CHAPTER 4 Literature Review
4.2 Liu (2007)
4.2.3 pro and Dynamic/Stative Interpretation
4.2.3 pro and Dynamic/Stative Interpretation
In 4.2.2, it has been mentioned that there is an individual–denoting pro in the
X A-le D explicit comparative. In this part, the relationship between pro and the dual
interpretations will be under investigation.
(43) a. Zhangsani gao-le proi san gongfen.
‘Zhangsan is three centimeters taller than before.’
b. Zhangsani gao-le proj san gong-fen.
‘Zhangsan is three centimeters taller than the standard value of human height
assumed by people in the discourse.’
According to Liu (2007), pro in the X A-le D explicit comparative is
chameleon-like. When the individual-denoting pro is coindexed with the subject NP
Zhangsan, (43a) derives a dynamic reading and is interpreted as ‘Zhangsan’s height
has changed and the differential between his current and previous height is three centimeters’. By contrast, when pro is arbitrarily interpreted as someone else rather
than the subject NP Zhangsan, pro is regarded as a person whose height equals to the
standard height of human being assumed by people in the discourse. The stative
meaning (cf. (43b)) that ‘Zhangsan is three centimeters taller than the standard value
of human height assumed by people in the discourse’ comes out naturally. In a
nutshell, the reference of pro plays a key role in determining the dual interpretations
in the X A-le D construction.
CHAPTER 5
THE ANALYSIS OF THE A-IMPERATIVE CONSTRUCTION
In this chapter, I will first propose that the obligatory measure phrase yidian ‘a little’
and the degree adverb tai ‘too’ in the A-imperative construction work a vital function
to derive the dynamic sense of adjectives in 5.1, and subsequently will provide a
syntactic analysis with regard to the A-imperative construction in 5.2. And try to
accommodate more complex structures in 5.3.
5.1 Deriving the Dynamic Sense of Adjectives
It has been mentioned that the A-imperative construction, unlike imperatives in
other languages, consists of APs and seemingly does not follow the strict VP
constraint. However, in this part, I am going to argue that adjectives in the
A-imperative construction are not stative. By means of the measure phrase yidian ‘a little’ and the degree adverb tai ‘too’, they could be as dynamic as verbs and able to
conform to the strict VP constraint.
5.1.1 The Measure Phrase Yidian
In the earlier chapter, it has been mentioned that the measure phrase yidian ‘a little’ in positive A-imperatives and the degree adverb tai ‘too’ in negative
A-imperatives are obligatorily required. In this part, let’s discuss the measure phrase
yidian ‘a little’ in positive A-imperatives first.
(44) a. * Qianxu.
Humble
‘Be humble.’
b. Qianxu yidian.
Humble a-little
‘Be a little humbler than before.’
Zhu (2003) has mentioned that there are two ways to derive dynamic sense of adjectives. One is through ‘quantity change’; the other is by means of ‘degree
change’.11 The measure phrase yidian ‘a little’ in the A-imperative construction,
signaling the differential, exactly works the function to derive the degree change of
adjectives.12 Take (44) for example. In order to reveal the differential, the degree of
humbleness within the humble-scale changes from a low degree to a higher degree.
Such change of degree makes the adjective (i.e. qianxu ‘humble’) not stative at all. It
11 Adjective reduplication is a way to achieve ‘quantity change’. According to Zhu (2003), the adjective reduplication construction (i.e. AABB or AA construction) itself expresses a certain ‘state’. In order to achieve such state, one has to intentionally control his action. Hence, adjectives generate a dynamic sense.
(i) Yuan yuan de paicheng yi-ge quan.
Round round de array one-CL circle
‘To array a circle roundly.’
In (i), one has to volitionally control his way of arraying to make a ‘round' circle. Hence, the reduplication yuan-yuan-de ‘roundlyREDUPLICATIVE ’here encompasses a dynamic sense.
12 The imperative clause type, conveying Speaker’s requests, induces a strong pressure on Addressee.
Hence, in order to make Addressee feel comfortable, the degree change cannot be huge. That is the reason why the measure phrase yidian ‘a little’, not others, is used.
(i) Ni guiju yidian/ *xuduo You well-behaved a-little/ a-lot
‘You be a little/*much more well-behaved than before’
Interestingly, the measure phrase xuduo ‘a lot’ sounds much better when Speaker is involved in the imperative subjects.
