanese ethics education, it is important to understand that the two regimes in question, the Japanese colonial government and the. y. Nat. sit. KMT, were products of societies which were both deeply rooted in Confucianism. Thus,. al. er. io. it is not unexpected that moral training was an important part of the curricula in Taiwan.. n. In the West, Confucianism is often referred to as a philosophy rather than a religion, and. Ch. i n U. v. is said to provide moral teachings without the religious trappings found in Buddhism,. engchi. Taoism, or other Eastern religions. In the eyes of the Chinese as well, Confucianism is morality, not religion, and is the basis for social solidarity (Meyer 1988a, 270). Thus, this sort of morality (ethics sans religion) became part of the basic curriculum under both the Japanese and the KMT regimes, and religious issues could be avoided altogether. Having such a set and well-defined curriculum also has the added benefit of making it easier for researchers to identify key values.. 1.3.2 Japanese and Chinese Regimes To the Western observer, Taiwan presents an interesting case for the study of ethics.

(18) 6. education. This is not only because of the prevalence of morality in the education system and the differences between Confucian and Western moral values. It is also due to the fact that over the course of the 20th century Taiwan was ruled by both the Japanese and the Chinese, and thus Taiwanese schoolchildren were presented with two different versions of ethics education. While Confucianism was a common thread connecting Japanese and Chinese moral culture and education, these two regimes had different aims and were by no means teaching the exact same values. The respective regime goals and demands of the modern state also played a role in the development of ethics education in Taiwan. The same values could be, and were, distorted and/or co-opted to serve the needs of the state.. 政治大 compliant local population that was willing to work with the authorities. This was to be 立 For instance, the Japanese colonial administration was initially concerned with creating a. done for the sake of economic development and resource extraction. Uchida Kakichi (内. ‧ 國. 學. 田嘉吉), the Director of Civil Administration from 1910 to 1915 and later the 9th Governor-General of Taiwan, stated: “Education, that is, education in a colony, is not. ‧. purely for the purpose of advancing education. A colonial education system must. y. Nat. correspond to social conditions and the people’s cultural level…The people of Taiwan. sit. should be taught practical skills too so they may earn a living and enjoy happiness”. al. er. io. (Tsurumi 1977, 49). However, aside from teaching vocational skills and integrating. iv n C Taiwanese was also another major colonial government. Izawa Shūji (伊澤修 h egoalnofgthe chi U n. Taiwanese into a modern economy, creating Japanese imperial citizens out of the. 二), a colonial administrator who helped establish the education system in Taiwan, was a proponent of the educational theory based on the ideologies of patriotism and loyalty to the emperor (chūkun aikoku 忠君愛国). The main goal of schooling was to create. subjects who were loyal to the emperor and the state. These ideas regarding nationalist education (kokka shugi kyōiku 国家主義教育) would provide the foundation for modern education in Japan and Taiwan (Tai 1999, 509-510). These ideas in turn stemmed from the Imperial Rescript on Education (kyōiku chokugo 教育勅語), which decreed that moral training was the foundation of education. Traditional Confucian morals such as filial piety were particularly emphasized, and were extended beyond the family to the.

(19) 7. ‘divine’ imperial line. One of the main aims of elementary school curriculum in Taiwan was to promote Japanese ideas and customs, as well as, “...attitudes, discipline, and habits deemed proper for all Taiwanese” (Tsurumi 1977, 58-59). Thus, it is not surprising that this transformation from Taiwanese into loyal imperial citizen was to be carried out largely by way of Japanese language and ethics classes, the two subjects which took up most of schoolchildren’s time. Ultimately though, the traditional values ‘deemed proper for the Taiwanese’ were often aligned with the goals of the colonial government. The KMT government also stressed Confucian morals in its elementary school curriculum, but the regime goals certainly differed from those of the Japanese colonial. 政治大 of Chinese culture and the simultaneous purging of all traces of the colonial period. This 立. administration. The first two decades of KMT rule were characterized by the promotion included the heavy-handed imposition of Mandarin as the new national language as well. ‧ 國. 學. as a ban on Japanese and Taiwanese (Hokkien) in all avenues of mass communication. Local languages such as Taiwanese, Hakka, or aboriginal languages were labeled as. ‧. dialects (fāngyán 方言) and it was declared unpatriotic to speak in any language other. y. Nat. than Mandarin (Sandel 2003, 529). The main goals of the KMT regime, however, were to. sit. heighten social consciousness (mínzú yìshì 民族意識) and promote values toward this. al. er. io. end, which were, “…the primary means of bringing about national solidarity, which in. iv n C 1994, 52). This entailed the promotion h e n gof cthehnew i Unational culture as well as political ideology. The KMT state, in contrast with the communist government on the mainland, n. turn constitutes the primary weapon for combating Communism and imperialism” (Chun. portrayed itself as the custodian of traditional Chinese culture. This traditional culture naturally encompassed Confucian morals. However, more often than not Confucian virtues were used to give meaning to KMT ideology, so as to provide guidelines for social life. “Recourse to Confucian tradition in the post-imperial period, especially in its emphasis upon filial piety, was actually an attempt to extend feelings of family solidarity to the level of the nation…” (Chun 1994, 60-61). As with the Japanese colonial government, the KMT regime decided which Confucian values were appropriate, and then mixed them with healthy doses of political and nationalist ideologies..

