以優選理論分析美濃客語陰平變調 - 政大學術集成

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(1)國立政治大學語言學研究所碩士論文 National Chengchi University Graduate Institute of Linguistics Master Thesis. 指導教授 : 蕭宇超博士 Advisor: Dr. Yuchau E. Hsiao. 立. 政治大. ‧ 國. 學 ‧. 以優選理論分析美濃客語陰平變調. n. al. er. io. sit. y. Nat. Yinping Tone Sandhi in Meinong Hakka: An OT Analysis. Ch. engchi. i n U. 研究生 : 童啟美撰 Student: Chi-Mei Tung 中華民國一百年七月 July, 2011. v.

(2) Yinping Tone Sandhi in Meinong Hakka: An OT Analysis. BY Chi-Mei Tung. 立. 政治大. n. y. sit. er. io. al. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. Nat. A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate Institute of Linguistics in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts. Ch. engchi. July, 2011. i n U. v.

(3) 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. Copyright © 2011 Chi-Mei Tung All Rights Reserved iii. v.

(4) Acknowledgements. 這本論文的順利完成來自於受到很多人的照顧與鼓勵。首先，我要感謝我的指導教授---蕭宇超老師，謝謝您讓我從碩一開始進入您所主持的音韻理論工作室進行研究，認識了許多的學長姐與學弟妹，讓我有機會與大家一起切磋交流學問。謝謝您帶領我們參與籌備會議，不僅增進我們的處事經驗，也在會議中認識了很多知名的學者。仍記得有次就快要放棄解決問題時，您對我說:「不可以輕言放棄」，從此，每當我感到挫折時，我都會拿這句話鼓勵自己去面對解決困難。謝謝您鼓勵我們發表，不辭辛苦地為我們批改摘要、為我們演練，耐心地指導我們，而您不居功的態度更是令人敬佩!您爽朗的笑聲為工作室注入了更為活潑的氣氛，在您身上看到了樂觀與堅持的精神。. 政治大. 接著，我要感謝我的計畫書及論文口試委員---林蕙珊老師和吳瑾瑋老師。感謝你們撥冗擔任我的口試委員，給予我很多寶貴且精闢的建議，提出論文分析上的盲點，讓這本論文更臻完備。. 立. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. 另外，感謝在政大求學時的所有師長。謝謝幽默風趣、帥氣打扮的何萬順老師給予我很多這本論文中有關句法的寶貴想法；感謝溫柔漂亮的黃瓊之老師、美麗又笑咪咪的萬依萍老師、冷靜邏輯性強的徐嘉慧老師、擁有豐富構詞學問的莫建清老師，你們傳授予我們的豐富知識，拓展了我們的視野。. Nat. y. sit. n. al. er. io. 當然，還有一位很重要的人，那就是獲得“語言所不能沒有你之所辦灰姑娘獎＂的助教學姊，真的很感謝你對我的照顧。常常在我感到無助時給予我鼓勵及建議，謝謝你原諒我犯錯的時候，還有也謝謝你在我口試前給我的加油及關心，為我不安的心注入了一股穩定的力量。. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. 感謝張屏生老師與鍾榮富老師熱心地解答有關這本論文中出現的問題並提供寶貴的建議。我也想對我大三的導師，現已在政大中文系任教的黃偉倫老師表達感謝，謝謝您在我就讀碩班這三年的照顧，總是聆聽我們的心聲並給予寶貴的意見，不吝惜將自我的生命歷程與我們分享，鼓勵我們。接著，我要對我身邊的人表示感謝。謝謝音韻工作室的夥伴們:淨涵、雯琪、子權，很開心這三年有你們的陪伴，謝謝你們聽我抱怨，每次和你們說說笑笑都覺得好開心；謝謝你們總是在我對學術問題感到迷惘時給我很寶貴的想法，讓我相信就算現在面對很多困難，它終會有解決的一天。我會記得跟你們一起旅行的點滴，那單純美好的時光。謝謝綠茜、熊和旺楨，和你們一起在工作室值班的日子真的很快樂，每當我出現困惑時，不論是學術亦或是人生的難題，你們總是為我解惑。也謝謝奕儒、小夫，你們的陪伴豐富了我的生活。也謝謝碩班的每位同. iv.

(5) . v. 學們，認識你們很開心。還有，謝謝詩敏學姐、曉蒨學姐和明德學姐，你們的照顧與加油打氣，讓我感到溫暖，也謝謝曉蒨學姐的父母熱心地擔任我的發音人。碩一的學弟妹們，謝謝你們為所上與工作室增添更多溫馨快樂的氣氛。謝謝我美麗的室友玉芳，從大學開始，你一直為我帶來充滿快樂的笑聲，當我難過時陪在我身邊，給我安慰，最喜歡與你在宿舍瘋狂亂聊，說著過去，想著未來，尤其是在台北的這三年，謝謝你貼心的照顧與陪伴，讓我覺得不孤單。謝謝家展的幽默，喜歡和你一起漫無目的的聊天，單純、無拘無束。謝謝素吟的支持，你在我心中是個溫暖又漂亮的人。謝謝我的大學學長森簇，每次總能以智慧的態度開導我，讓我知道什麼是需要好好去把握的，認清事物的本質。謝謝我的高中同學宛諭，友情一直延續到現在，你不吝於與我分享你的一切，帶我去旅行，幫我借書，喜歡和你一起窩在餐廳安靜的一角聊天。謝謝我的發音人，你們熱忱地提供我語料並耐心地與我討論，給予我很多珍貴的意見，讓語料的收集更為順利。. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. 最後，我要感謝我生命中最重要的家人:父母及兩位哥哥。謝謝你們無怨無悔的付出，你們在生活及經濟上的支持，讓我能心無旁鶩地完成學業。謝謝你們傾聽我的心聲、陪著我、鼓勵我、支持我。沒有你們，這本論文無法得以完成，因而謹將此論文獻給我最愛的你們，謝謝你們。. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. v.

(6) Vita Education 2011/7. M.A. in Linguistics National Chengchi University. 2008/1. B.A. in Chinese National Kaohsiung Normal University. Grants and Scholarships. Theoretical Phonology Lab Research Assistantship. ‧. 2009. 學. 2009-2011. ‧ 國. 2010. 治政大 Graduate Institute of Linguistics Scholarship 立 National Chengchi University The committee member of the Mao Kong Forum-The First. sit. io. National Science Council Travel Grant for attending the 42nd. n. al. er. 2009. y. Nat. International Graduate Student Conference on Modern Phonology. Ch. i n U. v. International Conference on Sino-Tibetan Languages and Lingusitics. 2008. engchi. The committee member of the 2nd Theoretical Phonology Conference. Publication. 2011/4. “The Position of Prenuclear Glide and the Syllable Structure in Sixian Hakka.” Paper accepted at 9th Workshop in General Linguistics. USA: University of Wisconsin-Madison. vi.

(7) vii. 2010/11. “Yinping Tone Sandhi in Meinong Hakka: An OT Analysis.” Paper presented at 11th National Conference on Linguistics. Taiwan: National Hsinchu University of Education.. 2010/ 11. “The Domain for Yinping Tone Sandhi in Meinong Hakka.” Paper accepted at 43rd International Conference on Sino-Tibetan Languages and Lingusitics. Sweden: Lund University.. 2009/12. “Lateral-Nasal Neutralization in Meinong Hakka: An OT Analysis.” Paper presented at Mao Kong Forum-The First. 政治大. International Graduate Student Conference on Modern Phonology. Taiwan: National Chengchi University.. 立. “Against Gemination Integrity: Evidence from Sixian Hakka.”. ‧ 國. 學. Paper presented at the the 42nd International Conference on. ‧. Sino-Tibetan Languages and Lingusitics. Chiang Mai, Thailand: Payap University.. io. sit. y. Nat. n. al. er. 2009/11. Ch. engchi. i n U. v.

(8) Abbreviations. S. sentence. T. tense. G. goal. CL. classifier. IP. intonational phrase. CP. complementizer phrase. TP. tense phrase. adverbial phrase. CommaP. comma phrase. io. n. suf. al. question mark. Ch. engchi suffix. AS. adjective suffix. PL-S. plural suffix. PAS-S. passive suffix. Asp. aspect. viii. y. AdvP. sit. ‧ 國. adjective phrase. ‧. AP. 學. verb phrase. Nat. VP. QM. . noun phrase. er. 立. NP. 政治大. i n U. v.

