國 立 交 通 大 學
外國語文學系
外國文學與語言學碩士班
碩 士 論 文
論形容詞為謂語的特殊祈使句式
On the A-imperative Construction:
Adjectival Predicates in the Chinese Imperative
研究生：蕭宇吟 Yu-Yin Hsiao
指導教授：劉辰生 博士 Dr. Chen-Sheng Liu
論形容詞為謂語的特殊祈使句式
On the A-imperative Construction:
Adjectival Predicates in the Chinese Imperative
研究生： 蕭宇吟 Yu-Yin Hsiao 指導教授： 劉辰生 博士 Dr. Chen-Sheng Liu 國立交通大學 外國語文學系外國文學與語言學碩士班 碩士論文 A Thesis
Submitted to Department of Foreign Languages and Literatures Graduate Institute of Foreign Literatures and Linguistics
National Chiao Tung University in partial Fulfillment of the Requirements
for the Degree of Master in
Graduate Institute of Foreign Literatures and Linguistics June 2012
Hsinchu, Taiwan, Republic of China
論形容詞為謂語的特殊祈使句式 研究生:蕭宇吟 指導教授: 劉辰生 博士 國立交通大學外國語文學系外國文學與語言學碩士班 摘要 本論文旨在討論漢語特殊的祈使句式—以形容詞為謂語的祈使句。此類祈 使句以形容詞作為謂語，與其它自然語言以動詞作為謂語有相當大的不同。然 本文將證明此種特殊的祈使句式看似特殊，但其實並未不凡。仔細考究此種特 殊祈使句時發現，它除了「祈使」意涵外，尚且包含「自我比較」的意味。採 用 Liu (2007)對 X A-le D 比較結構的看法， 出現在此特殊祈使句中的形容詞同 樣經過移位並與輕動詞「EXCEED」結合成動詞，藉此符合自然語言中祈使句 必須以動詞作為謂語核心的要求。 關鍵詞: 形容詞為謂語，祈使句，自我比較，形容詞能動義，程度的改變，輕 動詞「EXCEED」
On the A-imperative Construction: Adjectival Predicates in the Chinese Imperative
Student: Yu-Yin Hsiao Advisor: Dr. Chen-Sheng Liu
Graduate Institute of Foreign Literatures and Linguistics National Chiao Tung University
Abstract
The adjective-imperative construction, containing adjectival predicates,
is considered as a special type of imperative found in Mandarin Chinese
(henceforth, the A-imperative construction). It simply consists of APs and
seemingly does not follow the strict VP constraint found in imperatives of
other languages. Moreover, the A-imperative construction, in addition to
requests, is found to convey a sense of self-comparison.
Adopting Liu’s (2007) analysis of the Chinese individual exceed
comparative, it is argued that the A-imperative construction involves an
ExceedP in the syntactic structure, too. Adjectives occurring in this
construction incorporate to this vP head and form verbs. Namely, adjectives
in this construction are verbs in disguise. The A-imperative construction, just
like imperatives in other languages, strictly follows the VP constraint. It is an
Key words: the A-imperative construction, the measure phrase yidian, the
degree adverb tai, dynamic, self-comparison, the exceeding light verb, SFP
誌謝
論文完成的此刻，我的研究生生涯也畫下了完美的休止符。回首過去三年 的碩班生活，心中有無限的感謝。首先，我要感謝我的指導教授，劉辰生老師。 劉老師是我語言學的啟蒙老師，第一次接觸語言學便是在劉老師語言學概論的 課上，當時還是小大ㄧ的我第一次接觸語言學這個領域，對語言學一知半解、 懵懵懂懂，所幸劉老師在課堂上提供豐富有趣的內容，加上深入淺出的解說， 不但化解我對語言學的陌生與不安，更進一步地激發我對語言學的興趣，陸陸 續續修了許多語言學相關的課程，最終也踏上了語言學這條路。 研究所期間，我更是充分地感受到劉老師豐富的學養內涵，課堂上如沐春 風的教學方式激發我對句法學強烈興趣，也因此大膽地請劉老師當任為我碩士 論文的指導教授。寫論文的這段期間，老師更是騰出許多寶貴的時間與我討論， 從旁細心引導，循循善誘，並耐心地回答我的疑惑。雖然每次都好想大聲地說 「謝謝老師，您辛苦了」，卻因個性羞赧，無法大聲放肆地聊表自己的感謝之 意，今天只好透過這篇致謝，將深埋內心的感謝化作這些隻字片語，稍解我的 感謝之情。 接著，我要感謝我論文口試的林若望老師與廖秀珍老師。感謝你們百忙之 中仍抽出空出席我的口試。林老師是我語意學的老師，老師幽默的談吐與犀利 的批判思考令我折服。除了課堂的內容之外，老師更是教會我盡信書不如無書 的道理，讓我知道接收知識容易，批判思考卻更需勇氣與過人的智慧。至於廖 老師，她是最親善的好老師，每每與廖老師討論的時候，總是讓人感到放鬆、 沒有負擔，就像是跟自己同儕討論一般的輕鬆自在，讓我能暢所欲言大膽地說 出內心的想法。在此，我對兩位老師在口試時所提出的寶貴意見深表謝意，因 為你們我的論文更趨完美。 再來，我要感謝我的碩班同學，劉晉廷。感謝你我能一同在寫論文的艱苦 期間，一同切磋，一同作伴，有了你讓這為期一年的寫作期間增添許多同甘苦、 共患難的珍貴回憶。不論畢業你我身在何方，這段回憶將永遠牽引著你我。 接著，請再容我感謝我最親愛的家人。首先，我要感謝我的父母親支持我 重返校園完成我的碩士文憑。有了你們的鼎力支持與無私的奉獻，讓留職停薪 的我能毫無後顧之憂地完成我的學業；另外，我要感謝一同在新竹讀書的弟弟。 因為你，讓我在遠離家鄉、父母的懷抱後還能感受到親情的溫暖，常常忍受我 的任性與驕縱，手足之情不言而喻。最後，我還要感謝我的妹妹。妹妹的細心 體貼總能讓我暫時將寫論文的辛苦拋諸九霄雲外。 最後，我還要感謝那些曾經幫助、給我溫暖並成就我的許許多多人，沒有 你們，就沒有今天的我。除了感謝還是感謝，期待他日有湧泉以報的一天。Table of Contents
Chinese Abstrct ... i Eglish Abstract ... ii Acknowledgements ... iv Table of Contents ... v CHAPTER 1 Introduction ... 1CHAPTER 2 The A-imperative Construction is an Imperative Clause Type ... 3
2.1 Controllability ... 3
2.2 Subjects and Addressee(s) ... 7
2.3 The Directive Illocutionary Force and Future-oriented ... 11
CHAPTER 3 Distinct Properties of the A-imperative Construction ... 14
3.1 Gradable Adjectives ... 14
3.2 The Obligatory Presence of Yidian and Tai ... 15
3.3 Extent Adverbs in the A-imperative Construction ... 16
3.4 The Distinct Use of Fang ... 17
CHAPTER 4 Literature Review ... 20
4.1 Potsdam(1998) ... 20
4.1.1 The Emphatic Do(n’t) in INFL ... 21
4.1.2 Imperative Subjects in IP-SPEC ... 22
4.1.3 I-to-C Movement of the Emphatic Do(n’t) ... 24
4.2 Liu (2007) ... 26
4.2.1 Properties of the X A-le D construction ... 27
4.2.2 The Syntactic Structure of the X A-le D Construction ... 29
4.2.3 pro and Dynamic/Stative Interpretation ... 30
CHAPTER 5 The Analysis of the A-imperative Construction ... 32
5.1 Deriving the Dynamic Sense of Adjectives ... 32
5.1.1 The Measure Phrase Yidian ... 33
5.1.2 The Degree Adverb Tai ... 35
5.1.3 Fang and Controllability Strengthening ... 39
5.2 The Syntactic Analysis of the A-imperative Construction ... 42
5.2.1 VP in Disguise and the Exceeding Light Verb ... 44
5.2.2 Expanding VP into IP Projection ... 46
5.2.2.1 Deontic modal Yao/Bie in INFL ... 48
5.2.2.2 Imperative Subjects in IP-SPEC ... 51
5.3 The Complex Structures ... 59
5.3.1 The Gei Wo Construction ... 60
5.3.2 Qing and Directive Illocutionary Force ... 66
5.3.3 Theme Arguments in the A-imperative Construction ... 69
CHAPTER 6 Concluding Remarks ... 73
CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
In most natural languages, such as English, Japanese, and French, typical
imperatives consist only of VPs, following the so-called STRICT VP CONSTRAINT.