(20) 8. Thus, while Confucian values played a very important role in ethics education under both regimes, the Japanese colonial government and the KMT had nearly antagonistic visions of what Taiwanese schoolchildren were to become. Moral education varied according to the goals and policies of these two authoritarian states. In a relatively short period of time Taiwanese children were subject to two different versions of ethics education, sponsored by two very different regimes. The differences as well as the similarities between the two versions of morality being presented to Taiwanese schoolchildren are worth investigating further.. 1.3.3 Taiwanese History and National Consciousness. 政治大 In order to bring clarity立 to the study of history, scholars often divide up the historical. record into different time periods. These divisions can be based on significant events (e.g.. ‧ 國. 學. WWII, the Great Depression, etc.) or even simple chronological order. This classification is inevitable in almost every academic discipline. While it is useful for study, it is. ‧. important to keep in mind that these historical periods were created by scholars after the. y. Nat. fact. For the people living during these historical transitions, the actual watershed. al. er. io. sit. moment is not nearly as clear and obvious as it is to the historian.. n. While history is far from linear, Taiwan’s historical narrative is particularly fragmented.. Ch. i n U. v. Aside from Taiwan’s aboriginal people, over the past 400 years a number of different. engchi. groups have laid claim to all or part of the island, including the Spanish, the Dutch, the Japanese, the Qing dynasty, etc. That being said, it is not unexpected that studies on Taiwanese history are often subsumed within larger disciplines, like China studies. In addition, historical studies on Taiwan tend to focus exclusively on one specific period within Taiwanese history (e.g. the Japanese colonial period, the Qing period, the KMT period, etc.). There are a few reasons for this. First, with regard to research, language barriers are significant. Second, Taiwan’s political situation is quite unique. To attempt to thread together different periods of Taiwanese history (under the name of Taiwanese history, no less) is to assume that Taiwan is a distinct entity with its own unique history. Needless to say, this goes against the Taiwan-is-part-of-China orthodoxy which remained.

(21) 9. unchallenged for most of the postwar period. Thus, as a discipline, Taiwan studies is relatively young, and this can account for some of the lack of research. Research regarding Taiwanese education is particularly lacking. For instance, only a small fraction of publications in the database of the Japan Comparative Education Society (nihon hikaku kyōiku gakkai 日本比較教育学会) concern Taiwan, especially when compared to the number of papers on Korea and China. Indeed, despite possibilities for comparative educational research, Taiwan is often ignored, overlooked, or grouped in with broader studies of China (Yamazaki 2009, 16-19). The Taiwanese have long been under foreign rule of one kind or another. Under Japanese colonial rule,. 政治大 separates them from both 立the Japanese and the Chinese though, is a very different they were taught to be Japanese, and under the KMT they were taught be Chinese. What. historical experience. Having a clearer picture of Taiwanese history can help Taiwanese. ‧ 國. 學. to better understand themselves. It is hoped that this study can contribute to a more comprehensive picture of Taiwanese history and in doing so can help raise awareness of. y. sit. io. al. er. Nat. 1.4 Literature Review. ‧. the Taiwanese national identity.. n. iv n C especially with regard to Taiwanese education.UBefore getting into the details, there h eethics n chi g are a few general characteristics of the literature which are worth noting. The first As has already been mentioned, there is a dearth of historical studies on Taiwan,. characteristic is that research on Taiwan is often subsumed into larger studies on China, Japan, colonialism, etc. This is in large part due to the China-centric paradigm that the KMT promoted in postwar Taiwan. Taiwan was considered part of China, and a small part at that. As such, even in Taiwan, the history of the island was largely ignored or downplayed, except where it could be connected to the greater whole of Chinese history. Taiwan’s political situation (i.e. the Republic of China claiming to be the legitimate government of all China) also did not contribute to an academic environment which encouraged Taiwanese studies as a separate discipline. The second characteristic is that Taiwanese historical studies, especially comparative studies, are complicated by language.

(22) 10. barriers. Languages such as Mandarin Chinese, Japanese, and Minnan (閩南語) are also necessary for consulting primary sources or conducting interviews. As such, most existing historical studies on Taiwanese education tend to focus on one specific period, such as the postwar KMT period, the colonial period, etc. The third characteristic is that most studies of Taiwanese moral education focus on language readers. This is true for research on colonial-era textbooks as well as postwar textbooks. The focus on language readers is not surprising, considering that the lion’s share of school hours were spent on language lessons. In addition, unlike subjects such as arithmetic or the natural sciences, language lessons contained a significant amount of moral content and imparted values as well as knowledge and skills. Significantly less attention is given to ethics texts. 政治大 the content of ethics texts 立supported and reinforced what was learned in language lessons.. themselves. While this may be due to the fact that less class time was devoted to ethics, Thus, close analysis of ethics texts can highlight the values and morals that were being. ‧ 國. 學. stressed the most by the educational authorities.. ‧. Ultimately, in the years after Taiwan’s democratization and decentralization of political. y. Nat. control, more and more historical research has been conducted on Taiwan. Taiwanese. sit. education and moral education has also attracted more interest. Taiwanese history is still. al. er. io. a small discipline, but it is growing. The following is a brief overview of some of the. v. n. relevant literature on Taiwanese moral education and textbook analysis. The literature. Ch. i n U. review will be divided into two sections. The first section will deal with textbook. engchi. research on the Japanese colonial period, and the second section will address textbook research on Taiwan’s post-war years under KMT rule.. 1.4.1 Japanese Colonial-Era Research Far and away the most exhaustive study on education in Taiwan during the Japanese colonial period is E. Patricia Tsurumi’s book, Japanese Colonial Education in Taiwan, 1895-1945. The book covers a wide variety of topics, including: establishment and development of the school system, curriculum design, segregation of schools, Japanization programs, Taiwanese intellectuals and political activism, etc. In addition,.