(ii) Women yao zai yonggong yidian/ ?xuduo.
We must again studious a-little/ a-lot ‘Let’s be a little /?much more studious than before.
is as dynamic as a verb. Besides, such degree change is a controllable and conscious
action that Addressee can act. Noticed that adjectives in the A-imperative
construction conform to the controllability requirement, Addressee, therefore, reveals
the control over the denoted adjectival predicates by changing the degree scale of
them. Therefore, adjectives in the positive A-imperatives are always characterized by
gradability.
To sum up, without the measure phrase yidian ‘a little’, the degree change
could not happen. Inducing a dynamic reading of adjectives in the A-imperative
construction is implausible. Hence, the ungrammaticality of the bare AP (cf. (44a)) in
imperatives gains a reasonable explanation.
5.1.2 The Degree Adverb Tai
In this part, it is proposed that the degree adverb tai ‘too’ in the negative
A-imperative construction is on a par with the measure phrase yidian ‘a little’. They
both work the same function to derive the degree change of adjectives in the
A-imperative construction. General speaking, the degree adverb tai is polysemous:
one means ‘to a high degree’, which is similar with ‘very’ in English. The other
means ‘to a higher degree than is allowed’, which resembles ‘too’ in English. (45a-b)
show the examples.
(45) a. Wo xihuang Lisi, yinwei ta tai congming le.
I like Lisi, because he very smart ASP
‘I like Lisi because he is very smart.
b. Wo bu xihuang Lisi, yinwei ta tai congming le.
I not like Lisi, because he very smart ASP
‘I don’t like Lisi because he is too smart.’
In the case of ‘too’ meaning in (45b), the dislike results from Lisi’s smartness
is to a degree higher than what the subject wo ‘I’ assumes to be. In other words, there
exists a gap between the reality and the subject’s expectation. The degree adverb tai
‘too’, therefore, always implies a negative meaning.
Likewise, the degree adverb tai in negative A-imperatives also conveys a ‘too’
meaning. Its occurrence in negative A-imperatives presents Speaker’s requests or
commands to lower the degree of the property denoted by the adjectives in the
construction. Hence, degree changes happen and adjectives become dynamic. Take (46) as example, in order to meet Speaker’s mental standard, Addressee is requested
to change the degree of humbleness from a high degree to a lower degree. The
change process makes the adjective (i.e. qianxu ‘humble’) as dynamic as a verb.
Moreover, the process of change of degree is a volitional and conscious action that
Addressee can control. Likewise, Addressee’s ability to control the degree change of
the denoted adjectives makes adjectives in the negative A-imperatives characterized
by gradability.
In other words, without the degree adverb tai ‘too’, Speaker’s requests to
change the degree of properties denoted by adjectives would not be revealed.
Inducing a dynamic reading of adjectives in the A-imperative construction is
implausible.
(46) Bie *(tai) qianxu.
Must not *(too) humble
‘Don’t be too humble.’
The discussion so far leads to a conclusion that either the measure phrase
yidian ‘a little’ or the degree adverb tai ‘too’ derives the degree change and makes
adjectives in the A-imperative construction as dynamic as verbs. Their occurrence in
A-imperatives guarantees Speaker’s requests for degree change. Hence, they are
obligatory in the A-imperative construction.13
So far, I have explained the reason why bare APs are not allowed in the
A-imperative construction above. However, I have not yet explained why bare VPs
are perfect in typical imperatives.
(47) Zou (*yidian).
Walk (*a-little)
‘Walk.’
(48) Bie (*tai) zou.
Not (*too) walk
‘Don’t walk.’
As what is argued in this part, the measure phrase yidian ‘a little’ and the
degree adverbs tai ‘too’ are means to make APs dynamic and allowable in Chinese
imperatives. Given that verbs themselves are dynamic enough, the measure phrase
13 According to Kennedy and McNally (2005), gradable adjectives must restrict or saturate degree arguments. Owing to the adjectives in the A-imperative are characterized by gradability, the measure phrase yidian ‘a little’ and the degree adverb tai ‘too’ exactly serve as the degree arguments. Therefore, they are obligatorily required.
yidian ‘a little’ and the degree adverb tai ‘too’ are not obligatorily required in
imperatives predicated by verbs.