For instance, the AP happy in (1a) cannot make a grammatical imperative. The
auxiliary be is obligatorily required.1
(1) a. *Happy.
b. Be happy.
However, there is a special type of Chinese imperative that seems to violate the strict
VP constraint. I call it the A-imperative construction, which is composed of APs and
rather productive in Chinese.
Abbreviations used in this paper are as follows: A: adjectives; ASP: aspect markers; C:
1
Be in the English imperative does not undergo the V-to-I movement.
(i) a. *Be n’t/not proud. b. Don’t be proud.
If be is moved to INFL, it could be negated by n’t/not directly. However, the need for do-support manifests that it patterns together with non-auxiliary verbs. Hence, be here does not undergo V-to-I movement.
(2) [AP Qianxu yidian].
Humble a-little
‘Be a little humbler than before.’
The purpose of this paper is to study the A-imperative construction like (2),
especially its relation with the strict VP constraint. I will argue that the A-imperative
construction is an imperative clause type. The dynamic sense of adjectives in this
construction has much to do with the strict VP constraint.
This paper proceeds as follows. In §2, I will attest that the A-imperative
construction is an imperative clause type. In §3, several distinct properties of the
A-imperative construction will be shown. In §4, two related articles will be reviewed:
Potsdam (1998) and Liu (2007); the former is about the English imperative structure;
the latter is with regard to the Chinese individual exceed comparative. The syntactic
analysis of the A-imperative construction will be provided in §5, and finally a
CHAPTER 2
THE A-IMPERATIVE CONSTRUCTION IS AN IMPERATIVE CLAUSE TYPE
In virtue of the rarity of adjectival imperatives in the world and obvious
violation of the strict VP constraint, the evidence supporting the A-imperative
construction is an imperative clause type is provided in this chapter. The
characteristics of imperative predicates and imperative subjects are listed in 2.1 and
in 2.2 respectively.By examining the predicates and subjects in the A-imperative
construction, the A-imperative construction is proved to display identical properties
that a typical imperative should have.
Furthermore, the A-imperative construction, in line with those imperatives
following the strict VP constraint, is future-oriented and possesses a directive
illocutionary force.
2.1 Controllability
In the study of imperatives, Davies (1986) and Yuan (1993) have mentioned
that the events that Speaker asks Addressee to carry out must conform to the
CONTROLLABILITY requirement. A grammatical imperative must follow either
(3) Controllability (Yuan,1993):
a. The event or action could be actively performed.
b. The event or action could be consciously avoided.
Owing to the controllability requirement, the grammaticality of (4)-(5) is explainable.
The verbs fu ‘support’ and he ‘drink’ in (4a-b) are actions that could be actively
performed by Addressee. In the case of (5a-b), it is true that verbs wang ‘forget’ and
diu ‘lose’ cannot follow (3a). However, they are actions that could be consciously
avoided. Though they cannot appear in positive imperatives, their occurrence in
negative imperatives is not problematic.2
(4) a. Fu hao ta.
Support carefully him
2
Predicates that follow (3a) also obey (3b). Hence, they can freely occur in both positive imperatives and negative imperatives.
(i) a. Fu hao ta. Support carefully him ‘Support him carefully.’
b. Bie Fu ta. Must not support him ‘Don’t Support him.’
‘Support him carefully.’
b. He wan tang ba.
Drink bowel soup SPF ‘Eat some soup.’
(5) a. Bie wang-le suo men.
Must not forget-ASP lock door
‘Don’t forget to lock the door.’
b. Bie diu-le san.
Must not lose-ASP umbrella ‘Don’t lose the umbrella.’
In the close investigation of A-imperatives in Chinese, adjectives in this construction
abide the controllability requirement, too. The adjective qianxu ‘humble’ in (6)
follows (3a-b), so it could freely occur in the positive or negative imperatives. As to
the adjective jinzhang ‘nervous’ in (7), it is true that Addressee hardly reveal the
avoided. Following (3b) makes it eligible in negative imperatives. In case of the
adjective gao ‘tall’, it both violates (3a-b). Therefore, its occurrence in positive or
negative imperatives is not allowed (cf. (8a-b)).
(6) a. Qianxu yidian.
Humble a-little
‘Be a little humbler than before. ’
b. Bie tai qianxu.
Must not too humble ‘Don’t be too humble.’
(7) a. *Jinzhang yidian.
Nervous a-little
‘Be a little more nervous than before.’
b. Bie tai jinzhang.
Must not too nervous ‘Don’t be too nervous.’
(8) a. *Gao yidian.
Tall a-little
‘Be a little taller than before.’
b. *Bie tai gao.
Must not too tall ‘Don’t be too tall.’
2.2 Subjects and Addressee(s)
According Potsdam (1998) and Mauck et all. (2004), imperative subjects obey
the following two generalizations (cf. (9)-(10)) and reveal unique properties different
from subjects in other clause types.3 By inspecting the subjects in A-imperatives, they are found to abide the two generalizations on imperative subjects, too. Therefore,
it is sufficient to argue that the A-imperative construction is an imperative clause
type.
3
I adopt the perspectives from Potsdam (1998) and Mauck et all. (2004) and make the two generalizations (9) and (10).
(9) Generalization on imperative subjects (1):
An imperative subject is required to refer to, or quantify over, an addressee, a
group of addressees, or a group containing the addressee(s).
(10) Generalization on imperative subjects (2):
In imperative clauses, a language sometimes may not require that addressee
and subject coincide. However, the addressee must have some control over the
imperative subjects denoted by the predicates.
First, subjects in the A-imperative construction are in accord with (9). They
refer to Addressee(s). (11a-c) are grammatical because the second person ni ‘you-sg’,
ni-men ‘you-pl’ and the first person inclusive wo-men ‘we-incl’ at least contain one
subject that could refer to Addressee(s).4 However, the third person ta ‘he’ and ta-men ‘they’ in (12a) and the first person wo ‘I’ and wo-men ‘we-excl’ in (12b) lack
of such possibility. Therefore, their occurrence in the A-imperative construction is
not allowed.
4
The subject group containing at least Addressee and Speaker is called ‘inclusive we’ and that consisting of Speaker and other third person Hearer is ‘exclusive we’.
