4.3 Prosodic Constraints
4.3.3 Prosodic Constraints for Special Constructions
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Non-adt XP). Like the tableaux analyzed in (54) and (55), candidate (b) is a loser because the NP does not constitute an IP. Under this situation, candidate (a) is the winner.
As discussed in the previous tableaux, it is observed that the tonal domain for the invariant reading can be obtained by ranking ALIGN-R (Non-adjunct XP, IP) above *IP.
In the next section, the prosodic constraints in charge of processing the special constructions are explored.
4.3.3 Prosodic Constraints for Special Constructions
This sub-section investigates how the domain of the special constructions is demarcated. As stated in the previous chapter, these special constructions,
parenthetical expressions, vocatives, and tag questions, can be independent IPs. This characteristic can be captured by the alignment constraint. Selkirk (2005: 7) proposes ALIGN-R (CommaP, IP) to deal with the asymmetry where the right edge of a Comma Phrase in sentence-medial position aligns with that of an intonational phrase, and not with the left edge. The definition is described in (57).
(57) ALIGN-R (CommaP, IP)
Align the R edge of a constituent of type Comma Phrase in syntactic (PF) representation with the R edge of a corresponding constituent of type πCommaP (=Intonational Phrase, IP) in phonological (PR) representation.
In this thesis, ALIGN-R (CommaP, IP) is modified to analyze the delimitation of the tonal domain of the special construcions, that is, ALIGN-Edge (CommaP, IP). This constraint is defined in (58).
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Assign one violation mark for every edge of the Comma Phrase not coinciding with every edge of an IP.
ALIGN-Edge (CommaP, IP) is abbreviated to ALIGN-E (CommaP, IP) in the following tableaux. (59) illustrates the ranking arguments and a Hasse diagram with respect to Cophonology A is portrayed in (60).
(59) Ranking: ALIGN-Edge (CommaP, IP) >> *IP
sin-saN, mo t˛HjoN Naj nen kHon to e an ho, kHi-sˆt he faj ¯in teacher not like I PL-S see G AS so good actually is bad person
‘The teacher is not as good as we think; actually, he is a bad man.’
Input: [sin-saN]NP, [m t˛HjoN Naj nen kHon to e an ho]CommaP, [kHi-sˆt he faj ¯in]VP
Since the parenthetical expression does not constitute an independent IP in candidate (b), the constraint, ALIGN-Edge (CommaP, IP), is violated. In contrast, candidate (a) obeys ALIGN-Edge (CommaP, IP), but has more violations of *IP than candidate (b)
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does. Due to the fact that candidate (a) is more harmonic, ALIGN-E (CommaP, IP) must dominate *IP. This ranking is described in (60).
(60) Ranking of special constructions:
ALIGN-E (CommaP, IP)
*IP
SUMAX IPMIN ALIGN-R (Non-adt XP, IP)
This ranking is used to account for the special type of IP construction. In the following tableaux, the irrelevant constraints are removed in order to present the arguments more clearly. Consider (61).
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‘The teacher is not as good as we think; actually, he is a bad man.’
Input: [sin-saN]NP, [m t˛HjoN Naj nen kHon to e an ho]CommaP, [kHi-sˆt he faj ¯in]VP
Candidates (b), (c), and (d) violate ALIGN-Edge (CommaP, IP), since the parenthetical expression is not an independent IP. Candidate (e) is doomed due to violations of PARSE-σ. In virtue of this ranking, candidate (a) is selected as the most harmonic output owning to violating the lower-ranked constraint, *IP. Vocatives and tag questions are exemplified in (62) and (63).
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(62) tHew-ka, t˛HjaN N ko loj it ha boss please you come a down
‘Boss, please come here for a moment.’