(9) TABLE OF CONTENTS. Acknowledgements…………………………………………………………………...iv Vita……………………………………………………………………………………vi Abbreviations………………………………………………………………………..viii TABLE OF CONTENTS……………………………………………………………..ix Chinese Abstract……………………………………………………………………...xii English Abstract……………………………………………………………………..xiii Chapter One Chapter Two. 政治大 Literature Review…………...………………………………………... 3 立. Introduction…………..………………………………………………..1. ‧ 國. 學. 2.1 Direct Reference Hypothesis…………………………………………………3 2.2 Indirect Reference Hypothesis………………………………………………. 5. ‧. 2.2.1 Beat-Counting Theory………………………………………………...6. sit. y. Nat. 2.2.2 End-based Theory……………………………………………………10. n. al. er. io. 2.2.3 Intonational Phrase…………………………………………………..11. i n U. v. 2.2.3.1 Sense Unit Condition…………………………………………11. Ch. engchi. 2.2.3.2 Restructuring………………………………………………… 12 2.3 Optimality Theory………………………………………………………….. 14 2.3.1 Basix Concepts………………………………………………………14 2.3.2 Generalized Alignment………………………………………………16 2.3.3 Cophonology Theory………………………………………………...17 2.4 Tonal Basics…………………………………………………………………18 Chapter Three. The Domainn For YinPing Tone Sandhi in Meinong Hakka……….21. 3.1 Introduction…………………………………………………………………21 3.2 Domain C-command……………………………………………………….. 21. ix.

(10) x. 3.2.1 Left-to-Right Domain C-command………………………………….22 3.2.2 Right-to-Left Domain C-command………………………………….23 3.2.3 Mutual Domain C-command………………………………………...25 3.2.4 K-condition…………………………………………………………..28 3.3 Foot: Beat-Counting Theory………………..……………………………….33 3.4 End-based Theory…………………………………………………………...38 3.4.1 Xhead[ parameter……………………………………………………...38 3.4.2 ]Xhead parameter……………………………………………………...39. 政治大 parameter……………………………………………………...43 立. 3.4.3 Xmax[ parameter……………………………………………………... 41 3.4.4 ]X. max. 3.5 Intonational Phrase………………………………………………………….46. ‧ 國. 學. 3.6 Special constructions for IP…………………………………………………51. ‧. 3.6.1 Vocative……………………………………………………………...52. sit. y. Nat. 3.6.2 Tag Question…………………………………………………………52. io. er. 3.6.3 Parenthetical Expressions……………………………………………53 3.7 Summary………………………………………………………………........ 55. al. n. v i n C h Analysis to YinPing An Optimality Theory Tone Sandhi…………...56 engchi U. Chapter Four. 4.1 Introduction…………………………………………………………………56 4.2 Tonal Constraints……………………………………………………………56 4.2.1 Tone Sandhi………………………………………………………….60 4.2.2 Invariant Reading……………………………………………………65 4.2.3 Special Constructions………………………………………………..68 4.3 Prosodic Constraints………………………………………………………...70 4.3.1 Cophonology A: Tone Sandhi……………………………………….70 4.3.1.1 Disyllabic expression………………………………………...76 4.3.1.2 Trisyllabic expression………………………………………..76.

(11) xi. 4.3.1.3 Tetrasyllabic expressions…………………………………….77 4.3.1.4 Example with five syllables………………………………….80 4.3.1.5 An example with six syllables………………………………..81 4.3.1.6 Longer sentences……………………………………………..82 4.3.2 Cophonology B: Invariant Reading…………………………………86 4.3.3 Prosodic Constraints for Special Constructions……………………..94 4.4 Summary…………………………………………………………………..100 Chapter Five. Conclusion………..………………………………………………...103. 政治大 5.2 Further Issues……………………………………………………………...105 立. 5.1 Thesis Summary…………………………………………………………...103. Bibliography………………………………………………………………………...107. ‧ 國. 學. English References.………………………………………………………........107. ‧. Chinese References…………...……………………………………………….110. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. v.

(12) 國. 立. 政. 治. 大. 學. 研. 究. 所. 碩. 士. 論. 文. 提. 要. 研究所所別:語言學研究所論文名稱:以優選理論分析美濃客語陰平變調指導教授:蕭宇超研究生:童啟美論文提要內容: (共一冊，19,473 字，分五章十七節). 政治大. 本文以優選理論的觀點分析美濃客語的陰平變調。討論可分為兩部分，首. 立. 先，針對於變調的範疇，文章從句法與音韻的介面關係探討陰平變調的範疇，結. ‧ 國. 學. 果顯示陰平變調是以語調詞組(Intonational Phrase)作為變調的範疇，而這也為韻律結構的存在提供了證據。語調詞組的形成與感知單位(Sense Unit Condition)和. ‧. 重組(Restructuring)有密切的關係。另外，也探討了語調詞組中的特殊結構，發. y. Nat. n. al. er. io. 調詞組。. sit. 現語料支持 Nespor & Vogel (1986)的假設，即特殊結構可以先形成一個獨立的語. i n U. v. 探討完變調範疇之後，將以優選理論進行分析。本文提出兩組制約:聲調制. Ch. engchi. 約和韻律制約。聲調制約著重在解釋變調的運作，而韻律制約則負責解釋變調範疇的劃分，這兩組制約不僅能解釋一般句子的變調，亦能對特殊結構的變調現象予以充分的說明。針對於變讀的情形，本文以並存音韻理論(Cophonology Theory) 來作解釋，藉由*IP 和 ALIGN-R (Non-adjunct XP, IP)兩個制約的重新排序，得到變調與不變調兩種讀法的範疇的劃分。. xii.

(13) Abstract This thesis is aimed at analyzing Yinping tone sandhi in Meinong Hakka from the perspective of Optimality Theory. The discussion is divided into two parts. First, this thesis explores the tonal domain in terms of the interface of syntax and phonology. The analysis indicates that the tonal domain is founded on an intonational phrase. The formation of an intonational phrase is based on the Sense Unit Condition (Selkirk, 1984) and is closely related to restructuring (Nespor and Vogel, 1986). The special constructions of IPs are also investigated. The data supports the hypothesis proposed. 政治大 privilege to form an isolated 立intonational phrase.. by Nespor and Vogel (1986), namely, that these special constructions have the. ‧ 國. 學. Secondly, Optimality Theory is adopted to analyze the data after exploring the tonal domain. Two set of constraints are proposed in this thesis. One is that of tonal. ‧. constraints, which are mainly concerned with the processing of tone sandhi. The other. sit. y. Nat. is that of prosodic constraints, which are responsible for explaining the delimitation of. n. al. er. io. the tonal domains of the data. The two sets of constraints can be used to account for. i n U. v. the operation of the sandhi phenomena in ordinary sentences and also in special. Ch. engchi. constructions. The alternative readings are explained by means of the re-ranking of *IP and ALIGN-R (Non-adjunct XP, IP) from the perspective of Cophonology Theory.. . xiii.

(14) Chapter One Introduction. This thesis aims to account for Yinping tone sandhi in Meinong Hakka. Meinong Hakka, as a branch of Sixian Hakka, is spoken in Kaohsiung City in southern Taiwan. The previous research mainly focuses on Miaoli Sixian Hakka (Hsiao & Hsu, 1994; Hsu, 1996; Hsiao, 2000), Hai-lu Hakka (Chang, 2001), and Dongshi Hakka (Hsiao &. 政治大 studies of Hakka in the southern area, Chung (1989) provides a systematic inspection 立 Chiu, 2006; Chiu, 2006), all in the northern and middle areas of Taiwan. Regarding. of Guangxing Hakka. He investigates the Yangping tone sandhi from the perspective. ‧ 國. 學. of domain c-command, one notion of the Direct Reference Hypothesis. As regards the. ‧. tone sandhi in Meinong Hakka, Chang (2007) in his survey provides disyllabic data. y. Nat. and formalizes a Yinping tone sandhi rule. However, he does not carry out any further. er. io. sit. scrutiny into the domain for Yinping tone sandhi. The question as to how the tonal domain is defined is left to be answered.. al. n. v i n C hparts: a descriptionUof the definition of the tonal This thesis is composed of two engchi. domain and of proposals for the constraints to account for it. The domain will be. explored in Chapter Three, after the review of the literature in Chapter Two, with respect to the Direct Reference Hypothesis and to the Indirect Reference Hypothesis. With regard to the Direct Reference Hypothesis, Domain c-command (Kaisse, 1985) is applied to investigate the tonal domain, but it fails to define the domain properly. The results reveal that the rule domain for Yinping tone sandhi is founded on an intonational phrase (IP) in terms of the Indirect Reference Hypothesis. An IP is formed based on the Sense Unit Condition (Selkirk, 1984) and is related to the numbers of syllables. After defining how the rule domain is formed, a 1.