(11) a. Ni qianxu yidian. (refer to an addressee)
You-sg humble a-little
‘You be a little humbler than before.’
b. Ni-men qianxu yidian. (refer to a group of addressees)
You-pl humble a-little
‘You be a little humbler than before.’
c. Wo-men qianxu yidian. (refer to a group containing an addressee)
We-incl humble a-little
‘Let’s be a little humbler than before.’
(12) a.* Ta/* Ta-men qianxu yidian.
He/They humble a-little
b. *Wo/*Wo-men qianxu yidian.
I/We-excl humble a-little
Second, under some strict restrictions, a grammatical A-imperative allows its
subject not to refer to Addressee (cf. (10)). However, a strong control relationship
between Addressee and the imperative subject must be established (cf. (13)).
Otherwise, the sentence would be ungrammatical.
(13) Control Relationship (Potsdam, 1998)
X is in a control relationship with y if x has potential control over y in some
domain z (where z may range over social, military, political, economic,
discourse or other situations).
(14) Zhangsan yonggong yidian, Lisi guiju yidian.
Zhangsan studious a-little, Lisi well-behaved a-little
‘You ask Zhangsan to be a little more studious and Lisi to be a little more well-behaved.’
In (14), Zhangsan and Lisi are interpreted as subjects not identical to Addressees.5 Hence, in order to make (14) grammatical, there must be an addressee having a
5
(14) has another interpretation ‘Zhangsan, be a little more studious than before. Lisi, be a little more well-behaved than before’. However, under such interpretation, the NPs Zhangsan and Lisi are
strong control over the two subjects. For example, Addressee is a teacher and has
two students, Zhangsan and Lisi. Owing to the teacher-student relation is a strong
control relationship, Addressee, of course, has ability to control Zhangsan and Lisi’s
behavior and makes them carry out requests that Speaker asks. Hence, a principal
saying (14) to Addressee (but not to Zhangsan and Lisi) is natural and grammatical.
However, it would be inappropriate for Speaker to make such requests when
Addressee doesn’t know who they are.
2.3 The Directive Illocutionary Force and Future-oriented
According to Han (1999), imperatives perform a directive illocutionary force.
That is, Speaker requests Addressee to carry out the action that the imperative
predicate expresses. (15a) shows the example.
(15) a. He wan tang ba.
Drink bowel soup SPF ‘Eat some soup.’
b. Qianxu yidian.
‘Be a little humbler than before.’
In accordance with those imperatives predicated by verbs, the A-imperative
construction, as (15b) displays, also contains the directive illocutionary force.
Speaker in (15b) requests Addressee to carry out what the adjectival predicate
expresses. Namely, Speaker requests Addressee to be a little humbler than before.
Last but not least, imperatives, according to Han (1999), are always
future-oriented. The perfective aspectual marker -le is not allowed to attach to
imperative verbs. (16a) shows the example.
(16)a. He-(* le) wan tang ba.
Drink-ASP bowel soup SPF ‘Eat some soup.’
b. Qianxu-(* le) yidian.
Humble-ASP a-little
Similarly, adjectival predicates in the A-imperative construction, as (16b) shows,
also prevent from taking the perfective aspectual marker -le. Therefore, there is
reason to believe that the A-imperative construction is also an imperative clause type.
To sum up, predicates and subjects in the A-imperative construction are
proved to conform to the called-for requirements on imperative predicates and
subjects. What is more, the A-imperative construction is also proved to contain the
directive illocutionary force that an imperative clause type should have. As a result,
CHAPTER 3
DISTINCT PROPERTIES OF THE A-IMPERATIVE CONSTRUCTION
In chapter 2, the A-imperative construction is proved to reveal identical properties
that a typical imperative should have. In this chapter, I will display several syntactic
and semantic characteristics exclusive to the A-imperative construction.
3.1 Gradable Adjectives
In addition to the controllability requirement, adjectives found in the
A-imperative construction are also characterized by GRADABILITY. Hence,
adjectives that could be modified by the degree adverb hen ‘very’, like qianxu ‘humble’ in (17), are eligible in the A-imperative construction.
(17)a. Ni hen qianxu.
You very humble
‘You are (very) humble.’
b. Qianxu yidian.
‘Be a little humbler than before.’
3.2 The Obligatory Presence of Yidian and Tai
In positive A-imperatives, adjectives are always accompanied with the
measure phrase yidian ‘a little’. However, such a co-occurrence restriction is not
found in negative A-imperatives. (18a-b) show the contrast clearly.
(18)a. Qianxu yidian.
Humble a-little
‘Be a little humbler than before.’
b. *Bie qianxu yidian.
Must not humble a-little
‘Don’t be a little humbler than before.’
(19) Bie *(tai) qianxu.
Must not too humble ‘Don’t be too humble.’
Though the measure phrase yidian ‘a little’ is not allowed in the negative
A-imperative construction, yet the degree adverb tai ‘too’, as (19) shows, takes its
place. The measure phrase yidian ‘a little’ and the degree adverb tai ‘too’, in fact, are
in the systematic complementary distribution. That is, the measure phrase yidian ‘a little’ distributes over positive A-imperatives, but the degree adverb tai ‘too’ in negative A-imperatives. They are variants with the same function.
3.3 Extent Adverbs in the A-imperative Construction
The frequently used extent adverb qianwan ‘definitely’ in the A-imperative
construction must co-occur with the deontic modal yao ‘must’.6 Without it, sentences will be ungrammatical.
(20) Ni qianwan *(yao) qianxu yidian.
You definitely *(must) humble a-little ‘You must definitely be a little humbler than before.’
6
In addition to yao ‘must’, the extent adverb qianwan ‘definitely’ could also co-occur with. the deontic de ‘must’
(i) Tianse bian an-le. Ni qianwan *(de) xiaoxin yidian. Sky become dark-ASP. You definitely *(must) carefull a-little ‘It gets dark outside. You must definitely be a little more careful than before.’
3.4 The Distinct Use of Fang
(21)a.Ni fang guiju yidian.
You FANG well-behaved a-little
‘Do be a little more well-behaved than before.’
(22) Wo fang-le yi-ben shu zai zhuo-shang.
I put-LE one-CL book on table-top ‘I put a book on the table.’
The verb fang in the A-imperative construction shows a distinct usage. It does not denote an action of ‘putting’ as it is in (22). According to Zhu (2004), it means ‘control’, which could further emphasize Speaker’s attitude or emotion towards the realization of propositional contents. (23a-b) show the contrast. The stronger desire
towards the realization of the proposition makes Speaker in (23b) more impatient and
impolite.
(23)a. Jiling yidian. Bie gei lian bu yao lian.
Clever a-little. Must not give face not want face.
b. Fang jiling yidian. Bie gei lian bu yao lian.
FANG clever a-little. Must not give face not want face.
‘Control yourself to be a little cleverer than before. Don’t do things the hard way.’
Moreover, this distinct usage only appears in the A-imperatives. Imperatives
predicated by verbs do not involve such usage. As (24) exemplifies, its occurrence
makes the whole sentence ungrammatical.
(24) (*Fang) zuo xia.
(*FANG) sit down ‘Do sit down.’
In a nutshell, those properties and discussion with regard to the A-imperative
construction above lead to the following questions and need further investigation: (a)
why are the adjectives in the A-imperative construction characterized by gradability?