5.1.3 Fang and Controllability Strengthening
Zhu (2003) divides adjectives into physical adjectives and mental adjectives.
The former depict outer appearance and the latter describe inner temperament,
attitudes, and dispositions.
(49) Physical Adjectives:
mei ‘beauty’, chou ‘ugly’, gao ‘tall’, duan ‘short’…
(50) Mental Adjectives :
youya ‘elegant’, wenrou ‘gentle’, chengken ‘sincere’, qingqie ‘friendly’…
In terms of mei ‘beauty’ and chou ‘ugly’ in (49), people are born either with a
good look or a bad look. Outer Appearance is inborn and decided by DNA. The
degree of beauty or ugliness is difficult to change through human control. Hence,
physical adjectives such as mei ‘beauty’, chou ‘ugly’ could not undergo the degree
change and become dynamic. In other words, they are not characterized by
controllability. Hence, they are not allowed in the A-imperative construction.
Conversely, properties denoted by mental adjectives are not innate. They could
be acquired by human efforts. One could control, change and reveal those inner
properties inside out or change the degree of those properties. Therefore, mental
adjectives are controllable and dynamic in the A-imperative construction. They could
co-occur with the measure phrase yidian ‘a little’ and the degree adverb tai ‘too’.
Moreover, their controllability could be further strengthened by the distinct verb fang
‘control’. (51) shows the example.
(51) a. (Ni) fang guiju yidian.
You FANG well-behaved a-little
‘Control yourself to be a little more well-behaved than before.’
b. (Ni) fang jingming yidian.
You FANG gumptious a-little
‘Control yourself to be a little more gumptious than before. ’
c. (Ni) fang anjing yidian.
(You) FANG quiet a-little
‘Control yourself to be a little quieter than before.’
(52) a. (Ni) zuiba fang ganjing yidian.
You mouth FANG clean a –little
*‘Control your mouth to be a little cleaner than before.’
‘Control yourself to be a little politer without saying dirty words.’
b. (Ni) shenduan fang ruan yidian.
You body-part FANG soft a -little
* ‘Control your body to be a little softer than before.’
‘Control yourself to be a little humbler than before.’
Given that ganjing ‘clean’ in (52a) and ruan ‘soft’ in (52b) are
non-controllable adjectives strengthened by the distinct verb fang ‘control’, (52a-b)
seem to be counter-examples. However, when taking a closer investigation into their
interpretations, ganjing in (52a) had better mean ‘polite’ and ruan in (52b) mean
‘humble’. Polite and humble are mental adjectives in accord with the controllability
requirement. Hence, it is not problematic for them to be strengthened by the distinct
verb fang ‘control’. (52a-b) are not counterexamples at all.
Furthermore, it is considered that the distinct verb fang ‘control’ has much to
do with the dynamicity of adjectives. Zhu (2003) argues that controllable adjectives
strengthened by the distinct verb fang ‘control’ are easier to derive the dynamic sense.
Given that imperative verbs in typical imperatives are dynamic enough, the distinct
verb fang ‘control’ plays no role. There is no need for the distinct verb fang ‘control’.
5.2 The Syntactic Analysis of the A-imperative Construction
In 5.1, it is argued that adjectives in the A-imperative construction are as
dynamic as verbs. In fact, adjectives in the A-imperatives are verbs in disguise.
Evidence is as follows:
(53).a. Ni hen xiaoxin-(*zhe).
You very careful-(*ASP)
b. Ni hen qianxu -(*zhe).
You very humble-ASP
(54) a. Xiaoxin -zhe dian.
Careful-ASP a-little
‘Be a little more careful and keep it.’
b. Qianxu-zhe dian.
Humble-ASP a-little
‘Be a little humbler and keep it. ’
According to Liu et al. (1996), it is verbs in Chinese but not adjectives that
take aspect markers. Adjectives taking the durative aspectual marker -zhe would
cause ungrammaticality (cf. (53)). Owing to the contrast between (53) and (54), there
is reason to believe that adjectives in the A-imperative construction are verbs in
disguise. In the following syntactic analysis of the A-imperative construction, I am
going to argue that A-imperatives include an exceed light verb phrase (henceforth,
ExceedP). Adjectives in A-imperatives finally raise to the head of ExceedP and form
verbs. The A-imperative construction follows the strict VP constraint.