(15) 2. non-derivational approach, Optimality Theory, is employed to analyze Yinping tone sandhi. Two sets of constraints, prosodic constraints and tonal constraints, will be proposed in Chapter Four. The tonal constraints will function as accounting for Yinping tone sandhi in section 4.2 by means of the interaction between the markedness and faithfulness constraints. The prosodic constraints will be discussed in section 4.3 and mainly focus on two facets: one that limits the length of an IP and another that deals with edge-sharing phenomena. This thesis consists of five chapters. Chapter One presents the research issues and. 政治大 study, inclusive of the Direct Reference Hypothesis, Indirect Reference Hypothesis, 立 the outline of this thesis. Chapter Two provides the theoretical model used in this. End-based parameters, intonational phrasings, and Optimality Theory. Chapter Three. ‧ 國. 學. provides a definition of the tonal domain with respect to the interface of phonology. ‧. and syntax. Chapter Four provides an analysis of tone sandhi from the perspective of. y. Nat. Optimality Theory and proposes the crucial constraints. Chapter Five offers a. n. er. io. al. sit. conclusion of this research.. Ch. engchi. i n U. v.

(16) Chapter Two Literature Review. 2.1 Direct Reference Hypothesis The direct reference hypothesis claims that no intermediate level exists between phonology and syntax, that is, syntactic structures influence phonological rules directly, as described in (1).. 政治大. (1) The Direct Reference Hypothesis. 立. Syntax. ‧. ‧ 國. 學 sit. y. Nat. Phonology. n. al. er. io. Kaisse (1985) proposes Domain C-command, which is built on M-command. i n U. v. (Chomsky, 1986), to account for phonological phenomenon. The definition is presented as in (2).. (2). Ch. engchi. Domain C-command In the structure [Xmax…α…], Xmax is defined as the domain of α. Then α c-commands any β in its domain.. According to (2), phonological rules cannot apply across the maximal projection, namely, Xmax is an obstacle to the application of phonological rules. The direction of domain c-command is language-specific, for example, α and β c-command each other for Biblical Hebrew sandhi, α c-commands β for Italian syntactic doubling, and β 3.

(17) 4. commands α for French liaison. Chung (1989) develops a fourth parameter of domain c-command, called K-condition, to account for Yangping tone sandhi in Guangxing Hakka. K-condition, defined in (3), is the loosest version among the four parameters.. (3) K-condition (Chung, 1989:194) (i). a must domain-c-command b or. (ii). b must domain-c-command a. 政治大 Yangping tone sandhi rule 立 applies when two words satisfy left-to-right or right-to-left He makes use of the K-condition to explain Yangping tone sandhi and asserts that the. ‧ 國. 學. domain c-commanding relation. The examples are described in (4) and (5).. ‧. (4) ‘examining the population’ (Chung, 1989:195). y. sit er. al. n. 11 11 33 33 examine. NP ¯in kHew. io. V = tHyaw tsHa. Nat. VP. Ch. 11 31 11 31 population. Domain c-command. i n U. Base Tone Sandhi Tone. engchi. K-condition 1. v.

(18) 5. (5) ‘smart matchmaker’(Chung, 1989:195) NP. AP. =. N. tsHuN min. moy ¯in. 33 11 33 33 smart. 11 11 33 11 matchmaker. Base Tone Sandhi Tone. Domain c-command. K-condition 2. 政治大 In (4), the verb tHyaw-tsHa 立 is the head of VP, so it can domain c-command the NP. ‧ 國. 學. ¯in-kHew, which satisfies (3i). Therefore, the Yangping tone sandhi rule applies and tsHa surfaces as 33. On the other hand, (5) is an example of a reverse domain. ‧. c-commanding relation. The head noun moy-¯in domain c-commands the AP. sit. y. Nat. tsHuN-min from right to left, which satisfies (3ii). It successfully explains why min is. n. al. er. io. changed into 11 from 33.. Ch. 2.2 Indirect Reference Hypothesis. engchi. i n U. v. The Indirect Reference Hypothesis asserts that an intermediate level interposes between syntax and phonology, as in (6)..

(19) 6. (6) The Indirect Reference Hypothesis. Syntax. Prosodic Structures. Phonology. 政治大 The prosodic structures consist of syllable, foot, prosodic word, phonological phrase, 立 intonational phrase, and utterance.. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. 2.2.1 Beat-Counting Theory. sit. y. Nat. Many studies show that the domain for Mandarin tone sandhi is founded on foot. al. er. io. (Shih,1986; Hung,1987; Hsiao,1991; Lin 2001). Shih (1986) proposes a Foot. v. n. Formation Rule to account for the third tone sandhi. Hung (1987) proposes a Foot. Ch. engchi. i n U. Formation Rule based on Sense Unit Condition (Selkirk, 1984) to define the tonal domain for Mandarin. Hsiao (1991) proposes a Beat-Counting Theory to explain how the foot is formed by the beat assignment in Mandarin. As for the tone sandhi for Hakka, Hsu (1996) exploits Beat-Counting Theory to analyze the Yinping tone sandhi in Miaoli Sixian Hakka. She suggests that the domain for Yinping tone sandhi is based on an intonational phrase and a foot. With regard to the foot formation, she adopts Beat-Counting Theory to explain how the foot is derived. The Beat-Counting Theory is presented as in (7)-(9)..

(20) 7. (7) Beat Assignment (Hsiao, 1991:37-8) (a) Lexical Beat-Assignment (LB): Every lexical syllable is assigned a metrical beat. (b) Functor Beat-Assignment (FB): A functor syllable is assigned a beat in normal or slow speech. (c) FB takes place after lexical syllables have been made into ICFs or ABFs. (8) Foot Formation Principle (a) Immediate Constituent Foot (ICF): Any adjacent beats which are assigned to ICs form an ICF.. 政治大. (b) Adjacent Beat Foot (ABF): Any two adjacent beats which are not assigned to ICs are paired into an ABF.. 立. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. (c) Jumbo foot (JF): Any unpaired single beat is recruited by a neighboring foot to form a Jumbo Foot if the beat c-commands the adjacent beat contained in the foot. (9) Application Criteria. Nat. al. er. io. sit. y. (a) When all conditions are all met, the ICF prevails over other footing processes.. n. (b) Scanning starts from left to right and stops as soon as the environmental requirements for either ABF or JF are met, and the principle triggered applies to the whole line.. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. The trisyllabic expression adopted from Hsu (1996:85) is exemplified in (10) to demonstrate how the foot is derived..

(21) 8. (10) ‘three minutes’ NP AP. N. A sam three 24 x. fun-tsong minutes 24 24 x x. Base Tone LB. ---------------->. 立. Scanning 政治大 f ICF Scanning f. 24. JF Sandhi Tone. ‧. 11. 學. 11. ‧ 國. ----------------------------->. y. Nat. sit. According to (7a), every content word is assigned a lexical beat. Then, scanning. n. al. er. io. begins from left to right. ICF is applied and requires fun and tsong to form an ICF.. i n U. v. The remaining lexical beat sam is recruited to constitute a JF, where the tone sandhi. Ch. engchi. rule applies. As a result, all Yinping syllables except for the final syllable undergo tone sandhi. This result shows that the tonal domain for Miaoli Sixian Hakka is the foot. Moreover, Hsu (1996) observed that the direction of the scanning of the beat is closely related to syntactic branchingness and capable of accounting for how the alternative readings are derived. She claims that uniformly syntactic branching has an effect on the direction of the scanning of the beat. If the sentence is a uniformly right branching structure, the scanning begins from right to left to generate one reading. The opposite direction of scanning, from left to right, derives an alternative reading. (11) demonstrates how Yinping tone sandhi in Miaoli Sixian Hakka is explained.

(22) 9. through the change in the direction of the scanning of the beat.. (11) ‘to take the vegetable marrow’ (Hsu, 1996:90) VP AdvP. V’. Adv. V. NP N. na take 24 x. ‧ 國. 立. 治政t’ung-kua vegetable marrow 大 24 x. 24 x. Base Tone. 學. sien first 24 x. (a) left-to-right beat scanning. Scanning ICF Scanning ABF Reading2. ‧. ---------------> f. ------------------------->. Nat. n. Ch. sit. 11. 24. er. io. al. y. f. 11 24 (b) right-to-left scanning. i n Uf. <--------------. engchi. <------------------------------f <--------------------------------------------------f 11. 11. LB. 11. 24. v. Scanning ICF Scanning JF Scanning JF Reading1. In (11), this sentence is right-branching. Every content word is assigned a lexical beat. The scanning begins from left to right. The noun t’ung-kua constitutes an ICF first. Then sien and na form an ABF according to (8b). A tonal boundary is predicted to appear between na and t’ung. Yinping tone sandhi applies within each foot and Reading 2 is generated. In contrast, Reading 1 is derived by virtue of the scanning in.