(b) Why are the measure phrase yidian ‘a little’ and the degree adverb tai ‘too’
with the deontic modal yao ‘must’? (d) Why is the distinct verb fang ‘control’ so
CHAPTER 4
LITERATURE REVIEW
In this chapter, two related studies will be reviewed. 4.1 introduces Potsdam’s (1998)
CP analysis of the English imperative. 4.2 is about the Chinese individual exceed
comparative. Liu (2007) proposes that adjectives in the Chinese individual exceed
comparatives are verbs in disguise. Adjectives raise to a light verb position to form
verbs.
4.1 Potsdam(1998)
Potsdam (1998) proposes a CP analysis of the English imperative. He
argues that there are two projections above the imperative verb phrase: IP and CP.
The emphatic do(n’t) in imperatives is an inflectional head, and imperative subjects
are always located in the spec of IP. It is the I-to-C movement of do(n’t) that makes
(25) The CP Analysis of the English Imperative
CP C’
C IP do(n’t) subject I’
I VP
tk imperative verb phrases
(26) a. Don’t anyone answer the door.
b. [CP Don’ti [IP anyone ti [VP answer the door]]].
4.1.1 The Emphatic Do(n’t) in INFL
As (25) displays, the emphatic do(n’t) heads an inflectional projection just like
modals and the finite support do. The licensing condition on VPE (cf. (27)) could
manifest the INFL analysis of the emphatic do(n’t).
(27) Licensing Condition on VPE (Lobeck, 1995)
An elided VP must be c-commanded by an overt non-affixial inflectional head
within the same s-projection.
(28) a. We want everyone to come, so those who can, by all means do ∅. b. Did we say you could draw on the walls? All right, then, don’t ∅.
As (28) shows, the emphatic do(n’t) is the licensing head. Given that a null VP must
be introduced by an overt inflectional head, the emphatic do(n’t) is undoubtedly
located in INFL head.
4.1.2 Imperative Subjects in IP-SPEC
In this part, the argument that imperative subjects in English are VP-internal is
challenged. Potsdam proposes that subjects in English imperatives are out of VP and
located to a higher position in IP-SPEC. Two tests are employed. One is the VPE test;
the other is the adverb placement test.
Since VPE is available in the English imperative, the condition in (27) again
helps to probe the position of imperative subjects. It makes sense to ask whether
imperative subjects are elided in ellipsis constructions.
(29) The VP-internal Subject Hypothesis
IP (subject) I’
I VP Do(n’t) (subject) v’
Imperative verb phrase
The dotted line in (29) shows the elided VP. VPE will leave the upper subject
followed by the emphatic do(n’t) only. The lower subject within VP will be elided. Elided VP
In other words, the remnant do(n’t)-subject word sequence is not allowed under the
VP-internal subject hypothesis. However, such prediction is challenged by the
following example.
(30) a. Rick walked out of the lecture, but don’t everyone else ∅, please. b. Boll didn’t tell mom what I did, so don’t you ∅, either.
(30a-b) provide the empirical evidence in support of the remnant don’t-subject word
sequence. Hence, the post-do(n’t) subjects are not in VP-SPEC. The VP-internal
imperative subject hypothesis is challenged. With the help of the adverb placement
test, the position of the imperative subjects in English will be diagnosed in the
IP-SPEC.
(31) Syntactic Distribution of S-adverbs
a. left adjunction to IP b. left adjunction to I’
(32) a. Everyone certainly [VP work at least the assigned problems].
b. Everyone normally [VP wait an hour before going on the pool].
c. Everyone certainly [VP take good notes].
(33) a. [IP Certainly [IP everyone [VP work at least the assigned problems]]].
b. [IP Normally [IP everyone [VP wait an hour before going on the pool]]].
c. [IP Certainly [IP everyone [VP take good notes]]].
According to (31c), an S-adverb is left adjoined to the topmost VP; therefore,
imperative subjects in (32) are proved to be out of VP. The possibility that
imperative subjects are VP-internal is eliminated entirely. Then, I make use of (31a)
to find out the subject position. As (33) displays, S-adverbs are left-adjoined to the
imperatives subjects. As a corollary, imperative subjects are located in the IP-SPEC.
The English imperative structure could be expanded from VP to IP projection.
4.1.3 I-to-C Movement of the Emphatic Do(n’t)
(34)
IP Subject I’ I VP
So far, the syntactic structure of the English imperative has been expanded
from an imperative VP to an IP projection. The emphatic do(n’t) lies in INFL and
imperative subjects are located in IP-SPEC. Nevertheless, such analysis is not
satisfactory because of data like (35)-(36) are not under consideration.
(35) a. Do someone help him quickly.
b. Do at least some of you give it a try.
(36) a. Don’t anyone touch my stuff.
b. Don’t you misbehave while we’re gone.
In order to accommodate (35)-(36) and assimilate imperatives with interrogatives,
Potsdam (1998) provides a CP analysis of English imperatives.
(37) a. Don’t you have a cow?
b. Don’t you have a cow!
The subject-auxiliary inversion which relates interrogatives like (37a) is considered
do(n’t)-subject sequence in imperatives (cf. (37b)) is also a direct result of I-to-C
movement.7 The CP analysis of English imperatives is accomplished.
4.2 Liu (2007)
In this part, the Chinese explicit individual exceed comparative—the X A-le D
construction will be under discussion.8
(38) Zhe duo hua hong-le yidian.
This CL flower red-ASP a-little
a. This flower becomes a little redder than the standard value of redness assumed by people for the flower.’
b. This flower becomes a little redder than before.’
7
According to Potsdam (1998), inversion is obligatory in the interrogative, but optional in the English imperative. Imperative inversion is semantically driven. I-to-C movement occurs when negation or emphatic affirmation is present.
8
The X A-le D construction is an explicit individual exceed comparative that having A represent adjective, -le the aspectual inflection, and D the differential between two compared objects.
(38) entails two interpretations.9 (38a) shows the stative reading, but (38b)
demonstrates the dynamic reading. Since (38b) denotes a changing process along the
red-scale, the dynamic sense comes out naturally.
4.2.1 Properties of the X A-le D construction
According to Liu’s (2007) observation, the X A-le D construction displays several properties.10 First, the measure phrase in the X A-le D construction can only be interpreted as differential. Moreover, deletion of the measure phrase causes
ungrammaticality.
(39) a. Zhe ge haizi gao-le san gongfen.
This CL child tall-ASP three centimeter
9
According to Liu (2007), (38) has the third reading which is derived from the bi-phrases ‘compare-phrase’.
(i) Zhe-duo hua (bi mou yi-duo hua ) hong-le yidian. This-CL flower (than some one-CL flower) red-ASP a-little ‘This flower is a little redder that some specific flower.’
However, due to ‘Affect α’, Liu (2007) points out that it is implausible for (38a-b) to be derived by bi-phrase deletion. Affect α, including Move α and Delete α, cannot change meaning.
10
‘This child is three centimeters taller than before/ the stand height of children assumed by people.’
b. *Zhe ge haizi gao-le. (with the meaning of (39a))
Second, the X A-le D explicit comparative does not tolerate insertion of an overt
individual-denoting compared object between the adjective and the measure phrase.
(40) a. Zhangsan gao-le yidian.
Zhangsan tall-ASP a-little
‘Zhangsan is a little taller than before/the standard value of height assumed by people.’
b. ?*Zhangsan gao-le Lisi yidian.
Zhangsan tall-ASP Lisi a-little
Third, absolute (non-gradable) adjectives are banned such as zhen ‘true’, jia ‘fake’,
dui ‘right’, and cuo ‘wrong’ in (41) .