Input: [tHew-ka]NP, [t˛HjaN N ko loj it ha]CommaP [ ML. M. HM. ML. H. ML.HM. H ]
Output: ([tHew-ka]NP) ([t˛HjaN N ko loj it ha]CommaP) [ ML. M. HM. ML. H. ML. HM. H ]
[σσ]NP,
[σσσσσσ]CommaP
ALIGN-E (CommaP, IP)
PARSE-σ *IP
→ a. ([σσ]NP)
([σσσσσσ]CommaP)
2
b. ([σσ]NP, [σσσσσσ]CommaP)
1 W 1 L
c. [σσ]NP, [σσσσσσ]CommaP
8 W L
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The analyses in (62) and (63) are the same as that in (61). The constraint, ALIGN-Edge (CommaP, IP), is successful in excluding the less harmonic candidates and in
selecting the candidate which the special construction stands as an isolated IP to be the winner.
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4.4 Summary
In this chapter, two sets of constraints are proposed to account for tone sandhi.
One is that of tonal constraints, which focus on how tone sandhi operates. Four constraints, *M/ ___ falling tone, IDENT-IP-T-R, IDENT-TCat, and IDENT-T, are proposed to account for the operation of sandhi phenomenon. The ranking among them is shown in (64).
(64) Tonal Ranking of Meinong Hakka
IDENT-TCat IDENT-IP-T-R *M/ ___ falling tone
IDENT-T
The other is that of prosodic constraints, which explain how the tonal domain is delimited. The proposed constraints are ALIGN-E (IP, SU), ALIGN-R (Non-adt XP, IP), ALIGN-R (IP, Non-adt XP), ALIGN-E (CommaP, IP), SUMAX, *IP, PARSE-σ, IPMIN, and IPMIN2. The ranking to account for the delimitation of tonal domains with respect to Cophonology A and Cophonology B are displayed in (65) and (66).
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(65) Ranking of prosodic constraints in Meinong Hakka: Cophonology A
ALIGN-E (CommaP, IP) ALIGN-E (IP, SU) PARSE-σ IPMIN2 ALIGN-R (IP, Non-adt XP)
*IP
ALIGN-R (Non-adt XP, IP) SUMAX IPMIN
(66) Ranking of prosodic constraints in Meinong Hakka: Cophonology B
ALIGN-E (CommaP, IP) ALIGN-E (IP, SU) PARSE-σ IPMIN2 ALIGN-R (IP, Non-adjunct XP)
ALIGN-R (Non-adjunct XP, IP)
*IP SUMAX IPMIN
IPMIN, SUMAX, and IPMIN2 can be used to regulate the length of an IP. The alignment constraints, ALIGN-E (IP, SU), ALIGN-R (IP, Non-adt XP), ALIGN-R (Non-adt XP, IP), and ALIGN-E (CommaP, IP) are mainly concerned with how the boundary of an IP corresponds to a boundary of another type of constituent.
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The two constraints, *IP and ALIGN-R (Non-adt XP, IP), are responsible for explaining how the tonal domain of the alternative reading is demarcated, as illustrated in (67).
(67) The Schema for Cophonology of Yinping Tone Sandhi in Meinong Hakka Master Ranking
{*IP, ALIGN-R (Non-adt XP, IP)}
Cophonology A Cophonology B
*IP >> ALIGN-R (Non-adt XP, IP) ALIGN-R (Non-adt XP, IP)>> *IP
The ranking between *IP and ALIGN-R (Non-adt XP, IP) is unspecified and is further specified in the two individual cophonologies. In Cophonology A, *IP is ranked higher than ALIGN-R (Non-adt XP, IP). This ranking accounts for the delimitation of the tonal domains of the data undergoing Yinping tone sandhi. In contrast, in
Cophonology B, ALIGN-R (Non-adt XP, IP) ranks above *IP, which is responsible for explaining the demarcation of the tonal domains of the readings not experiencing tone sandhi.
From the analysis discussed in this chapter, the separation of the two sets of constraints supports the claim of the Indirect Reference Hypothesis: the existence of prosodic structures.
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Chapter Five Conclusion