(23) 10. the opposite direction. In (11b), the path of the scanning proceeds from right to left. The noun t’ung-kua constructs an ICF at the beginning. The verb na is added to the ICF due to the c-commanding relation and a JF is formed. The scanning continues to move forward and the adverb sien is attached to the JF to form another JF where tone sandhi applies. As a result, Reading 1 is obtained through the right-to-left scanning.. 2.2.2 End-based Theory Selkirk (1986) uses the ends of constituents of a syntactic structure to define a. 政治大. phonological phrase. Four parameters are presented in (12).. 立. End parameters a. Xhead[. b. ]Xhead. c. Xmax[. 學. d. ]Xmax. ‧. ‧ 國. (12). The four parameters can be categorized into two types of phonological phrases. (12a,b). y. Nat. sit. are called “small phonological phrases,” where a phonological phrase is marked at the. n. al. er. io. left or right edge of the lexical head. (12c,d) are called “maximal phonological. i n U. v. phrases,” where a phonological phrase is delimited at the left or right end of the. Ch. engchi. maximal projection. The selection of the parameter is language-specific, for example, Xmax[ parameter forms the phonological phrase as the domain for the tone sandhi in Ewi (Clements, 1978)..

(24) 11. 2.2.3 Intonational Phrase 2.2.3.1 Sense Unit Condition Selkirk (1984) introduces the Sense Unit Condition to explain how an intonational phrase (henceforth “IP”) is established, as in (13). (13) Sense Unit Condition (Selkirk, 1984: 291) Two constituents Ci, Cj form a sense unit if (a) or (b) is true of the semantic interpretation of the sentence: a. Ci modifies Cj (a head). 政治大. b. Ci is an argument of Cj (a head). 立. ‧. ‧ 國. (14).. 學. (13) determines the intonational phrasing in light of the semantics, as instantiated in. (14) Tom bought a book for David. y. Nat. n. al. c. *(Tom) (bought) (a book for David). Ch. engchi. d. *(Tom bought) (a book for David). er. io. b. (Tom) (bought a book) (for David). sit. a. (Tom) (bought) (a book) (for David). i n U. v. e. (Tom bought) (a book) (for David) f. (Tom bought a book) (for David) g. (Tom) (bought a book for David) h. (Tom bought a book for David). In (14), (a), (b), (e), (f), (g), and (h) are well-formed sense units and IPs due to satisfying either (13a) or (13b). These grammatical IPs imply that intonational phrasings are not required to align with the syntactic structures. For example, Tom.

(25) 12. bought in (14e) is an ungrammatical syntactic constituent, but it is a sense unit owing to the argument-head relationship between Tom and bought. The ill-formedness of (14c) and (14d) results from the lack of an argument-head or modifier-head relationship between a book and for David.. 2.2.3.2 Restructuring Nespor and Vogel (1986) state that an intonational phrase consists of one or more phonological phrases founded on syntactic information. Besides the syntactic. 政治大 on the construction of an IP. 立IP, as one of the prosodic constituents, is naturally more. information, other facets such as semantic and performance factors also have an effect. ‧ 國. 學. variable in formation than the other prosodic constituents beneath it. It is observed that IPs are restructured on the basis of length, rate of speech and style. Restructuring. ‧. signifies that an IP may be decomposed into smaller IPs or united with other IPs into a. sit. y. Nat. larger IP. Among the three factors mentioned above, length plays an important role in. al. er. io. the restructuring of an IP. When an IP is too long, it is likely that speakers will divide. v. n. it into smaller IPs. Although an IP may be decomposed into as many smaller IPs as. Ch. engchi. i n U. possible theoretically, there is a tendency in the process to prevent there being a succession of very short IPs or sequences of IPs of divergent length from occurring. This idea is exemplified in (15). (15) (Nespor and Vogel, 1986:194-195) a. [I[ Jennifer ]ø [ discovered ]ø [ that her attic ]ø [ had been invaded ]ø [ last winter ]ø [ by a family ]ø [of squirrels ]ø]I b. [I[ Jennifer ]ø]I [I[ discovered ]ø]I [I[ that her attic ]ø]I [I[ had been invaded ]ø]I [I[ last winter ]ø]I [I[ by a family ]ø [of squirrels ]ø]I c. [I[ Jennifer ]ø]I [I[ discovered ]ø [ that her attic ]ø [ had been invaded ]ø [ last winter ]ø [ by a family ]ø [of squirrels ]ø]I.

(26) 13. d. [I[ Jennifer ]ø [ discovered ]ø]I [I[ that her attic ]ø [ had been invaded ]ø [ last winter ]ø]I [I[ by a family ]ø [of squirrels ]ø]I e. [I[ Jennifer ]ø [ discovered ]ø [ that her attic ]ø]I [I[ had been invaded ]ø [ last winter ]ø [ by a family ]ø [of squirrels ]ø]I There are four ways to divide the IP in (15a) into smaller IPs. However, (15d) and (15e) are more suited to such division than (15b) and (15c). This is due to the fact that the length of every IP in (15b) is too short and that the length of the two IPs in (15c) is unbalanced. In reference to the factors on length discussed above, it is found that sequences of IPs of divergent length are more preferred to those of too short a length in Meinong Hakka.. 立. 政治大. In addition to the length of an IP, syntactic factors can also affect where the. ‧ 國. 學. boundary of an IP is located. The boundary of an IP is inclined to appear after the end of an NP which is highly relevant to the argument structure in the sentence. This is. ‧. because this type of IP formation can prevent the obligatory argument from separating. y. Nat. n. al. er. io. (16).. sit. from its verb. An instance adopted from Nespor and Vogel (1986: 197) is given in. Ch. engchi. (16) (Nespor and Vogel, 1986:197). i n U. v. [I[ The giant panda ]ø [ eats ]ø [ only one type ]ø [ of bamboo ]ø [ in its natural habitat ]ø]I (a) [I[ The giant panda ]ø]I [I[ eats ]ø [ only one type ]ø [ of bamboo ]ø]I [I[ in its natural habitat ]ø]I (b) [I[ The giant panda ]ø [ eats ]ø [ only one type ]ø [ of bamboo ]ø]I [I[ in its natural habitat ]ø]I (c) [I[ The giant panda ]ø]I [I[ eats ]ø [ only one type ]ø [ of bamboo ]ø [ in its natural habitat ]ø]I In (16), it is noticed that the IP boundary is not placed after the verb eat or the noun.

(27) 14. type when restructuring occurs. This is because eat or type are not the termination of the NP. This thesis will make use of Sense Unit Condition and restructuring to interpret how an IP is formed.. 2.3 Optimality Theory 2.3.1 Basic Concepts Prince and Smolensky (1993, 2004) propose a constraint-based framework,. 政治大. Optimality Theory (henceforth “OT”), to account for processing of human languages.. 立. Unlike Generative Theory which uses rules to derive the surface forms step by step,. ‧ 國. 學. OT is a device in which output candidates are evaluated in a parallel fashion. (17) presents how OT maps an input to a output. The sources of the inputs are not. ‧. restricted to the underlying representations in a language. All possible combinations. y. Nat. sit. of phonological elements can be the inputs, which property is called Richness of the. n. al. er. io. base (Prince and Smolensky, 1993/2004). The input is submitted to GEN. GEN. i n U. v. generates all possible output candidates, called Freedom of Analysis (Kager, 1999).. Ch. engchi. Then, these candidates are assessed by EVAL, in which the criterion of harmony is applied in the selection of the actual output. The candidate having the least violations of a set of ranked constraints is chosen as the optimal or most harmonic output. EVAL consists of two types of constraints, markedness and faithfulness constraints, which are responsible for the evaluation. It is assumed that these constraints are universal and violable. Universality means that languages in the world share the same set of constraints. The different rankings among the constraints result in language diversity or variations. The use of the concept of Violability, which was not applied in the theories proposed in the past, permits that constraints are violable, but that the.