(41) a. * Tade shufa zhen-le yidian.
His saying true-ASP a-little
b. * Zhe-zhi Gucci biao jia-le yidian.
This-CL Gucci watch fake-ASP a-little
c. * Nide daan dui-le yidian.
Your answer right-ASP a-little
d. * Nide daan cuo-le yidian.
Your answer wrong-ASP a-little
4.2.2 The Syntactic Structure of the X A-le D Construction
Liu (2007) suggests the X A-le D explicit comparative has the syntactic
structure as (42b), where a covert ‘exceeding verb’ selects an AP as its complement.
(42) a. Zhangsan gao-le san gongfen.
‘Zhangsan is three centimeters taller than before/ the standard value of human height assumed by people in the discourse.’
b. [Zhangsan[AsP [ExP [[Ex [[A gaoi]-ex]-le] [AP pro [[A ti] [NP san gong-fen]]]]]]]
Owing to (42b), pro functions as an individual-denoting compared object and
lies in AP-SPEC. Therefore, an overt compared object is not allowed (cf. (40b)).
Besides, the adjective gao ‘tall’ raises to the exceeding light verb position to form the
inflected verb gao-ex-ASP ‘tall-ex-ASP’.
4.2.3 pro and Dynamic/Stative Interpretation
In 4.2.2, it has been mentioned that there is an individual–denoting pro in the
X A-le D explicit comparative. In this part, the relationship between pro and the dual
interpretations will be under investigation.
(43) a. Zhangsani gao-le proi san gongfen.
b. Zhangsani gao-le proj san gong-fen.
‘Zhangsan is three centimeters taller than the standard value of human height assumed by people in the discourse.’
According to Liu (2007), pro in the X A-le D explicit comparative is
chameleon-like. When the individual-denoting pro is coindexed with the subject NP
Zhangsan, (43a) derives a dynamic reading and is interpreted as ‘Zhangsan’s height
has changed and the differential between his current and previous height is three centimeters’. By contrast, when pro is arbitrarily interpreted as someone else rather than the subject NP Zhangsan, pro is regarded as a person whose height equals to the
standard height of human being assumed by people in the discourse. The stative
meaning (cf. (43b)) that ‘Zhangsan is three centimeters taller than the standard value
of human height assumed by people in the discourse’ comes out naturally. In a
nutshell, the reference of pro plays a key role in determining the dual interpretations
CHAPTER 5
THE ANALYSIS OF THE A-IMPERATIVE CONSTRUCTION
In this chapter, I will first propose that the obligatory measure phrase yidian ‘a little’
and the degree adverb tai ‘too’ in the A-imperative construction work a vital function
to derive the dynamic sense of adjectives in 5.1, and subsequently will provide a
syntactic analysis with regard to the A-imperative construction in 5.2. And try to
accommodate more complex structures in 5.3.
5.1 Deriving the Dynamic Sense of Adjectives
It has been mentioned that the A-imperative construction, unlike imperatives in
other languages, consists of APs and seemingly does not follow the strict VP
constraint. However, in this part, I am going to argue that adjectives in the
A-imperative construction are not stative. By means of the measure phrase yidian ‘a little’ and the degree adverb tai ‘too’, they could be as dynamic as verbs and able to conform to the strict VP constraint.
5.1.1 The Measure Phrase Yidian
In the earlier chapter, it has been mentioned that the measure phrase yidian ‘a little’ in positive A-imperatives and the degree adverb tai ‘too’ in negative
A-imperatives are obligatorily required. In this part, let’s discuss the measure phrase
yidian ‘a little’ in positive A-imperatives first.
(44) a. * Qianxu.
Humble ‘Be humble.’
b. Qianxu yidian.
Humble a-little
‘Be a little humbler than before.’
Zhu (2003) has mentioned that there are two ways to derive dynamic sense of adjectives. One is through ‘quantity change’; the other is by means of ‘degree
change’.11 The measure phrase yidian ‘a little’ in the A-imperative construction, signaling the differential, exactly works the function to derive the degree change of
adjectives.12 Take (44) for example. In order to reveal the differential, the degree of humbleness within the humble-scale changes from a low degree to a higher degree.
Such change of degree makes the adjective (i.e. qianxu ‘humble’) not stative at all. It
11
Adjective reduplication is a way to achieve ‘quantity change’. According to Zhu (2003), the adjective reduplication construction (i.e. AABB or AA construction) itself expresses a certain ‘state’. In order to achieve such state, one has to intentionally control his action. Hence, adjectives generate a dynamic sense.
(i) Yuan yuan de paicheng yi-ge quan. Round round de array one-CL circle ‘To array a circle roundly.’
In (i), one has to volitionally control his way of arraying to make a ‘round' circle. Hence, the reduplication yuan-yuan-de ‘roundlyREDUPLICATIVE ’here encompasses a dynamic sense.
12
The imperative clause type, conveying Speaker’s requests, induces a strong pressure on Addressee. Hence, in order to make Addressee feel comfortable, the degree change cannot be huge. That is the reason why the measure phrase yidian ‘a little’, not others, is used.
(i) Ni guiju yidian/ *xuduo You well-behaved a-little/ a-lot
‘You be a little/*much more well-behaved than before’
Interestingly, the measure phrase xuduo ‘a lot’ sounds much better when Speaker is involved in the imperative subjects.
(ii) Women yao zai yonggong yidian/ ?xuduo. We must again studious a-little/ a-lot ‘Let’s be a little /?much more studious than before.
is as dynamic as a verb. Besides, such degree change is a controllable and conscious
action that Addressee can act. Noticed that adjectives in the A-imperative
construction conform to the controllability requirement, Addressee, therefore, reveals
the control over the denoted adjectival predicates by changing the degree scale of
them. Therefore, adjectives in the positive A-imperatives are always characterized by
gradability.
To sum up, without the measure phrase yidian ‘a little’, the degree change
could not happen. Inducing a dynamic reading of adjectives in the A-imperative
construction is implausible. Hence, the ungrammaticality of the bare AP (cf. (44a)) in
imperatives gains a reasonable explanation.
5.1.2 The Degree Adverb Tai
In this part, it is proposed that the degree adverb tai ‘too’ in the negative
A-imperative construction is on a par with the measure phrase yidian ‘a little’. They
both work the same function to derive the degree change of adjectives in the
A-imperative construction. General speaking, the degree adverb tai is polysemous: one means ‘to a high degree’, which is similar with ‘very’ in English. The other means ‘to a higher degree than is allowed’, which resembles ‘too’ in English. (45a-b) show the examples.
(45) a. Wo xihuang Lisi, yinwei ta tai congming le.
I like Lisi, because he very smart ASP
‘I like Lisi because he is very smart.
b. Wo bu xihuang Lisi, yinwei ta tai congming le.
I not like Lisi, because he very smart ASP ‘I don’t like Lisi because he is too smart.’
In the case of ‘too’ meaning in (45b), the dislike results from Lisi’s smartness is to a degree higher than what the subject wo ‘I’ assumes to be. In other words, there
exists a gap between the reality and the subject’s expectation. The degree adverb tai ‘too’, therefore, always implies a negative meaning.
Likewise, the degree adverb tai in negative A-imperatives also conveys a ‘too’
meaning. Its occurrence in negative A-imperatives presents Speaker’s requests or
commands to lower the degree of the property denoted by the adjectives in the
construction. Hence, degree changes happen and adjectives become dynamic. Take (46) as example, in order to meet Speaker’s mental standard, Addressee is requested to change the degree of humbleness from a high degree to a lower degree. The
change process makes the adjective (i.e. qianxu ‘humble’) as dynamic as a verb.