(23) 11. there is a wealth of quantitative data, such as financial statistics, teacher-student ratios, and enrollment rates. Most relevant to this research project though, are the chapters dealing with Taiwanese textbook content. These chapters actually contain two textbook studies. The first is a critical review of an analysis by Karasawa Tomitaro (唐沢富太郎), a renowned scholar of the history of Japanese education. He analyzes 5 sets of Japanese language and ethics textbooks used in elementary schools. The texts were published in 1904, with revised editions published in 1910, 1918, 1933, and 1941. This is followed by Tsurumi’s own analysis of Japanese language and ethics texts. Karasawa’s study is organized chronologically, and through comparative analysis of the 5. 政治大 period. He describes the 立first set of textbooks from 1904 as being characterized by. sets of textbooks he explains the changes that occurred over the course of the colonial nascent Japanese nationalism. Children are taught that individual success and hard work. ‧ 國. 學. can make one’s nation great. In the ethics texts there is particular emphasis on selfcultivation as the road to national greatness, and foreign figures such as Benjamin. ‧. Franklin and Isaac Newton are used as examples of good conduct. In the 1910 set of texts. y. Nat. more attention is given to topics such as loyalty, patriotism, military power, as well as the. sit. family system and the state. Humble individuals (such as dutiful servants who faithfully. al. er. io. serve their masters) are held in higher esteem, and a link is drawn between this type of. v. n. individual and national progress. The 1918 set reflects an increased international. Ch. i n U. awareness, characteristic of Taisho democracy, and almost as twice as many Western. engchi. personalities appear in the language readers than had previously. Yet, Karasawa notes that nationalism continues to be a very important theme, especially in the ethics texts. The 1933 set of texts marks the beginning of fascism in Japan. The Japanese language is described as the property of the Japanese race, and through stories of gods and warriors from Japanese mythology racial consciousness is further emphasized. Depictions of contemporary military life are also included. Ethics texts focus on the ideal Japanese subject who is defined by obedience and loyalty to the emperor and the state. The final set from 1941 is characterized by ultra-nationalistic and militaristic content. Japan is portrayed as the sacred country of the gods, and the ethics texts also reinforce this with lessons stressing how the Japanese people and nation are unique (Tsurumi 1977, 134-.

(24) 12. 137). Tsurumi’s textbook analysis focuses on Japanese language and ethics textbooks used in Taiwanese common schools (the segregated elementary schools designated for Taiwanese children) and also draws comparisons between these texts and their elementary school counterparts. Like Karasawa’s, her analysis is chronological, and it is organized around three time periods. The first time period covers textbooks before 1922, and most attention is given to the first complete set of common school textbooks published in 1913. She notes that common school and elementary school readers during this period are very similar, and some of the content (such as folk tales, poems, etc.) was even identical. Yet,. 政治大 dealt with topics closer to Taiwanese children. The ethics texts also show Taiwanese 立 common school texts had many more Taiwanese settings, characters, clothing, etc. and. behaving as the Japanese intended them to. For instance, there are several illustrations. ‧ 國. 學. showing children listening attentively to the teacher or playing in the schoolyard (Tsurumi 1977, 137-139).. ‧. The second time period in Tsurumi’s analysis covers common school textbooks from. y. Nat. sit. 1922 to 1941. Again, Tsurumi finds that the content of language readers for both common. al. er. io. schools and elementary schools are very similar. The difficulty level was also. n. comparable, with a similar number of Chinese characters introduced, words per page, etc.. Ch. i n U. v. In terms of the language used though, common school texts contained more colloquial. engchi. Japanese. The morals and themes are also quite alike, and in the 1930s ethics texts more and more Japanese historical figures and lessons of good conduct from Japanese history are introduced. Despite the similarities, there are several characteristics which distinguish common school texts from their elementary school counterparts. The most important of which is the presence of strong moral overtones in common school texts. One might quip that this is to be expected in an ethics textbook. In Taiwanese texts, though, the moralizing aspects are omnipresent. To put it in perspective, Tsurumi notes: “The Japanese text imparted information; the Taiwanese text had strong overtones of good conduct” (Tsurumi 1977, 141). Taiwanese children in the stories are always shown going straight home from school and doing their homework, being honest, helping others,.

(25) 13. obeying their parents and teachers, etc. The children in the stories of common school texts also tended to be the same age as the children studying them. The fact that these children in the stories were often engaged in some kind of virtuous or civic-minded activity also served to further emphasize public-spirited conduct. On top of pervasive moral overtones, common school texts also emphasized the power and prestige of Japan on the international stage. For instance, while both elementary school and common school readers contained a lesson on the Russo-Japanese war (in which the Japanese won a victory against the odds), common school textbooks did not contain the lesson on the Meiji emperor’s call for Japan to seek knowledge from other countries. Instead, that lesson was replaced by another, which discussed the Meiji emperor’s almost fatherly. 政治大. concern for Taiwan (Tsurumi 1977, 139-142).. 立. The last time period in Tsurumi’s analysis is the period from 1941 to 1945. As noted. ‧ 國. 學. previously, in 1941 new textbooks were published for all elementary and common schools in Taiwan. The content reflects a nation at war, and Japanization is much more. ‧. pronounced. For instance, Taiwanese settings, characters, and names are replaced with Japanese ones, and more lessons deal with the military or other nationalistic topics. But. y. Nat. sit. all in all, Tsurumi feels that while there is a definite trend towards ultranationalism and. al. er. io. militarism in the common school texts, she notes that even in the editions published in the. n. 1940s there are still significant portions of the text that do not deal with these topic.. Ch. i n U. v. Moreover, in the elementary school texts for Japanese children, there seems to be even. engchi. slightly more ultranationalistic content than in the common school texts. This finding is somewhat in opposition to Karasawa’s, yet by and large both textbook analyses identify similar overall trends (Tsurumi 1977, 142-144). Hsu Pei-Hsien’s book on the modern school system in colonial-era Taiwan also contains a brief analysis of ethics texts used in common schools. The analysis covers ethics texts used after the outbreak of war, especially the 1941 editions, and it is presented within the context of broader Japanization and wartime mobilization policies enacted by the colonial government. The ‘advance to the south’ (nanshin 南進) policy of the colonial government in the late 1930s called for development of personnel resources. In a report by the.