(28) 15. violations are required to be minimal.. (17) The processing schema for OT. GEN. EVAL C1. Candidate a Candidate b Candidate c Candidate d Candidate e. input. >>. >> …. C2. output. 政治大. 立. ‧ 國. 學. The selection process is represented by a tableau, as in (18).. ‧. (18) Tableau. c. Candidate3 d. Candidate4. *!. y. sit. Con3. er. al. Con2. n. b. Candidate2. Con1. io. → a. Candidate1. Nat. Con1, Con2 >> Con3 >> Con4 Input. Cn. Ch. e*!n g c h i U. v ni. Con4 *. *. *!. (18) is a violation tableau. In (18), the input is put in the top left position and the candidates are displayed at the left side. The constraints are ranked from left to right on the top of the line. The dotted line demonstrates that no domination relationship is found among the constraints. The solid line indicates that the constraints are in conflict and that one constraint outranks the following one. Therefore, the ranking in (18) is Con1, Con2 >> Con3 >> Con4. The notation → indicates the winner. A.

(29) 16. violation mark is represented by the asterisk *. The exclamation mark ! indicates that the candidate is ruled out because of a fatal violation. The shaded cell means that a constraint is irrelevant to select this candidate as the winner because this candidate is removed by a higher-ranked constraint. In addition to the violation tableau, a combination tableau is another format used to display the selection process. It provides two sorts of information: the numbers of the violations and the comparative symbols, W and L. The comparative symbols are restricted to the loser lows, since they function as presenting how a loser is assessed in. 政治大. comparison with the winner with respect to every constraint, as exemplified in (19).. 立 Con1. 學. Input. ‧ 國. (19) Combination tableau. Con2. → a. Candidate 1. * *W. ‧. b. Candidate 2. L. y. Nat. io. sit. In (19), Con1 favors the winner, Candidate 1, over the loser, Candidate 2. As a result,. n. al. er. W is put into the cell of Candidate 2. L is entered into the cell to the right of W. Ch. i n U. v. because Con 2 favors the loser, Candidate 2, over the winner, Candidate 1. This is the. engchi. evidence that Con 1 dominates Con 2. Therefore, a combination tableau like (19) is a good tool to present ranking arguments. Chapter Four in this thesis will make use of combination tableaux to present the ranking arguments in dealing with Yinping tone sandhi in terms of OT.. 2.3.2 Generalized Alignment McCarthy and Prince (1993) introduce Generalized Alignment, a constraint family, to analyze the phenomena of the sharing of an edge in morphological.

(30) 17. constituents and prosodic constituents, as described in (20).. (20) Generalized Alignment (McCarthy & Prince, 1993:80) Align (Cat1, Edge1, Cat2, Edge2) = def ∀Cat1∃Cat2 such that Edge1 of Cat1 and Edge2 of Cat2 coincide. Where Cat1, Cat2 ∈ PCat ∪ GCat Edge1, Edge2 ∈ {Right, Left} PCat represents prosodic categories and GCat grammatical categories. From the. 政治大 corresponds to a designated立 edge of a specific morphological or prosodic constituent. definition in (20), a designated edge of a morphological or prosodic constituent (Cat1). ‧ 國. 學. (Cat2). For example, Align (PPh, R, XP, R) requires that the right edge of the phonological phrase be aligned with that of a maximal projection. The Generalized. ‧. Alignment constraints are related to End-based Theory (Selkirk, 1986), since End-. sit. y. Nat. based Theory deals with how the edge of a prosodic constituent corresponds to the. al. er. io. edge of a syntactic constituent. Prince and Smolensky (1993) extend Generalized. v. n. Alignment to all kinds of edges of grammatical and prosodic constituents, and so. Ch. engchi. i n U. provide a more general tool to account for edge-sharing phenomena in world languages.. 2.3.3 Cophonology Theory The cophonology approach (Orgun, 1996; Anttila, 1997; Inkelas and Zoll, 2007) deals with language-internal diversity in the light of the re-ranking of a set of unspecified constraints. In this model, constraints are general and purely phonological and are not indexed for specific contexts. This model is schematized in (21)..

(31) 18. (21) Schema for Cophonology Master Ranking Con1 >> {Con2, Con3}. Cophonology A. Cophonology B. Con1 >> Con2 >> Con3. Con1 >> Con3 >> Con2. In (21), the Master Ranking, a superordinate node, consists of a set of unspecified. 政治大. general constraints, that is, Con2 and Con3 within the braces. They are specified in. 立. the individual cophonologies A and B due to morphological constructions or register.. ‧ 國. 學. That is, Con2 is ranked above Con3 in Cophonology A, but the opposite ranking, where Con3 is higher-ranked than Con2, forms the Cophonology B. Therefore, the. ‧. language-internal diversity is accounted for by virtue of the re-ranking of a set of. Nat. n. al. er. io. sit. y. unspecified constraints.. 2.4 Tonal Basics. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. Based on Chung (2001), there are six citation tones in Meinong Hakka: Yinping, Yangping, Shang, Qu, Yinru, and Yangru. Huang (2003) provides the phonetics-based analyses of tones in Meinong Hakka. From the perspective of the most frequent rates of occurrence, he suggests that the pitch values can be transcribed as in (22)..

(32) 19. (22) Tonal system of Meinong Hakka (five-scale approach) Yinping. Yangping. 32 kuN. Values Examples. 31 iu “oil”. “work”. Shang. Qu. Yinru. 42 kam “reduce”. 55 tHai. 53 tsut “bamboo”. “big”. Yangru. 55 hok “learn”. In (22), checked tones are underlined. In this sub-dialect, Huang (2003) observes that the six base tones can be classified into two types on the basis of the F0 slopes. Yangping, Shang, and Yingru are categorized as falling tones and Yingping, Qu, and Yangru as level tones.. 立. 政治大. (22) is transcribed with a five-scale approach devised by Chao (1930). To find. ‧ 國. 學. out the similarities among these tones, the phonetic details are ignored and these tones. ‧. are transcribed as in (23).. io. al. n. M. Values. Yangping ML. Ch. y Shang HM. engchi U. sit. Yinping. Qu. er. Nat. (23) Tonal system of Meinong Hakka. vH ni. Yinru HM. In (23), the checked tones are superscripted. According to Chang’s (2007) investigation, Yinping changes into the rising tone when it precedes Yangping, Shang, and Yinru, as exemplified in (24).. (24) Examples for Yinping tone sandhi a. Yinping before Yangping kuN. t˛Hjen. “salary”. 32. 31. Base Tone. 24. 31. Sandhi Tone. Yangru H.

(33) 20. b. Yingping before Shang kuN. tsoN. “factory”. 32. 42. Base Tone. 24. 42. Sandhi Tone. c. Yinping before Yingru kuN. tsok. “job”. 32. 53. Base Tone. 24. 53. Sandhi Tone. Chang (2007), therefore, formalizes the rule for Yinping tone sandhi in Meinong Hakka, as in (25).. 立. 政治大. (25) Yinping Tone Sandhi Rule (Chang, 2007:182). ‧ 國. 學. / 33 / → / 35 / / ___ { / 31 /、 / 3 /、 / 11 / }. ‧. Yinping undergoes tone sandhi when it precedes Yangping, Shang, and Yinru. This. y. Nat. al. er. io. sit. rule can be rewritten as (26) on the basis of the transcription in (23).. n. (26) Yinping Tone Sandhi Rule. Ch. engchi. / M / → [ MH ] / ___ { ML, HM, HM }. i n U. v. In this thesis, the tonal domain for (26) will be defined in Chapter Three and analyzed from the perspective of OT in Chapter Four..

(34) Chapter Three The Domain for Yinping Tone Sandhi in Meinong Hakka1. 3.1 Introduction In this chapter, I will investigate how the domain for Yinping tone sandhi is defined in terms of the Direct Reference Hypothesis and Indirect Reference Hypothesis. The Direct Reference Hypothesis mainly focuses on Domain c-command. 政治大 includes foot formation (Hsiao, 1991; Hsu, 1996) in 3.3, end-based parameters 立. proposed by Kaisse (1985) and is described in 3.2. The Indirect Reference Hypothesis. (Selkirk, 1986) in 3.4, and intonational phrasings (Selkirk, 1984; Nespor and Vogel,. ‧ 國. 學. 1986) in 3.5. After defining the tonal domain, some special constructions for IPs are. ‧. examined in 3.6. A summary is provided in 3.7.. sit. y. Nat. al. er. io. 3.2 Domain C-command. v. n. Kaisse (1985) proposes Domain C-command to explain how a phonological rule. Ch. engchi. i n U. applies. She argues that a phonological domain is related to the c-command condition and edge condition. C-command is a syntactic relationship, which means that a syntactic node can c-command its sisters and all the daughters belonging to its sisters (Carnie, 2002). With respect to the c-command condition, four parameters are provided according to the c-commanding direction. In this section, these four parameters are adopted to examine Yinping tone sandhi in Meinong Hakka.. 1. The informants are of the elder generation, aged from 50-65 years and grew up in Meinong. The younger generation people are excluded because second language and social linguistic factors may affect their fluency or intuition of Meinong Hakka. 21.