Moreover, the process of change of degree is a volitional and conscious action that
Addressee can control. Likewise, Addressee’s ability to control the degree change of
the denoted adjectives makes adjectives in the negative A-imperatives characterized
by gradability.
In other words, without the degree adverb tai ‘too’, Speaker’s requests to
change the degree of properties denoted by adjectives would not be revealed.
Inducing a dynamic reading of adjectives in the A-imperative construction is
implausible.
(46) Bie *(tai) qianxu.
Must not *(too) humble ‘Don’t be too humble.’
The discussion so far leads to a conclusion that either the measure phrase
yidian ‘a little’ or the degree adverb tai ‘too’ derives the degree change and makes
A-imperatives guarantees Speaker’s requests for degree change. Hence, they are
obligatory in the A-imperative construction.13
So far, I have explained the reason why bare APs are not allowed in the
A-imperative construction above. However, I have not yet explained why bare VPs
are perfect in typical imperatives.
(47) Zou (*yidian).
Walk (*a-little) ‘Walk.’
(48) Bie (*tai) zou.
Not (*too) walk ‘Don’t walk.’
As what is argued in this part, the measure phrase yidian ‘a little’ and the
degree adverbs tai ‘too’ are means to make APs dynamic and allowable in Chinese
imperatives. Given that verbs themselves are dynamic enough, the measure phrase
13
According to Kennedy and McNally (2005), gradable adjectives must restrict or saturate degree arguments. Owing to the adjectives in the A-imperative are characterized by gradability, the measure phrase yidian ‘a little’ and the degree adverb tai ‘too’ exactly serve as the degree arguments. Therefore, they are obligatorily required.
yidian ‘a little’ and the degree adverb tai ‘too’ are not obligatorily required in
imperatives predicated by verbs.
5.1.3 Fang and Controllability Strengthening
Zhu (2003) divides adjectives into physical adjectives and mental adjectives.
The former depict outer appearance and the latter describe inner temperament,
attitudes, and dispositions.
(49) Physical Adjectives:
mei ‘beauty’, chou ‘ugly’, gao ‘tall’, duan ‘short’…
(50) Mental Adjectives :
youya ‘elegant’, wenrou ‘gentle’, chengken ‘sincere’, qingqie ‘friendly’…
In terms of mei ‘beauty’ and chou ‘ugly’ in (49), people are born either with a
good look or a bad look. Outer Appearance is inborn and decided by DNA. The
degree of beauty or ugliness is difficult to change through human control. Hence,
change and become dynamic. In other words, they are not characterized by
controllability. Hence, they are not allowed in the A-imperative construction.
Conversely, properties denoted by mental adjectives are not innate. They could
be acquired by human efforts. One could control, change and reveal those inner
properties inside out or change the degree of those properties. Therefore, mental
adjectives are controllable and dynamic in the A-imperative construction. They could
co-occur with the measure phrase yidian ‘a little’ and the degree adverb tai ‘too’.
Moreover, their controllability could be further strengthened by the distinct verb fang ‘control’. (51) shows the example.
(51) a. (Ni) fang guiju yidian.
You FANG well-behaved a-little
‘Control yourself to be a little more well-behaved than before.’
b. (Ni) fang jingming yidian.
You FANG gumptious a-little
c. (Ni) fang anjing yidian.
(You) FANG quiet a-little
‘Control yourself to be a little quieter than before.’
(52) a. (Ni) zuiba fang ganjing yidian.
You mouth FANG clean a –little
*‘Control your mouth to be a little cleaner than before.’
‘Control yourself to be a little politer without saying dirty words.’
b. (Ni) shenduan fang ruan yidian.
You body-part FANG soft a -little
* ‘Control your body to be a little softer than before.’ ‘Control yourself to be a little humbler than before.’
Given that ganjing ‘clean’ in (52a) and ruan ‘soft’ in (52b) are
non-controllable adjectives strengthened by the distinct verb fang ‘control’, (52a-b)
seem to be counter-examples. However, when taking a closer investigation into their
interpretations, ganjing in (52a) had better mean ‘polite’ and ruan in (52b) mean ‘humble’. Polite and humble are mental adjectives in accord with the controllability
requirement. Hence, it is not problematic for them to be strengthened by the distinct
verb fang ‘control’. (52a-b) are not counterexamples at all.
Furthermore, it is considered that the distinct verb fang ‘control’ has much to
do with the dynamicity of adjectives. Zhu (2003) argues that controllable adjectives
strengthened by the distinct verb fang ‘control’ are easier to derive the dynamic sense.
Given that imperative verbs in typical imperatives are dynamic enough, the distinct
verb fang ‘control’ plays no role. There is no need for the distinct verb fang ‘control’.
5.2 The Syntactic Analysis of the A-imperative Construction
In 5.1, it is argued that adjectives in the A-imperative construction are as
dynamic as verbs. In fact, adjectives in the A-imperatives are verbs in disguise.
Evidence is as follows:
(53).a. Ni hen xiaoxin-(*zhe).
You very careful-(*ASP)
b. Ni hen qianxu -(*zhe).
(54) a. Xiaoxin -zhe dian.
Careful-ASP a-little
‘Be a little more careful and keep it.’
b. Qianxu-zhe dian.
Humble-ASP a-little
‘Be a little humbler and keep it. ’
According to Liu et al. (1996), it is verbs in Chinese but not adjectives that
take aspect markers. Adjectives taking the durative aspectual marker -zhe would
cause ungrammaticality (cf. (53)). Owing to the contrast between (53) and (54), there
is reason to believe that adjectives in the A-imperative construction are verbs in
disguise. In the following syntactic analysis of the A-imperative construction, I am
going to argue that A-imperatives include an exceed light verb phrase (henceforth,
ExceedP). Adjectives in A-imperatives finally raise to the head of ExceedP and form
5.2.1 VP in Disguise and the Exceeding Light Verb
In addition to Speaker’s requests, the A-imperative construction involves a sense of self-comparison. Addressee is requested to possess a higher or lower degree
of the property denoted by the adjective than he or she did before. The comparison is
between Addressee in the future and the same Addressee in the past. According to Stassen’s (1985) definition of the comparative and Liu’s (2007) research on the Chinese individual exceed comparative (i.e. the X A-le D construction), I propose
that the A-imperative construction involves an ExceedP projection, a light verb
phrase projection (cf. (56b)).
(55) Stassen’s (1985) definition of the comparative:
A construction in a nature language counts as a comparative construction (and
will therefore be taken into account in the typology) if that construction has the
semantic function of assigning a graded (i.e. non-identical) position on a
predicate scale to two (possibly complex) objects.
(56) Zhe-zhi biao kuai-le shi fenzhong. (the X A-le D construction)
This-CL watch fast-ASP ten minute ‘This watch is ten minutes faster than before.’
(57) Ni qianxu yidian. (the A-imperative construction)
You humble a-little
‘You be a little humbler than before.’