(26) 14. Resource Bureau in 1937, physical fitness, morals, as well as knowledge and skills were the three key elements of a citizen’s quality, and this line of thinking affected education reform. There was also a major shift in curriculum towards ultra-nationalism, emperor worship, and patriotism after the promulgation of the Taiwan Education Directive (taiwan kyōikurei 台湾教育令) in 1937 (Hsu 2005, 113-115). With regard to the texts themselves, Hsu notes that the Imperial Rescript on Education is included in the preface of almost every text, whereas in previous editions it only appeared in the intermediate-level texts. Ideals of sacrifice, public service, and patriotism are mentioned frequently, and characters in the stories exhibit behavior which is to be modeled by Taiwanese children. According to Hsu, the two most prominent characteristics of the 1941 texts are the overarching. 政治大 on child psychology. Fictional 立 characters were used less sparingly, and morals were not theme of war and the continued legacy of Japanese educational reforms, which focused. directly taught and memorized but studied through stories and dialogue. While the texts. ‧ 國. 學. increasingly featured war-related topics and even outright promotion of the war, more attention was given to textbook design so as to arouse children’s interest and to make the. ‧. texts more immersive (Hsu 2005, 126-130).. y. Nat. sit. Tsai Chin-Tang’s more recent research seeks to evaluate the influence of colonial-era. al. er. io. ethics education. He does this by way of a critical review of past textbook analyses. v. n. combined with an in-depth questionnaire survey and interviews of Taiwanese who had. Ch. i n U. received Japanese education at common schools. Tsai notes that almost all prior analyses. engchi. of colonial-era textbooks, including oft-cited studies by Tsurumi, make use of only partial or incomplete sets of texts. He highlights the fact that some texts are difficult or impossible to obtain, particularly those published near the end of WWII. Despite missing texts, Tsai highlights four guiding principles of ethics education which remained more or less constant from 1913 through the end of the colonial period: cultivation of the national (Japanese) spirit, obedience, honesty, and diligence (Tsai 2009, 4-7). The analysis of survey and interview data also reveals some interesting findings. Out of the 200 odd survey participants, over 65% viewed ethics classes as having the largest impact on their lives, and over 85% had positive views of the class (the highest positive response for any subject). Additionally, while the majority of respondents did not remember many specific.

(27) 15. morals or historical figures from the ethics texts, nearly 70% clearly recalled the Imperial Rescript on Education and over 90% remembered Kimigayo (君が代), the national anthem on Japan (Tsai 2009, 16-18). Rather than militarism or emperor worship though, many respondents identified most strongly with the traditional Chinese (i.e. Confucian) virtues contained in the rescript. Respondents also had very favorable views of Japanese common school teachers, whose ethical behavior was said to also serve as a model for students. In contrast, in the interviews postwar ethics education was criticized and viewed poorly. Tsai concedes that memories can change over time and that the sharp contrast between prewar and postwar ethics education may have caused respondents to view Japanese education in a more favorable light. Despite the shortcomings of the study, the. 政治大. findings are significant and the topic merits further investigation (Tsai 2009, 27-29).. 立. In addition to research on textbooks used in colonial-era Taiwan, there is also a wealth of. ‧ 國. 學. literature on textbooks used in Meiji-era Japan. The Meiji period marked the birth of modern and universal education in Japan, which would serve as a model for colonial. ‧. administrators in Taiwan. Educational trends and curriculum content developed during. y. Nat. the Meiji period also strongly influenced education development in the colonies. For. sit. these reasons two Meiji-era textbook studies are also included in the literature review.. al. er. io. The first is an analysis of elementary school language and ethics texts used in Japan. v. n. throughout the Meiji period. The second is a comprehensive study of Meiji-era primary. Ch. school history textbooks by James C. Baxter.. engchi. i n U. In her study of Meiji-era texts, Tsurumi primarily seeks to identify the values presented, and whether over time there was a shift towards traditional and Confucian values. She notes that in the early years of the Meiji period, many texts approved by the Ministry of Education were simply direct translations of Western works. Values such as individual achievement, respect for rule of law, are present. However, it is important to take into account that during the 1870s most schools were not under the direct control of the central government, and local governments still had a great deal of educational authority. The textbooks being used varied widely, and some of the most popular texts contained an eclectic mix of Western science, Japanese history, and Confucianism. Western learning.