(35) 22. 3.2.1 Left-to-Right Domain C-command This parameter demands that a phonological rule applies to two adjacent syllables a and b when a c-commands b. An example is given in (1).. (1) ‘to have time’ VP V’ NP. 立. sˆ - kjen. Base Tone. L-to-R Domain C-command. n. al. Ch. sit. io. ML M. y. ML M. a b (……………………….)D MH. ‧. time. Nat. M. 學. have. ‧ 國. N. iu. 政治大. Surface Tone. engchi. er. V. i n U. v. The verb iu in (1) domain c-commands the N sˆ-kjen, which satisfies the left-to-right c-command direction. As a result, the VP forms a single tonal domain and the verb surfaces as a rising tone from a level tone. Nevertheless, the application of this parameter would result in a problematic reading, as in (2)..

(36) 23. (2) ‘to be lazy in looking for the person’ VP AdvP. V’. Adv. V. NP N ¯in. lan - sˆ. tsHim. lazy. look for. people. ML. ML. M. M. Base Tone. 政治 *L-to-R 大 Domain C-command. a b (…………)D(………….)D. 立. ML. ML. *No Sandhi Tone. M. MH. ML. ML. Surface Tone2. ‧. ‧ 國. M. 學. M. y. Nat. In (2), the adverb -sˆ does not c-command the verb tsHim from left to right, that is, the. io. sit. verb phrase do not constitute a single domain. The application of this parameter. al. er. predicts that tsHim would retain its base tone. However, the verb tsHim actually. n. v i n undergoes Yinping tone sandhi.C From (2), it is concluded h e n g c h i U that left-to-right domain c-command cannot account for Yinping tone sandhi.. 3.2.2 Right-to-Left Domain C-command This parameter means that a phonological rule applies to two adjacent syllables a and b when b c-commands a. An example is displayed in (3).. 2. The tetrasyllabic expressions collected in Meinong Hakka exhibit the sandhi pattern. This is different from Miaoli Sixian Hakka and Dongshi Hakka, which have two readings: tone sandhi or not..

(37) 24. (3) ‘to concentrate on wearing the clothes’ VP AdvP. V’. Adv. V. NP N. tson-sim. tsHok sam. concentrate M. wear clothes HM. M. H. Base Tone. 政治 R-to-L 大 Domain C-command. a b (……………………………)D. 立. ‧ 國. HM. MH. H. Surface Tone. 學. M. ‧. In (3), the verb tsHok domain c-commands the adverb -sim from right to left, so -sim. y. Nat. undergoes tone sandhi and becomes a rising tone. Nevertheless, this parameter has. n. er. io. al. sit. difficulty dealing with other data, as in (4).. Ch. engchi. i n U. v.

(38) 25. (4) ‘to have red shoes’ VP V’ V. NP ADP. N’. A. N. iu. fuN. haj. have. red. shoe. M. ML. ML. 政治大 Base Tone. 立. ‧ 國. MH. ML. ML. *No Tone Sandhi. ML. ML. Surface Tone. Nat. sit. y. ‧. M. R-to-L Domain C-command. 學. a b (……)D (……………)D. al. er. io. In (4), the adjective fuN cannot cross the NP boundary to c-command the verb iu,. v. n. namely, no right-to-left c-commanding relation takes place in (4). The verb phrase is. Ch. engchi. i n U. divided into two domains. The application of this parameter wrongly predicts that the verb iu would remain invariant. From (4), it is observed that right-to-left domain c-command cannot interpret Yinping tone sandhi fully.. 3.2.3 Mutual Domain C-command This parameter states that a phonological rule applies to two adjacent syllables a and b when two syllables c-command each other. Compared to the other three parameters, it is the strictest. An example is given in (5)..

(39) 26. (5) ‘hot milk’ NP AP. N’. A. N. sew. ¯iu-nen. hot. milk. M. ML H. a b (…………………….)D. 立. ML H. Mutual Domain C-command. 政治大. Surface Tone. 學. ‧ 國. MH. Base Tone. In (5), the noun ¯iu-nen c-commands the adjective sew from right to left and at the. ‧. same time, the adjective sew also c-commands the noun ¯iu-nen from left to right due. y. Nat. to the absence of syntactic branchingness in AP. The two syllables, sew and ¯iu, share. er. io. sit. a mutual domain c-commanding relationship; thus, the whole noun phrase forms a single domain where the tone sandhi rule applies. This parameter accounts for why. al. n. v i n Casha rising tone. Although the Yinping syllable sew surfaces mutual domain engchi U. c-command can define the tonal domain for some data correctly, it still faces the problem of being unable to account for the derivation of incorrect readings. An example is presented in (6)..

(40) 27. (6) ‘to buy a yellow car’ VP V’ V. NP AP. N’. A. N. maj. voN. tsHa. buy. yellow. car. ML. M. M. 立. 政治Base大 Tone. ML. M. *No Tone Sandhi. ML. M. Surface Tone. Nat. y. ‧. MH. ‧ 國. M. 學. a b (……)D (………………)D. er. io. sit. In (6), the verb maj c-commands the noun phrase voN-tsHa from left to right, but the reverse c-commanding direction does not exist on the grounds that the noun phrase is. al. n. v i n C h branchingness ofUthis NP entails that the syntactically branching. The syntactic engchi adjective voN cannot cross the phrasal boundary to c-command the verb maj.. Consequently, the verb phrase in (6) is forced to be divided into two domains. This parameter makes the wrong prediction that maj would not experience the tone sandhi. On the basis of the discussion above, we conclude that mutual domain c-command cannot account for Yinping tone sandhi fully. The three parameters above cannot define the tonal domain for Yinping tone sandhi properly. In the next sub-section, I exploit the last parameter, K-condition, to analyze the data..

(41) 28. 3.2.4 K-condition Chung (1989) analyzes Yanping tone sandhi with respect to the less limited parameter of domain c-command proposed by Kaisse (1985). He names this less limited parameter K-condition, and it is used to examine the domain for Yinping tone sandhi and presented in (7).. (7) K-condition. (Chung, 1989:194). (a) a must domain-c-command b or (b) b must domain-c-command a. 政治大 K-condition means that a phonological rule applies when two words satisfy either 立 and (9).. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. left-to-right or right-to-left domain c–command relationship. Examples are given in (8). y. sit. al. n. V. io. V’. er. VP. Nat. (8) ‘to drink black tea’. NP. Ch. engchi. i n U. N. lim. fuN-tsa. drink. black tea. M. ML ML. a b (……………………….)D MH. ML ML. Base Tone K-condition 1. Surface Tone. v.

(42) 29. In (8), the V lim domain c-commands fuN, so the VP is a tonal domain where lim undergoes tone sandhi and becomes a rising tone.. (9) ‘to write first’ VP AdvP. V’. Adv. V. NP N. sjen. sja. 立. HM. H. Base Tone. 學. M. 政治大. write character. a b (…………………………)D H. Surface Tone. sit. y. HM. Nat. MH. K-condition 2. ‧. ‧ 國. first. sˆ. n. al. er. io. In (9), the V sja domain c-commands the adverb sien, so sien undergoes Yinping tone. i n U. v. sandhi in the tonal domain. (8) and (9) are examples of trisyllabic expressions. Now. Ch. engchi. the examples of quadrisyllabic expressions will be considered, as in (10) and (11)..

(43) 30. (10) ‘to get a boyfriend’ VP V’ V. NP N. kaw make. nan-pen-iu boyfriend. M. ML ML ML. a. Base Tone 政治大 K-condition 1. 立. b. ML ML ML. Surface Tone. 學. MH. ‧ 國. (……………………….)D. ‧ y. sit. V’. n. al. er. io. AdvP. Nat. (11) ‘to concentrate on writing’ VP. Adv. V. Ch NP N. tson-sin concentrate M. M. sja. engchi. MH. v. sˆ. write character HM. H. a b (…………………………)D M. i n U. HM. H. Base Tone K-condition 2. Surface Tone. The pattern for the quadrisyllabic expressions in (10) and (11) is similar to that for the.