5.2.1 VP in Disguise and the Exceeding Light Verb
In addition to Speaker’s requests, the A-imperative construction involves a
sense of self-comparison. Addressee is requested to possess a higher or lower degree
of the property denoted by the adjective than he or she did before. The comparison is
between Addressee in the future and the same Addressee in the past. According to Stassen’s (1985) definition of the comparative and Liu’s (2007) research on the
Chinese individual exceed comparative (i.e. the X A-le D construction), I propose
that the A-imperative construction involves an ExceedP projection, a light verb
phrase projection (cf. (56b)).
(55) Stassen’s (1985) definition of the comparative:
A construction in a nature language counts as a comparative construction (and
will therefore be taken into account in the typology) if that construction has the
semantic function of assigning a graded (i.e. non-identical) position on a
predicate scale to two (possibly complex) objects.
(56) Zhe-zhi biao kuai-le shi fenzhong. (the X A-le D construction)
This-CL watch fast-ASP ten minute
‘This watch is ten minutes faster than before.’
(57) Ni qianxu yidian. (the A-imperative construction)
You humble a-little
‘You be a little humbler than before.’
(58)
ExceedP NP Ex’
EXCEED AP NP A’
A MP Nij qianxui proj ti yidian
As (58) shows, the A-imperative construction involves an explicit individual exceed
comparative. When the pro in AP-SPEC, the compared object, is coindexed with
Addressee ni ‘you’, a sense of self-comparison comes out. Addressee is requested to
exceed the degree of humbleness he or she possessed before. Under the ExceedP
analysis, the adjective qianxu ‘haumble’ raises and heads the vP.14 That is, it is
incorporated and turns into a verb. The A-imperative construction, just like
imperatives in other natural languages, follows the strict VP constraint.15
5.2.2 Expanding VP into IP Projection
According to Han (1999), ‘imperative mood has the semantics of the deontic modality’. Therefore, an A-imperative like (59) is argued to contain a covert deontic
modal yao ‘must’ in the structure, which is overtly realized when the extent adverb
qianwan ‘definitely’ appears. (60a-b) provide the evidence.
14 In fact, APs alone could make commands with directive illocutionary force. However, commands like (ia-b) do not convey a sense of self-comparison. Hence, the dynamic sense of adjectives does not result from the degree change. Instead, it results from a change of state. Hence, commands like (ia-b) are argued to involve a DoP, but not an ExceedP in the structure. As a corollary, there is no measure phrase yidian ‘a little’ and degree adverb tai ‘too’. And what the gradable adjectives anjing ‘quiet’ and jiaoao ‘arrogant’ saturate in (ia-b) is a pos morpheme, which is an appropriate way to explain why the measure phrase yidian ‘a little’ and the degree adverb tai ‘too’ are not obligatorily acquired in commands.
15 The distint verb fang ‘control’ is argued to project a VP higher than the ExceedP.
(59) Ni qianxu yidian.
You humble a-little
‘You be a little humbler than before.’
(60) a. Ni qianwan *(yao) qianxu yidian.
You definitely must humble a-little
‘You must definitely be a little humbler than before.’
b. Ni qianwan bu *(yao) tai qianxu.
You definitely not must too humble
‘You must definitely not be too humble.’
As (60a-b) show, when the adverb qianwan ‘definitely’ appears in the A-imperative
construction, the deontic modal yao ‘must’ is obligatorily required. Given that
modals are positioned in INFL, there is reason to believe that the A-imperative
construction could be further expanded from vP into IP projection.
5.2.2.1 Deontic modal Yao/Bie in INFL
16The first evidence supporting the expanding IP projection comes from the
Extent adverb placement test. According to Jackendoff (1972), extent adverbs
approximately describe the extent or degree to which a situation holds. Following is
the syntactic distribution of extent-adverbs in English.
(61) Syntactic Distribution of E-adverbs in English (Jackendoff, 1972)
a. Left adjunction to I’
b. Left adjunction to VP or V’
(62) a. Ni qianwan yao man man chi.
You definitely must slow slow eat
‘You must definitely eat slowly.’
b. *Ni yao qianwan man man chi.