(58) ExceedP NP Ex’ EXCEED AP NP A’ A MP Nij qianxui proj ti yidian
As (58) shows, the A-imperative construction involves an explicit individual exceed
comparative. When the pro in AP-SPEC, the compared object, is coindexed with
Addressee ni ‘you’, a sense of self-comparison comes out. Addressee is requested to
analysis, the adjective qianxu ‘haumble’ raises and heads the vP.14 That is, it is incorporated and turns into a verb. The A-imperative construction, just like
imperatives in other natural languages, follows the strict VP constraint.15
5.2.2 Expanding VP into IP Projection
According to Han (1999), ‘imperative mood has the semantics of the deontic modality’. Therefore, an A-imperative like (59) is argued to contain a covert deontic modal yao ‘must’ in the structure, which is overtly realized when the extent adverb
qianwan ‘definitely’ appears. (60a-b) provide the evidence.
14
In fact, APs alone could make commands with directive illocutionary force. However, commands like (ia-b) do not convey a sense of self-comparison. Hence, the dynamic sense of adjectives does not result from the degree change. Instead, it results from a change of state. Hence, commands like (ia-b) are argued to involve a DoP, but not an ExceedP in the structure. As a corollary, there is no measure phrase yidian ‘a little’ and degree adverb tai ‘too’. And what the gradable adjectives anjing ‘quiet’ and
jiaoao ‘arrogant’ saturate in (ia-b) is a pos morpheme, which is an appropriate way to explain why the
measure phrase yidian ‘a little’ and the degree adverb tai ‘too’ are not obligatorily acquired in commands.
(i) a. Anjing! Quiet ‘Be quiet.’
b. Bie jiaoao. Must not arrogant ‘Don’t be arrogant.’
15
(59) Ni qianxu yidian.
You humble a-little
‘You be a little humbler than before.’
(60) a. Ni qianwan *(yao) qianxu yidian.
You definitely must humble a-little ‘You must definitely be a little humbler than before.’
b. Ni qianwan bu *(yao) tai qianxu.
You definitely not must too humble
‘You must definitely not be too humble.’
As (60a-b) show, when the adverb qianwan ‘definitely’ appears in the A-imperative
construction, the deontic modal yao ‘must’ is obligatorily required. Given that
modals are positioned in INFL, there is reason to believe that the A-imperative
construction could be further expanded from vP into IP projection.
5.2.2.1 Deontic modal Yao/Bie in INFL16
The first evidence supporting the expanding IP projection comes from the
Extent adverb placement test. According to Jackendoff (1972), extent adverbs
approximately describe the extent or degree to which a situation holds. Following is
the syntactic distribution of extent-adverbs in English.
(61) Syntactic Distribution of E-adverbs in English (Jackendoff, 1972)
a. Left adjunction to I’
b. Left adjunction to VP or V’
(62) a. Ni qianwan yao man man chi.
You definitely must slow slow eat ‘You must definitely eat slowly.’
b. *Ni yao qianwan man man chi.
You must definitely slow slow eat ‘You must definitely eat slowly.’
16
The adverb qianwan ‘definitely’ is a frequently used extent adverb in the Chinese
imperative. According to (61a-b), qianwan ‘definitely’ preceding or following the
deontic modal yao ‘must’ should be felicitous. However, the ungrammaticality of
(62b) manifests that the distribution of the extent adverb qianwan ‘definitely’ is only
compatible with (61a).17
(63) a. Ni qianwan yao qianxu yidian.
You definitely must humble a-little ‘You must definitely be humbler than before.’
b. Ni qianwan bu-yao/bie tai qianxu.
You definitely must not tai humble
‘You must definitely not be too humble.’
17
It does not mean that (61b) displays an inappropriate distribution of extent adverbs in Chinese. Extent adverbs such as guang ‘just’ and jing ‘just’ could satisfy (61b).
(i) Ni bie jing zuo sha shi. You must not just do stupid affair ‘Don’t just do stupid things.’
(ii) Ni bie guang sha sha de zuo zai na. You must not just stupid stupid DE sit at there ‘Don’t just sit there stupidly.’
If the deontic modal yao ‘must’ and bie ‘must not’ in A-imperatives are located in
INFL, the rule in (61a) will make extent adverbs precede the deontic modals. The
qianwan- yao and qianwan- bie word sequences in (63a-b) support our predication.
Hence, the A-imperative construction could be expanded from vP to IP projection.
The other evidence that supports the expanding IP projection is from VPE. As
mentioned in (27)--repeated as (64), an elided VP must be licensed by an overt
non-affixial inflectional head within the same s-projection. Therefore, if the deontic
modal yao ‘must’ in A-imperatives really locates in INFL, it should be a licit licenser
of an elided VP. Given that the deontic modal yao ‘must’ in (65) certifies its ability
to license an elided VP, the A-imperative construction could be expanded from vP to
IP projection.18(66) is the syntactic structure of (63).
18
Although bie ‘must not’ cannot license an elided VP, it could license a pro-VP.
(i) *Buzhi ni pengyou bie tai jiaoao, ni ye bie ∅. . Not-only you friend must not too proud, you also must not ∅
‘Don’t your friends be too proud. And don’t you ∅, either.’
(ii) Ta tai jiaoao le, ni qianwan bie ruci. He too proud LE, you definitely must not so ‘He is too proud but don’t you ∅.’
(64) Licensing Condition on VPE (Potsdam 1998)
An elided VP must be c-commanded by an overt non-affixial inflectional head
within the same s-projection.
(65) Buzhi ni pengyou yao qianxu yidian. Ni ye yao ∅.
Not-only you friend must humble a-little. You also must ‘Your friends must be a little humbler than before. And you must, too.’
(66) IP NP I’ E-adverb I’ I ExceedP NP Ex’ EXCEED AP NP A’ A MP
Nij qianwan yao tj qianxui proj ti yidian
5.2.2.2 Imperative Subjects in IP-SPEC
As (66) shows, the imperative subject position in the A-imperative
construction is located in IP-SPEC, but not in VP-SPEC as (58) displays. In this part,
I am going to propose that the VP-internal subject further raises to IP-SPEC. In order
to make the imperative subject position explicit in the A-imperative construction, the
Let’s see the extent adverb placement test first. According to (61a), if imperative subjects of the A-imperative construction are in IP-SPEC, the word
sequence subject-qianwan-yao is felicitous. Conversely, if an imperative subject is
still reserved in vP, the qianwan-yao-subject word sequence is predicted. Given that
(67) provides the empirical evidence in support for subject-qianwan- yao word
sequence, subjects in the A-imperative construction are located in IP-SPEC.
(67) a. Ni qianwan yao qianxu yidian.
You definitely must humble a-little ‘You must be a little humbler than before.’
b. *Qianwan yao ni qianxu yidian.
Definitely must you humble a-little ‘You must be a little humbler than before.’
In terms of the VPE test, if imperative subjects of the A-imperative construction are
within vP, they must be included in elided VPs. Conversely, if they are located in
IP-SPEC, they must be the remnant parts after VPE. (68) provides the empirical
IP-SPEC. (69) shows the complete syntactic structure of the expanding IP projection
of the A-imperative construction.
(68) a. Buzhi ni pengyou yao qianxu yidian, ni ye yao ∅.
Not-only you friend must humble a-little, you also must ∅ ‘Your friends must be a little humbler than before, and you must, too.’
b. *Buzhi ni pengyou yao qinaxu yidian, ye yao ∅.
Not-only you friend must humble a-little, also must ∅ ‘Your friends must be a little humbler than before, and you must, too.’
(69) Ni qianwan yao qianxu yidian.
You definitely must humble a-little ‘You must be a little humbler than before.’