(44) 31. trisyllabic expressions in (8) and (9). In (10), the verb kaw domain c-commands the syllable nan-; therefore, kaw becomes a rising tone. In (11), the verb sja domain c-commands the syllable sin and forms a tonal domain; hence, sin undergoes tone sandhi and becomes a rising tone. Although K-condition can be used to explain a considerable amount of data successfully, there are still examples which K-condition can not explain, as in (12) and (13).. (12) ‘Hearts linked to hearts.’ S. 學. N. 立. VP. ‧ 國. NP. 政治大. V’. ‧. V. NP. y. Nat ML. a. b. er. M. al. sim hearts. n. ljen link. io. sim hearts. sit. N. M. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. Base Tone K-condition 1& 2. (……..)D (………………)D M. ML. M. *No Tone Sandhi. MH. ML. M. Surface Tone. (12) is the trisyllabic expression. In (12), according to Chung (1989), neither NP nor VP constitutes the domain of S. This perspective predicts that there is no domain c-commanding relationship between NP and VP, that is, the subject sim cannot go out.

(45) 32. of NP to domain c-command the V lien and the V lien cannot go out of VP to domain c-command the subject sim, either. Based on this analysis, the subject sim must retain its base tone, but this reading is ungrammatical.. (13) ‘The boss lays off the employees.’ S NP. VP. N. V’ V. ‧ 國. employees. ML. ML. sit. b. K-condition 1& 2. (…………….)D. al. n. ML M. ML. ML MH. ML. Base Tone. y. lay off. io. (…………)D. jen. er. a. tsHaj. Nat. ML M. N. ‧. boss. 立. 學. tHew-ka. NP. 政治大. v i n ML *No Tone Sandhi Ch engchi U ML. Surface Tone. The quadrisyllabic data in (13) is the same case as in (12). The syllable -ka does not undergo tone sandhi because K-condition predicts that there is a tonal boundary between ka and tsHaj. However, this prediction is opposite to the fact in that -ka undergoes tone sandhi. Based on the investigation in 3.2, it is concluded that Yinping tone sandhi cannot be accounted for successfully from the perspective of the Direct Reference Hypothesis. In 3.3, an Indirect Reference Hypothesis approach will be adopted to.

(46) 33. explore the domain.. 3.3 Foot: Beat-Counting Theory Hsu (1996) uses Beat-Counting Theory (Hsiao, 1991) to account for Yinping tone sandhi in Miaoli Sixian Hakka. She argues that the tonal domain is based on the foot. In her thesis, Beat-Counting Theory can explain how a short sentence generates two readings through a change in the direction of the scanning. The formation rules are presented in (14)-(16).. 治政 (14) Beat Assignment (Hsiao, 1991:37-8) 大立 (b) Lexical Beat-Assignment (LB): Every lexical syllable is assigned a ‧ 國. 學. metrical beat.. ‧. (b) Functor Beat-Assignment (FB): A functor syllable is assigned a beat in normal or slow speech.. sit. y. Nat. (c) FB takes place after lexical syllables have been made into ICFs or ABFs.. n. al. er. io. (15) Foot Formation Principle. i n U. v. (a) Immediate Constituent Foot (ICF): Any adjacent beats which are assigned to ICs form an ICF.. Ch. engchi. (b) Adjacent Beat Foot (ABF): Any two adjacent beats which are not assigned to ICs are paired into an ABF. (c) Jumbo foot (JF): Any unpaired single beat is recruited by a neighboring foot to form a Jumbo Foot if the beat c-commands the adjacent beat contained in the foot. (16) Application Criteria (a) When all conditions are all met, the ICF prevails over other footing processes. (b) Scanning starts from left to right and stops as soon as the environmental requirements for either ABF or JF are met, and the principle triggered.

(47) 34. applies to the whole line. There is an ordering for the operation of the foot formation rules, that is, ICF has the priority to apply. The next step is to consider whether ABF and JF may apply. In the following discussion, I apply beat-counting theory to deal with the data in Meinong Hakka, which are exemplified as follows. First, trisyllabic expressions are considered, as in (17) and (18).. (17) ‘to drink black tea’ VP. 立. V’ NP. ‧ 國. 學. V. 政治大. y. sit. al. ML ML x x ------------->. f ----------------------------> f MH. ML ML. Ch. Base Tone LB Scanning. engchi. er. black tea. n. M x. fuN-tsa. io. drink. Nat. lim. ‧. N. i n U. v. ICF Scanning JF Surface Tone. In (17), fuN-tsa first forms an ICF, and then the verb lim joins to form a JF. The Yinping tone sandhi rule applies in the Jumbo Foot, so lim changes the level tone to the rising tone..

(48) 35. (18) ‘businessman’ N NP. N. N. sen - li. ¯in. M M x x --------------> f. ML x. Base Tone Lexical Beat Scanning ICF. 政治大. 立. Scanning. f. JBF. Surface Tone. ‧. ML. MH. 學. M. ‧ 國. ----------------------------->. Nat. sit. y. (18), in which the branching direction is opposite to (17), displays the same pattern as. n. al. er. io. (17). In (18), sen-li first forms an ICF, and then ¯in joins to form a JF where Yinping. i n U. v. tone sandhi rule applies. That the JF is a tonal domain gives an explanation as to why li surfaces as a rising tone.. Ch. engchi. Beat-Counting Theory has difficulty in dealing with the quadrisyllabic expressions even though it may account for the trisyllabic data in Meinong Hakka. Examples are presented in (19) and (20)..

(49) 36. (19) ‘The boss lays off the employees.’ S NP. VP. N. V’ V. NP N. tHew-ka. tsHaj. employees 治政大 ML ML. boss. lay off. ML M. Base Tone Lexical Beat Scanning. 立x. x ------------------>. f. 學. x x ------------>. f ML. ML. ML. ML. *No Tone Sandhi. y. Nat. *ML M. ICF. ‧. io. n. al. Surface Tone. sit. ML MH. er. ‧ 國. jen. v. In (19), the subject tHew-ka and the verb phrase tsHaj jen form an ICF, respectively.. Ch. engchi. i n U. The formation of two ICFs predicts that a boundary will appear between the noun -ka and the verb tsHaj. On the basis of this prediction, -ka must retain its base tone, but the result is wrong..

(50) 37. (20) ‘to take the candies secretly’ VP. AdvP. V’. Adv. V. NP N. tHew. na. tHoN-ko. scretely. take. cadies. M. M. ML HM. x. x. Tone 政治 Base 大 Beat x x Lexical. 立------------>. *No Tone Sandhi. MH. ML HM. Surface Tone. sit. er. al. y. ML HM. io. M. ABF. M. Nat. *M. f. ‧. ‧ 國. ------------------->. 學. f. Scanning ICF Scanning. n. v i n The quadrisyllabic expression inC(20) instantiates how ABF and ICF are formed. In hengchi U. (20), tHoN-ko forms an IC first, and then tHew na forms an ABF. Under this prediction, a tonal boundary is inserted between the ICF and the ABF, so that the verb na remains invariant, which is an ungrammatical reading. From the discussion in (19) and (20), it is concluded that Beat-Counting Theory cannot explain Yinping tone sandhi successfully. The failure of the foot formation rules shows that a foot is not the domain where Yinping tone sandhi applies..

(51) 38. 3.4 End-based Theory Selkirk (1986) proposes end-based parameters to define a phonological phrase. She indicates that a phonological phrase corresponds to the right or left end of a lexical head or maximal projection. This section will use end-parameters to investigate whether the tonal domain is based on a phonological phrase.. 3.4.1 Xhead[ Parameter The Xhead[ parameter means that the edge of a phonological phrase corresponds. 政治大. to the left end of a lexical head. Examples are presented in (21) and (22).. 立. (21) ‘to drink black tea’. ‧ 國. 學. VP. Nat. sit. io. N. y. NP. n. al. er. V. ‧. V’. lim. fuN-tsa. drink. black tea. M. ML ML. Ch. V[ N[ (……)D (………….)D *M MH. engchi. i n U. v. Base Tone Xhead[ parameter. ML ML. *No Tone Sandhi. ML ML. Surface Tone. The Xhead[ parameter inserts a boundary at the left edge of the verb lim and the noun fuN-tsa, respectively because they are the lexical heads. Therefore, two domains are.