(28) 16. and Confucian morality both had places in the classroom (Tsurumi 1974, 249-252). In the 1880s, the political elite became more and more concerned that the people develop loyalty to the new state and the emperor, and the individualism and skepticism of Western scientific learning was viewed as dangerous. There was more government focus on ethics, and primary school ethics texts during the 1880s drew heavily from the Confucian classics. Despite this, Tsurumi highlights the fact that Japanese language classes took up most of schoolchildren’s time, but few lessons in these language readers were devoted to topics such as loyalty and filial piety (Tsurumi 1974, 254-256). After the promulgation of the Imperial Rescript on Education in 1890 though, there was increased emphasis on traditional values in both language readers and ethics texts. Loyalty and filial piety were. 政治大 honesty, public-spiritedness, courage, endurance, etc. From the 1900s onwards, ethics 立 featured heavily, as were values that reinforced these two core values, such as frugality,. texts often used famous historical figures as examples of good conduct. Nevertheless,. ‧ 國. 學. Tsurumi points out that some Western influence still remained, such as lessons dealing with individuals who rose from humble beginnings and achieved great things. She. ‧. concludes that while there was a trend towards increased emphasis on traditional values, it was far more pronounced in the ethics texts than in language readers. In addition, even. y. Nat. n. al. er. io. 259-260).. sit. at the turn of the century, Western influences had not disappeared entirely (Tsurumi 1974,. Ch. i n U. v. James Baxter’s analysis focuses on history textbooks used in Meiji-era primary school. engchi. and identifies them as a chief agent in defining and shaping Japanese national consciousness. He looks at not only content change over time, but also investigates changes in diction, grammar, and narrative structure. He states that in the 1870s, the widely used textbooks contained no storyline, no character development, and no causal relations between things. The grammar was simple and repetitive, as it was meant for recitation and memorization by students. Even though he describes the content as little more than a list of successive emperors, Baxter makes the important point that, “…the children who used this text must have understood despite the tedium that national history meant, before all else, the record of the imperial line” (Baxter and Fogel 2007, 319-320). From the 1880s onward, more attention was given to the Japanese nation’s mythical.

(29) 17. foundation. As stated in the Ministry of Education guidelines, one of the main purposes of history classes was to cultivate respect for the emperor and love of country (son’nō aikoku 尊皇愛国). Narrative structure also improves, and there is more use of honorific language and possessive pronouns such as ‘we’ and ‘our’ (waga 我が). Yet, he notes that there is no discussion of anything other than political and military events (Baxter and Fogel 2007, 322-323). From 1903 onwards, the Primary School Ordinance dictated that only state-compiled textbooks be used for core subjects. This, combined with the influence of the Imperial Rescript on Education, ensured that textbooks continued to promote reverence for the imperial institution. In conclusion, Baxter states that three main themes tended to dominate the texts. Sensitivity about personal and national honor,. 政治大. acceptance of the goal of projecting the glory of Japan and the emperor, and emphasis on. 立. the virtues of loyalty and obedience all served the state’s goal of forming a Japanese. ‧ 國. 學. historical consciousness (Baxter and Fogel 2007, 334).. 1.4.2 Postwar KMT-Era Research. ‧ y. Nat. Jeffrey Meyer’s research on moral education in Taiwan seeks to identify how moral. sit. traditions are presented in Taiwanese elementary and middle schools. He does this by. al. er. io. way of extensive textbook analysis as well as interviews with teachers. The textbook. n. iv n C moral content. These include ethics, social studies, literature, history, and h e nlanguage, gchi U. sample is composed of all the books from the 1983-1984 school year which contain. geography texts used in elementary and middle schools in Taiwan. Meyer first makes the point that morality is pervasive in the curriculum, and that the values taught are almost. exclusively Confucian. Most if not all of these values in the texts are drawn from classic Confucian virtues, such as the Eight Virtues (bā dé 八德) and the Four Social Bonds (sì wéi 四維). Precisely because there are so many different Confucian virtues, he identifies the ones that are considered most important by tallying up how many lessons are devoted to certain virtues. His examination of ethics, language, and literature texts showed that there is a very clear priority among the virtues taught. By far the most important values are patriotism and filial piety. Other values such as diligent study, cooperation, deference, obedience, and civic virtue also appear often (Meyer 1988a, 268-271). Aside from the.

(30) 18. morals themselves, Meyer also discusses two core characteristics of the textbooks. First, there are many conflicts between various traditional values and modern society which are not addressed. Examples include notions of family structure, gender equality, individual freedom, and competition. For instance, an urbanized, industrialized society such as contemporary Taiwan would favor a nuclear family structure, yet the traditional extended family structure seems to be favored in the texts. The second characteristic Meyer makes mention of is the overt and pervasive political indoctrination present throughout all of the textbooks in the sample. Mainland China is often presented as backwards, oppressed, etc. in contrast to a free, progressive, and prosperous Taiwan. Meyer adds that at times the indoctrination is overbearing to the point of being counterproductive (Meyer 1988a, 276279).. 立. 政治大. Chang Kuang-Hui’s analysis of postwar textbooks focuses on the development of anti-. ‧ 國. 學. communist themes in books published between 1945 and 1963. Language readers, civics, history, and social studies texts are utilized. He notes that in texts published before 1949,. ‧. promotion of patriotism and strengthening national consciousness are the defining themes. The Soviet Union is held up as a positive example, and there is no anti-. y. Nat. sit. communist content. Another characteristic of the pre-1949 texts is the focus on the. al. er. io. postwar reconstruction of the nation (both economically and politically), and this. n. reconstruction is equated with modernization. During the 1950s there were several. Ch. i n U. v. revisions to national curriculum and new sets of texts were published. Initially though,. engchi. many of the changes were minor. For example, in 1950 efforts were made to simplify some of the language and content in the texts (Chang 2003, 169-170). Other changes reflected the reality of the government having retreated to Taiwan. However, Chang takes note of three key characteristics of textbooks published throughout the 1950s. The first is that the content was designed to instill Chinese nationalism and a Chinese identity in schoolchildren. The island of Taiwan, when even mentioned at all in the texts, is presented as always having had close historical and cultural ties. This is largely in keeping with the KMT’s goals of removing Japanese influence, creating citizens of the new republic, and preparing those citizens to retake the.