You must definitely slow slow eat
‘You must definitely eat slowly.’
16 Bie is the contraction of bu ‘not’ and yao ‘must’.
The adverb qianwan ‘definitely’ is a frequently used extent adverb in the Chinese
imperative. According to (61a-b), qianwan ‘definitely’ preceding or following the
deontic modal yao ‘must’ should be felicitous. However, the ungrammaticality of
(62b) manifests that the distribution of the extent adverb qianwan ‘definitely’ is only
compatible with (61a).17
(63) a. Ni qianwan yao qianxu yidian.
You definitely must humble a-little
‘You must definitely be humbler than before.’
b. Ni qianwan bu-yao/bie tai qianxu.
You definitely must not tai humble
‘You must definitely not be too humble.’
17 It does not mean that (61b) displays an inappropriate distribution of extent adverbs in Chinese.
Extent adverbs such as guang ‘just’ and jing ‘just’ could satisfy (61b).
(i) Ni bie jing zuo sha shi.
You must not just do stupid affair
‘Don’t just do stupid things.’
(ii) Ni bie guang sha sha de zuo zai na.
You must not just stupid stupid DE sit at there
‘Don’t just sit there stupidly.’
If the deontic modal yao ‘must’ and bie ‘must not’ in A-imperatives are located in
INFL, the rule in (61a) will make extent adverbs precede the deontic modals. The
qianwan- yao and qianwan- bie word sequences in (63a-b) support our predication.
Hence, the A-imperative construction could be expanded from vP to IP projection.
The other evidence that supports the expanding IP projection is from VPE. As
mentioned in (27)--repeated as (64), an elided VP must be licensed by an overt
non-affixial inflectional head within the same s-projection. Therefore, if the deontic
modal yao ‘must’ in A-imperatives really locates in INFL, it should be a licit licenser
of an elided VP. Given that the deontic modal yao ‘must’ in (65) certifies its ability
to license an elided VP, the A-imperative construction could be expanded from vP to
IP projection.18(66) is the syntactic structure of (63).
18 Although bie ‘must not’ cannot license an elided VP, it could license a pro-VP.
(i) *Buzhi ni pengyou bie tai jiaoao, ni ye bie ∅.
. Not-only you friend must not too proud, you also must not ∅
‘Don’t your friends be too proud. And don’t you ∅, either.’
(ii) Ta tai jiaoao le, ni qianwan bie ruci.
He too proud LE, you definitely must not so ‘He is too proud but don’t you ∅.’
(64) Licensing Condition on VPE (Potsdam 1998)
An elided VP must be c-commanded by an overt non-affixial inflectional head
within the same s-projection.
(65) Buzhi ni pengyou yao qianxu yidian. Ni ye yao ∅.
Not-only you friend must humble a-little. You also must
‘Your friends must be a little humbler than before. And you must, too.’
(66)
As (66) shows, the imperative subject position in the A-imperative
construction is located in IP-SPEC, but not in VP-SPEC as (58) displays. In this part,
I am going to propose that the VP-internal subject further raises to IP-SPEC. In order
to make the imperative subject position explicit in the A-imperative construction, the
extent adverb placement test and the VPE test will be used.
Let’s see the extent adverb placement test first. According to (61a), if
imperative subjects of the A-imperative construction are in IP-SPEC, the word
sequence subject-qianwan-yao is felicitous. Conversely, if an imperative subject is
still reserved in vP, the qianwan-yao-subject word sequence is predicted. Given that
(67) provides the empirical evidence in support for subject-qianwan- yao word
sequence, subjects in the A-imperative construction are located in IP-SPEC.
(67) a. Ni qianwan yao qianxu yidian.
You definitely must humble a-little
‘You must be a little humbler than before.’
b. *Qianwan yao ni qianxu yidian.
Definitely must you humble a-little
‘You must be a little humbler than before.’
In terms of the VPE test, if imperative subjects of the A-imperative construction are
within vP, they must be included in elided VPs. Conversely, if they are located in
IP-SPEC, they must be the remnant parts after VPE. (68) provides the empirical
evidence that imperative subjects are not within the elided VPs, but positioned in
IP-SPEC. (69) shows the complete syntactic structure of the expanding IP projection
of the A-imperative construction.
of the A-imperative construction.