(52) 39. derived, which predicts that the verb lim retains its base tone. However, this reading is ungrammatical.. (22) ‘The boss lays off the employees.’ S NP. VP. N. V’ V. NP N. 立 boss. jen. lay off. ML M. employees. ML. V[. ML. Base Tone. ‧. N[. ‧ 國. tsHaj. 學. tHew-ka. 政治大. Xhead[ parameter. N[. y ML. a lML Ch. *No Tone Sandhi Surface Tone. n. ML. sit. io. ML MH. ML. er. *ML M. Nat. (……….)D (……)D (….…)D. engchi. i n U. v. The left edge of every head gets a boundary mark when this parameter is applied. It predicts that the syllable -ka does not experience tone sandhi, but this reading is ill-formed. The two examples above show that the Xhead[ parameter is not suitable for defining the tonal domain where Yinping tone sandhi applies.. 3.4.2 ]Xhead Parameter The Xhead[ parameter refers to the condition that the end of a phonological phrase aligns with the right end of a lexical head. Examples are given in (23) and (24)..

(53) 40. (23) ‘to drink black tea’ VP V’ V. NP N. lim. fuN-tsa. drink. black tea. M. ML ML ]V. ]N. 立. Base Tone 政治大 ]X parameter head. ML ML. *No Tone Sandhi. ML ML. Surface Tone. ‧. MH. 學. *M. ‧ 國. (……)D (………….)D. sit. y. Nat. (23) is an example of a trisyllabic expression. The parameter assigns the tonal. al. er. io. boundary to the right end of the head verb lim and to the right end of the head noun fuN-tsa, respectively, that is, it divides this trisyllabic expression into two domains.. n. v i n C h between limUand fuN-tsa, the verb lim must Due to the existence of the tonal boundary engchi retain its base tone. Nevertheless, this reading is incorrect..

(54) 41. (24) ‘The boss lays off the employees.’ S NP. VP. N. V’ V. NP N. tHew-ka. tsHaj. jen. boss. lay off. ML M. ML. ML. 立. ]N. 政治 Base大 Tone. employees ]V. ]N. ML. ML. *No Tone Sandhi. ML. ML. Surface Tone. Nat. y. ‧. ML MH. ‧ 國. *ML M. 學. (………..)D (………)D (….…)D. ]Xhead parameter. io. sit. This quadrisyllabic example is divided into three domains through the application of. al. er. this parameter. The right edge of every lexical head corresponds to a tonal boundary,. n. v i n wrongly predicting that the syllable C h-ka must retain itsUbase tone. engchi. From the investigation above, we conclude that the ]Xhead parameter cannot. account for the data successfully.. 3.4.3 Xmax[ Parameter The parameter indicates that the boundary of a phonological phrase is located at the left end of a maximal projection. The data are shown in (25) and (26)..

(55) 42. (25) ‘Hearts linked to hearts.’ S NP. VP. N. V’ V. NP N. sim hearts. ljen link. M. ML. 立. sim hearts. 治政大Tone M Base. MH. ML. M. *No Tone Sandhi. ML. M. Surface Tone. Nat. y. ‧. ‧ 國. *M. Xmax[ parameter. 學. NP[ VP[ NP[ (……)D (……)D (.….)D. io. sit. The parameter assigns a tonal boundary to the left end of each maximal projection,. al. er. that is, NP and VP. As a result, (25) is divided into three domains, that is, sim, lien,. n. v i n and sim. Owing to the tonal boundary sim and the verb lien, the C h between the subject engchi U. subject sim cannot change its mid level tone into a rising tone, but this is an incorrect reading..

(56) 43. (26) ‘The boss lays off the employees.’ S NP. VP. N. V’ V. NP N. tHew-ka. tsHaj. jen. boss. lay off. ML M. ML. 政治Base大 Tone. employees ML. 立. ML. ML. *No Tone Sandhi. ML. ML. Surface Tone. Nat. y. ‧. ML MH. ‧ 國. *ML M. Xmax[ parameter. 學. NP[ VP[ NP[ (……….)D (……)D (……)D. io. sit. (26) is an example of a quadrisyllabic expression. This short sentence is divided into. al. er. three domains, that is, the subject NP, the object NP, and the VP, when this parameter. n. v i n applies. This result leaves the base -ka unchanged, but this output C htone of the subject U engchi is ungrammatical.. By virtue of the analyses above, we find that the Xmax[ parameter cannot provide an accurate interpretation for Yinping tone sandhi.. 3.4.4 ]Xmax Parameter This parameter indicates that a phonological phrase is assigned to the left end of a maximal projection. The data are given in (27) and (28)..

(57) 44. (27) ‘Hearts linked to hearts.’ S NP. VP. N. V’ V. NP N. sim hearts. ljen link. M. ML. sim hearts M. 立. 政治大 Base Tone. ML. M. *No Tone Sandhi. ML. M. Surface Tone. Nat. y. ‧. MH. ‧ 國. *M. ]Xmax parameter. 學. ]NP ]NP]VP (…….)D (.………….….)D. io. sit. This parameter divides (27) into two domains, the subject sim and the verb phrase ljen. al. er. sim included. In (27), the boundary marker of the verb phrase overlaps that of the. n. v i n object. The application of this parameter that the subject sim does C h wrongly predicts engchi U not experience tone sandhi..

(58) 45. (28) ‘The boss lays off the employees.’ S NP. VP. N. V’ V. NP N. tHew-ka. tsHaj. jen. boss. lay off. ML M. ML. 政治 Base 大Tone. employees ML. 立. *ML M. ML. ML. *No Tone Sandhi. ML. ML. Surface Tone. Nat. y. ‧. ML MH. ‧ 國. ]Xmax parameter. 學. ]NP ]NP]VP (………….)D (………….……)D. io. sit. (28), a quadrisyllabic expression, is divided into two domains. One is the subject. al. er. tHew-ka and the other is the verb phrase tsHaj jen or the object jen. The parameter. n. v i n makes the wrong prediction thatC -ka retains its base tone. On the grounds of (27) and hengchi U (28) above, it is found that this parameter is not capable of defining the tonal domain for Yinping tone sandhi. As a result, the application of the four end-based parameters reveals that the tonal domain is not based on a phonological phrase. Thus, I continue to look upward to the higher prosodic structure, that of the intonational phrase (IP), to explore the tonal domain for Yinping tone sandhi..

(59) 46. 3.5 Intonational Phrase In this section, I will explore the domain in terms of the intonational phrase. I adopt Sense Unit Condition (Selkirk, 1984) to define the intonational phrase in Meinong Hakka. Sense Unit Condition is presented in (29).. (29) Sense Unit Condition (Selkirk, 1984:291) Two constituents Ci, Cj form a sense unit if (a) or (b) is true of the semantic interpretation of the sentence: a. Ci modifies Cj (a head). 政治大. b. Ci is an argument of Cj (a head). 立. ‧ 國. 學. Two constituents owning the argument-head or modifier-head relationship can form a sense unit. The Sense Unit Condition is important to the formation of an intonational. ‧. phrase in Meinong Hakka. An intonational phrase is also a sense unit at the same time.. sit. y. Nat. However, not every sense unit can form an intonational phrase. The formation of an. al. er. io. IP is sensitive to the number of the syllables in a sense unit. It is observed that a sense. v. n. unit inclusive of at least four syllables can form an IP when restructuring takes place.. Ch. engchi. i n U. The rule for the formation of an intonational phrase is stated in (30).. (30) The formation of an intonational phrase in Meinong Hakka (preliminary version) a. Use Sense Unit Condition to define an intonational phrase. b. A sense unit that contains four or more syllables takes priority over other sense units fewer than four syllables to form an IP when restructuring occurs..

(60) 47. Now (30) is utilized to investigate how an intonational phrase is formed in Meinong Hakka. The data are presented in (31), (32), (33), and (34). ] represents the boundary of an IP. (31) ‘The boss lays off the employees.’ S NP. VP. N. V’ V. NP. employees. ‧. ML. Base Tone. ML ]. Surface Tone. ML. y. ML. io. sit. ML MH. lay off. Nat. ML M. jen. er. boss. tsHaj. 學. tHew-ka. ‧ 國. 立N. 政治大. (31) reveals two important observations. First, (31) has only one reading. Secondly,. al. n. v i n C h relationship,Uso the VP is a sense unit. The the VP tsHaj jen holds the head-argument engchi. verb phrase composes an IP at first. Afterwards, the NP tHew-ka is restructured to be an IP. Theoretically, (31) includes two IPs. Nevertheless, (31) cannot be divided into two IPs, since both sense units consist of fewer than four syllables. As a result, the two IPs should be united to form a single IP according to (30b). If the two IPs are not combined into an IP, there will be two readings, depending on whether -ka undergoes tone sandhi. As a matter of fact, -ka changes its base tone. For this reason, just one tonal domain exists and ka undergoes tone sandhi..