(31) 19. mainland. The second key feature of the texts is the presence of extreme anti-communist ideology, which quickly became a staple of the curriculum in the 1950s. Negative language and exaggerated illustrations were frequently used to dehumanize and delegitimize both the Chinese communists and the Russians (Chang 2003, 171-172). The last defining feature of the texts is the prevalence of lessons dealing with Chiang KaiShek. These lessons typically portray Chiang as a paragon of morality, representing some kind of Confucian virtue, such as patriotism, loyalty, or diligence. The lessons were designed to cultivate reverence for Chiang as the savior of the people (mínzú jiùxīng 民族救星) and were part of the larger development of his personality cult (Chang 2003, 156-159). Over the course of the 1950s and into the 1960s the three abovementioned. 政治大. characteristics of the texts would become increasingly prominent.. 立. ‧ 國. 學. Robert Martin’s textbook analysis seeks to examine the socialization of schoolchildren in Taiwan and China by identifying the virtues, models, and norms presented to them in the texts. Her textbook sample is composed of elementary school language readers from. ‧. Taiwan and China. The Taiwanese texts were published in 1970, while the Chinese texts. y. Nat. were published in the late 1950s and early 1960s. Martin finds that the predominant. sit. feature of the Taiwanese texts is their emphasis on filial piety. Patriotism and diligent. al. er. io. study are also stressed, but as manifestations of filial piety, the most important virtue. iv n C which promote public-spirited conduct, h e n self-sacrifice, i U and hard work (i.e. manual labor). h c g With regard to social relationships, the family is presented as the primary social unit in n. (Martin 1975, 244-246). This contrasts sharply with the messages of the Chinese texts,. the Taiwanese texts, but the Chinese texts attempt to weaken the traditional role of the family. Instead, more attention is devoted to an individual’s responsibility to the work brigade, production unit, community, etc. (Martin 1975, 246-252). The Chinese texts also present a variety of role models, such as farmers, soldiers, workers, but the Taiwanese texts simply present traditional paragons of virtue pulled from Chinese history. Attitudes towards nature, academics, manual labor, the government, etc. also differ considerably. Martin concludes that children in Taiwan and China are “…being socialized to be citizens of two divergent societies” (Martin 1975, 260)..

(32) 20. More recent research by Chang Bi-Yu investigates the KMT’s Sinicization agenda through an analysis of postwar Taiwanese elementary geography education. His textbook sample covers geography, social studies, and ‘general knowledge’ texts (i.e. all the texts which taught geographic knowledge) published between 1945 and 1968. Chang identifies five characteristics which contributed to the construction of a Chinese national identity. The two most important characteristics are patriotism and anti-communist ideology. He notes that these two themes pervade all of the texts, and are particularly prevalent in the textbooks used during the first few years of elementary school. With regard to patriotism, love of China and its image as the ancestral homeland are heavily emphasized. In addition, leaders (i.e. Sun Yat-Sen and Chiang Kai-Shek) and symbols of the Republic of. 政治大 patriotism through actions such as participating in the National Day parade and saluting 立. China (ROC) are given high status, and children are taught how to demonstrate their the flag. Even actions such as encouraging thrift and buying local products are also. ‧ 國. 學. considered patriotic (Chang 2011, 389-392). The second of the key elements in the texts is anti-communist ideology. The Chinese communists are branded as bandits who. ‧. colluded with the Russians to usurp China. In later editions of the texts, outright hostility towards Russia and communists is toned down, and instead Taiwan’s development is. y. Nat. sit. compared to a backward and miserable China. Full color illustrations are also employed. al. er. io. to highlight the stark differences, with images of a bright, modern, and prosperous. n. Taiwan alongside images of a gloomy, barren, and poor China (Chang 2011, 392-394).. Ch. i n U. v. The anti-communist theme also allows children to identify an enemy from which the mainland must be recovered.. engchi. The third characteristic of the texts is emphasis on territorial claims. The ROC is naturally proclaimed to be the legitimate government of the whole of China, and while the KMT did not have control over mainland China, the inviolable integrity of the ROC is repeatedly stressed. Maps of the ROC are also used to visualize territorial claims. The image of a begonia leaf-shaped China appears often in the texts, and makes it easy for schoolchildren to recognize the boundaries of the ROC. Lessons on lost territory are also presented, and these losses are presented to students as a national disgrace. While the children are taught to feel humiliated about this, they are also reminded of their duty to.

(33) 21. recover these lost territories. The fourth characteristic of the texts is learned homesickness for the Chinese homeland. This was another way in which the KMT attempted to construct a Chinese identity. Taiwanese children are presented with a sense of nostalgia for a distant homeland. Characters throughout the texts make frequent mention of the desire to return home. There is also a focus on the cultural, ethnic, and ancestral connections between Taiwan and China, which Chang notes was also an attempt by the KMT to try and reduce conflicts between the mainlanders in Taiwan and local Taiwanese (Chang 2011, 394-398). The fifth and final theme is the subordination of Taiwan. The island of Taiwan is largely ignored in the texts. Among all the textbooks analyzed, there is only one lesson devoted to the island of Taiwan, and Chang estimates. 政治大 Taiwan is mentioned in the texts, it is usually only to make a reference to China. Chang 立. that on average only about 3% of textbook content is concerned with Taiwan. When identifies three ways in which Taiwan is addressed in the texts: ethnic and historical ties. ‧ 國. 學. between Taiwan and China, Taiwan’s rich resources, and the KMT’s postwar achievements in Taiwan (Chang 2011, 399-400). From his analysis he concludes that the. ‧. main aims of KMT geography education was to create a new generation of children with a Chinese identity and to foster loyalty to the KMT regime. In closing, he also ties the. y. Nat. sit. study’s findings to present-day Taiwan’s identity problem: “Being constantly taught to be. al. er. io. ‘Chinese first, Taiwanese second’, the post-war generation of Taiwanese was discouraged. n. from exploring, understanding, or establishing an intimate relationship with their own. Ch. i n U. v. environment; the lack of affection, understanding and experience of one’s locality. engchi. jeopardized the development of a satisfying and rooted identity” (Chang 2011, 402). Su Ya-Chen’s research examines how political ideologies and values are represented in elementary school social studies texts. This is done by way of comparative analysis of two sets of texts published during the last three decades of the 20th century. The first set of texts was published between 1978 and 1989, and the second set was published between 1989 and 1995. Through the use of several focus questions, Su investigates not only changes in political ideologies and values over time, but also looks at the portrayal of ethnic groups and minorities as well as the narrative style used. The findings are organized around four main themes: ethnic/political kinship between China and Taiwan;.