IP NP I’ E-adverb I’ I ExceedP NP Ex’ EXCEED AP NP A’ A MP
5.2.3 Sentence Final Particle vs. Clause Typing
It has been mentioned that Potsdam (1998) proposes a CP analysis of the
English imperative by I-to-C movement. In this part, I also provide a CP analysis of
the A-imperative construction. Given that Chinese is short of I-to-C movement, I
appeal to the sentence final particles, which head CPs.
(70) Clausal Typing Hypothesis (Cheng 1997:22)
Every clause needs to be typed. In the case of typing a wh-question, either a
wh-particle in C0 is used or else fronting of a wh-word to the Spec of C0 is used, thereby typing a clause through C0 by Spec-head agreement.
According to (70), sentence final particles (SFP) in Chinese can function to type
clauses. Different SFPs type different clauses. The SPF ma is a yes/no question
particle that types yes/no questions and A-not-A questions. It could not appear in
wh-questions.
(71) Ni xiang chi sheme ma? (Cheng 1994)
You want eat what SPFYN
b. *For what thing such that you will eat or not?
As we know, the wh-phrase sheme either has an existential reading in yes/no
questions or possesses an interrogative reading in wh-questions. When The SPF ma
occurs (cf. (71)), the interrogative reading is excluded. Hence, the SPF ma is
considered as a SFP that types yes/no questions. Similarly, given that the SPF ne in
(72) excludes the existential reading and allows the interrogative reading only, the
SPF ne types the wh-questions.
(72) Ni xiang chi sheme ne? (Cheng 1994)
You want eat what SPFWH
a. *Would you like to eat anything?
b. For what thing such that you will eat or not?
Just like yes/no questions and wh-questions, imperatives must be typed.
Languages such as French, German, and Spanish introduce imperatives by an overt
complementizer. (73) illustrates the examples.19
19
Examples in (73) are adapted from Andrew Radford (1988). Transformational Grammar, a First Course, Cambridge.
(73) a. Qu’il aille se fairefoutre ! (French)
That he go-SUB himself make do
‘Let him go and get stuffed!’
b. Daβ du ja die Füβe vom Tisch läβ! (German)
That you yes the feet off table keep
Keep your feet of the table.
c. Que vengan todos! (Spanish)
That come all ‘Let them all come.’
In line with imperatives in other languages, imperatives in Chinese need to be
typed, too. Following Chao (1968) and Liu et al. (1996), I claim that ba and a are
SFPs that type imperatives in Chinese. They are compatible with the adverb bufang ‘not-interfere’, which only occurs in imperatives. As (74a) shows, the adverb bufang ‘not-interfere’ only appears imperatives. It could not occur in yes/no questions (cf. (74b)) and wh-questions (cf. (74c)).
(74) a. Bufang duo chi shuiguo. (imperative)
Not-interfere more eat fruit. ‘You may as well eat much more fruit.’
b. *Bufang ni chi shuiguo ma? (yes/no question)
Not-interfere you eat fruit SFPYN
‘Are you all right to eat much more fruit?’
c. *Bufang ni chi sheme ne? (Wh-question)
Not-interfere you eat what SFPWH
‘For what thing such that you are all right to eat?’
(75) a. Bufang duo chi shuiguo ba/a.
Not-interfere more eat fruit SPFIMP
‘You may as well eat much more fruit.’
b. Bufang qianxu yidian ba/a.
Not-interfere humble a-little SPFIMP
Given that SPFs ba/a could co-occur with the adverb bufang ‘not-interfere’ (cf.
(75a-b)), ba and a are considered as SPFs that type imperatives. (76) displays the
final CP projection of the A-imperative construction.
(76) Ni qianwan yao qianxu yidian ba/a.
You definitely must qianxu a-little SFPIMP
‘You must definitely be a little humbler than before.’
CP2 C2’ C2 CP1 C1’ C1 IP NP I’ E-adverb I’ I ExceedP NP Ex’ EXCEED AP NP A’ A MP Ba/a Nij qianwan yao tj qianxui proj ti yidian
I follow Hsieh& Sybesma(2008) that complementizers in Chinese are head-initial,
and distinguished into two groups. SFPs such as ba, ma and ne belong to the first
kong ‘say’ in (77b), are the second group. They head the lower CP1 and introduce an
embedded IP. In order to make SFPIMP ba/a sentence-final, the lower CP1 is moved
into CP2-SPEC.20
(77) a. Wo zongshi juede shuo shenghuo li shao-le sheme.
I always feel say life in lack -ASP what ‘I always feel that something is missing in life.’
b. Gua siongsin kong i iting e phian gua.
I belive say he absolutely will cheat me. ‘I believe that he will absolutely cheat me.’
5.3 The Complex Structures
I have completed the CP analysis of the A-imperative construction in 5.2. In
this part, three complex structures will be discussed. In 5.3.1, I will argue that gei in
the gei wo construction is a verb but not a preposition. In 5.3.2, the verb qing ‘please’
is considered as a verb with directive illocutionary force. Finally, A-imperatives with
theme subjects would be discussed in 5.3.3.
20
5.3.1 The Gei Wo Construction
Compared with (78b), (78a) with the gei wo construction expresses an extra
sense of adversity. The NP wo ‘I’ refers to Speaker, who is deeply affected by the
imperative event carried out by Addressee. Imagining that you and your newly made
friend fortuitously heard someone keep talking something bad about you, who would
shout out (78a)? Of course, it is you but not your newly made friend will do so. You are the poor Affectee deeply affected by the malicious talk. Addressee’s quietness would help you a lot. In other words, only (78a) expresses a strong sense of adversity.
(78b) is short of such meaning.
(78) a. Ni gei wo anjing yidian.
You GEI me quiet a-little ‘Be a little quieter than before.
(And your being quietness has great impact on me).’
b. Ni anjing yidian.
You quiet a-little
At the first glance over the gei wo construction in (78a), it is easy to jump into
a fast PP analysis conclusion and assume that (78b) derives from (78a) by deleting
the adjunct PP. That is, gei heads an adjunct PP and selects an NP wo ‘me’ as its
complement. Gei wo ‘give me’ forms a constituent. However, such PP analysis
seems to lack sufficient evidence. First, Affect α, involving Move α and Delete α,
cannot change meaning. Second, the gei wo construction does not behave as a PP.
For one thing, it is not moveable as a typical PP. The contrast is shown in (79)-(80).
(79) a. Ni gei wo anjing yidian.
You GEI me quiet a-little ‘Be a little quieter than before.’
(And your being quietness has great impact on me).’
b. *Gei wo ni anjing yidian.
GEI me you quiet a-little ‘Be a little quieter than before.’
(And your being quietness has great impact on me).’
(80) a. Wo bai-le yi-pen hua zai zhuozi-shang. (Huang, 1999)
I put-ASP one-CL flower on table-top ‘I put a pot of flowers on the table.’
b. Zai zhuozi-shang wo bai-le yi-pen hua.
On table-top I put-ASP one-CL flower ‘I put a pot of flowers on the table.’
Besides, Chinese does not allow stranded prepositions. However, contrary to the fact,
gei in (81) is stranded.
(81) Zhu shou! Quan dou gei zhu shou.
Stop hand! ALL DOU GEI stop hand
‘Stop! Everyone stop. (Stopping your actions has great impact on me)’
Due to the three reasons above, it is felicitous to argue against a PP analysis of
the gei wo construction. Hence, in the following discussion, it is argued that gei in
the gei wo construction is similar with bei in the bei-passive. Both of them possess a