(34) 22. nationalism and national identity; legitimization of the KMT and their achievements; and legitimization of women’s experiences. Unsurprisingly, the first set of texts places strong emphasis on the ethnic and political ties between China and Taiwan. For instance, aside from the Chinese settlers who came over to Taiwan, the text also states that the aboriginal people are also closely related to ethnic groups from the south of mainland China. The construction of railroads, telegraph lines, etc. under Qing imperial rule and administrators such as Liu Ming-Chuan (劉銘傳) are also praised. The second set of texts briefly discusses Taiwan under the rule of the Dutch, the Japanese, etc. However, the message of kinship with China is still the primary. 政治大 as a reaction against foreign 立 aggression and imperialism, and that the textbook content. message of the texts. With regard to national identity, Su notes that nationalism is defined largely serves to reinforce loyalty to the Chinese homeland. Negative stereotypes of. ‧ 國. 學. foreign colonization are emphasized and positive aspects are ignored. In particular, much attention is given to the idea that all Taiwanese people resisted Japanese rule and gladly. ‧. welcomed the KMT. No mention is made of the 228 massacre or any other conflicts. y. Nat. between Taiwanese and mainlanders. While over the years there were several changes. n. al. Ch. er. io. of texts are largely unchanged (Su 2007, 219-225).. sit. made to the textbook content, Su finds that the narrative and core message of the two sets. i n U. v. With regard to legitimization of the KMT and their achievements, the first set of texts. engchi. unconditionally expresses the idea of the KMT as the sole, legitimate government of all of China and Taiwan. Taiwan is also presented as a base from which to stage the eventual reunification of China. Sharp contrast is also drawn between the democratic, prosperous, and progressive Taiwan and the oppressed, poor, and backward mainland China, which corroborates Chang’s findings. The second set of texts no longer features sections regarding the duty of reunification with mainland China, and instead is more concerned with Taiwan’s economic development. Su notes that while there are fewer overt political messages, the theme of KMT accomplishments in Taiwan is still heavily emphasized. As for women’s experiences, in the first set of texts no space is devoted to women’s experiences or perspectives, and minority groups are largely ignored as well. In the.

(35) 23. second set of texts, some attention is given to increased female participation in the economy, yet traditional gender roles are still reinforced. The chapter in question mentions that women in the work force face the additional burdens of child-care and household chores (Su 2007, 226-229). Su concludes that the texts largely present selective, conservative, government-endorsed views. While she identified some trends which pointed towards increasing cultural diversity and gender equality, she noted that the core messages of the texts changed little. That is, the ideologies presented served to reinforce a unified Chinese national identity, draw contrast between the KMT and other groups which controlled Taiwan (such as the Dutch or the Japanese), and enhance the legitimacy of the KMT and the ROC. Content which was deemed sensitive or. 政治大. controversial was excluded (Su 2007, 229-232).. 立. A similar study on Taiwanese moral education by Kao Jian-He focuses solely on civics. ‧ 國. 學. and ethics education, and analyzes elementary school texts published between 1952 and 1989. The study also includes a wealth of detail on the various reforms and changes to the. ‧. national curriculum standards made since the 1930s. The textbook analysis covers civics and ethics texts in their various incarnations, including the Civics (gōngmín 公民) series. y. Nat. sit. of the 1950s, Civics and Morality (gōngmín yǔ dàodé 公民與道德), and Life and Human. al. er. io. Relationships (shēnghuó yǔ lúnlǐ 生活與倫理) used from the 1960s onwards. Kao notes. n. iv n C Yat-Sen’s will, the speeches of Chiang and national policies. He also notes that h e nKai-Shek, gchi U that the content of the civics texts of the 1950s draw heavily on documents such as Sun. the two themes of Sinicization and anti-communism are prevalent throughout these texts. This is largely a reflection of the political situation of the KMT in Taiwan, especially with regard to the communist threat and local unrest. As such, the texts reflect the government’s goals of stressing Chinese ethnic identity and preparing to retake the mainland. Kao also classifies the morals in the texts into different units. The first unit is the self, followed by the family, the school, the nation, and finally the world. The morals presented include a wide array of traditional values. Examples include filial piety and diligence, which are presented in the context of the family, and loyalty and courage, which are presented in the context of the nation (Kao 2007, 45-52). This progression of morals from the self to the rest of humanity is reminiscent of the powerful Confucian idea.

(36) 24. that world peace and harmony are rooted in cultivation of the self. Reforms initiated in the late 1950s culminated in the publication of Civics and Morality in 1962, which placed more emphasis on morality in the texts. Despite this though, Kao notes that for the most part the layout and main themes of the text remain the same, with themes such as anticommunism becoming even more prominent (Kao 2007, 69-78). The analysis continues with a discussion of the more recent texts and how they come to more accurately reflect Taiwan’s changed political situation. While extensive studies of Taiwanese textbooks are available, there are few that compare texts from different periods in Taiwan’s historiography. As mentioned previously, studies. 政治大 history, Chinese history, colonial history, etc. The abovementioned studies also tend to 立. on Taiwanese education tend to be grouped in with larger disciplines, such as Japanese use 1945 as a starting point or as an ending point. That being said, the findings of these. ‧ 國. 學. in-depth studies provide important background information, examples of analytical tools, and points of departure for future studies. They also can help to identify trends in. ‧. education at the time and in general can help to better understand which ideologies were being transmitted through textbooks and why.. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. v.

(37) 25. 2. Methodology 2.1 Unit of Analysis In this study the examination of moral education in Taiwan from 1920-1960 will be carried out primarily by way of analysis of Taiwanese elementary school ethics and civics textbooks. Textbooks have been chosen as the unit of analysis for several reasons. First. 治政 education. They are still the single most important resource 大 for teachers, as they contain 立material and also serve as a guide to the creation of lesson the curriculum-mandated. and foremost, textbooks have played, and continue to play, a vital role in Taiwanese. ‧ 國. 學. plans, activities, etc. Textbooks may be an even more important resource for students because of the system of standardized entrance examinations in Taiwan. Proceeding to. ‧. the next level of education, such as secondary schooling or university, requires that students pass the appropriate entrance examination, which largely tests for knowledge of. io. sit. y. Nat. textbook content.. al. er. Another reasons textbooks have been selected as the unit of analysis is the centralized. n. iv n C examination system, but mainlyhdue curriculum standards. e ton the hi U g cgovernment-mandated nature of the education system in Taiwan. This centralization is in part due to the uniform. Under both Japanese and KMT rule the government had a near monopoly on the textbook. creation process. During the Japanese colonial period, the Government-General of Taiwan (taiwan sotōkufu 台湾総督府) had complete jurisdiction over the curriculum for common schools. Similarly, during the post-war years the National Institute for Compilation and Translation (guólì biānyìguǎn 國立編譯館), or the NICT, under the Ministry of Education was responsible for the production, review, and adoption of textbooks. The textbook market was not actually deregulated until well into the 1990s. (Law 2002, 68-69). Having textbook production and review under the same arm of the government ensured that only government-approved ideologies reached the target.

(38) 26. audience. As for why elementary school ethics and civics texts were selected over other types of texts? First, younger children absorb knowledge more readily, and according to psychological theory, the greater part of an individual’s moral development takes place in their youth (Paolitto 1977, 76-79). Moreover, elementary schools are the most prevalent type of educational institution and are the most widely attended. This was especially true during the Japanese colonial period when secondary schooling opportunities for Taiwanese were extremely limited. Thus, elementary school texts were reaching the greatest possible audience of school-age children. To add to this, elementary school was. 政治大 rule, the KMT continued this policy after the war and later expanded upon it (Hsu 2005, 立. compulsory. While compulsory education was not instituted until 1943 under Japanese 116). Language classes by far took up most of students’ time, yet ethics was recognized. ‧ 國. 學. as a vital part of the curriculum. During the Japanese colonial period, ethics textbooks were used to reinforce what was learned in Japanese language lessons (Tsurumi 1977,. ‧. 144). During the KMT period also, moral education was an important part of the curriculum and a significant amount of time was dedicated to the subject (Republic of. y. Nat. er. io. al. sit. China Ministry of Education 1948).. n. It is important to note though, that these textbooks offer a partial view of what students. Ch. i n U. v. were learning at the time. Rather, they offer a clear picture of what the state wanted. engchi. students to learn. However, considering the high level of government control over curriculum design and textbook creation, as well as the uniform nature of the education system, we can be reasonably sure that the same textbooks and their messages were reaching a wide audience (i.e. all students who attended elementary schools islandwide). Indeed, by 1944 over 70% of school-age children were enrolled in elementary schools (Tsurumi 1977, 148). By 1949 the attendance rate had risen to 79%, and by 1953 the attendance rate had risen to over 1 million students, or 87.7% of the school-age population (Republic of China Ministry of Education 1954). From textbook content, a number of insights regarding the expectations of the state, contemporary society, culture, values, etc. can be drawn..

(39) 27. 2.2 Description of Textbook Sample The textbook sample consists of 14 elementary school ethics and civics textbooks used in Taiwan from 1920 to 1960. All of the textbooks were obtained from the textbook archives of the NICT in Taipei. The texts can be divided into two groups. The first group consists of 7 ethics textbooks that were published between 1920 and 1945 under the Japanese colonial administration. They were all compiled, edited, and printed by the Taiwan Government-General. The texts are written in Japanese, and the average length of each is about 50 pages. These textbooks were used in the common schools designated for. 政治大 those being used in the立 elementary schools designated for the children of Japanese Taiwanese children. As mentioned in the literature review, these books differed from. ‧ 國. 學. nationals, which were the same textbooks as those used in Japan. The difficulty level and content of elementary school texts and common school texts was very similar, but the most significant difference was in the underlying messages of the text. For instance, the. ‧. texts for Japanese children contained messages regarding individual achievement and the. y. Nat. relationship between hard work and success. Meanwhile, texts for Taiwanese children. al. er. io. sit. stressed values such as honesty, obedience, and harmonious living (Hsu 2005, 16-17).. iv n C published between 1945 and 1960 under the KMT regime. h e n g c h i U They were all produced by the National Institute for Compilation and Translation. The texts are written in Mandarin, and n. The second group of textbooks in the sample consists of 7 civics textbooks that were. the average length of each is about 25 pages. They were used in elementary schools across Taiwan. It is worth noting here that during the early years of KMT rule war on the mainland was a significant drain on Taiwan’s already battered economy. Because of the initial lack of funding for education, old versions of textbooks were used for quite a while and up until the KMT retreated to Taiwan in 1949 only a small number of new editions were published (He 2006). As with any study relying on textbook analysis, the selection of the sample is extremely important. This is especially true for longitudinal and comparative studies. Conclusions.