According to Pendersen (1991) international students need to learn a wide range of culturally defined and typically unfamiliar roles in a short time while they are under considerable stress. Once international students learn and adapt to the requirements and roles of the new culture, however, their experience is likely to be successful. However, numerous researchers have found learning to adapt proves to be difficult. Researchers discovered many factors of dissatisfaction, involving aspects of enculturation, cultural adaptation, social adjustment, inter-cultural communication, and racism and learning difficulties encountered by international students. The cross-cultural experience of the students proves to be very challenging. In general the students’ experience is not only shaped by their personal histories, cultural traditions and professional aspirations; it is also continually reshaped by new cultural experiences, but in ways that that are neither uniform nor predictable. Students interpret new experiences in a variety of ways, and their imagination is always a product of a range of factors, some of which are known to them, while others are not. As a result, the international students find themselves in a struggle to make sense of their experience.
Loneliness, depression, homesickness, academic concerns, language proficiency, discrimination, cultural differences, personal characteristics, and financial concerns are just a few of the difficulties experienced by many international students (Heikinheimo &
Shute, 1986; Surdam & Collins, 1984). In an article entitled ‘International Students in Russia’, Hasan Khondokar points out that the international students in Russia face a number of problems that affect adaptation such as new socio-culture, environment, education system, language of dialogue, adaptation to culture of the new country, and financial problems due to economic difficulties, which cause stress. Many students complain of loss of appetite, weariness, slackness, sleeplessness, bad mood, and irritability. Many teachers do not understand the problems of the foreign students, do not have experience of teaching to the foreigners, and have no free time to be engaged after-hours. Some teachers behave rudely to the foreigners, showing nationalism. Still more humiliating for the foreign students are those officials who check the background documents, ask for money, and use offensive language when dealing with the students.
As students move from one culture to another, behavioral modes and values they have learned at home may prove inadequate and mal-adaptive in a new society. To reduce the high degree of uncertainty and isolation because of these modes and values, students have to acquire social skills, ranging from language competence to driving abilities that are practiced and accepted in the new society.
Physical factors affecting international students
Fitting into the host culture involves changes in: roles which mean disengaging from old roles that not longer exist for the student to new collegiate ones in a new culture.
Moreover, the international student needs to make new friends or peer groups. Academic demands mean adapting to the expectations of the institutions. Social demands require getting integrated into the culture of the host country.
One major factor is communication. Communication is crucial to the adaptation and satisfaction of foreign students. Only through communication with the new society and its members will newcomers develop insight into the new environment. Learning could not take place without communication, either through intrapersonal, interpersonal, mass communication, or most commonly, combinations of those channels. Through communication, international students may come to better understand social practices and cultural patterns of the host society. However, communication is difficult to attain.
International students cited language difficulties as one of the primary reasons for not interacting socially with host country students (Heikinheimo & Shute, 1986). Research has shown that language restrictions are detrimental to academic performance and to the overall educational experience. Although these studies suggest the need for social contact with host nationals, such contact among international students seems limited by their language proficiency level which, in turn, deters communication with peers, teachers, and counselors (Bochner, Hutnik, & Furnham, 1985; Furnham & Alibhai, 1985). Likewise, the interactive class discussions may work against international students and limit the potential benefits they could bring to domestic students (Huxur et al., 1996). In Australia, Asian students are exposed to negative experiences in classroom interaction; they pointed to instances of racial discrimination, cultural indifference, suppression of “voice,” and a perception that local students do not appreciate them (Edgeworth & Eiseman 2007).
29 Devos (2003) and Jones (1999) focused on international students studying in Australia.
Their conclusions revealed that cultural factors cause problems for international students.
These cultural problems related more to adjusting in communication and being unable to understand the language and thus affected the students’ academic culture. Others could not adapt to the bureaucratic system of the universities, for example how the library functions and the services available – all in a language that they have little exposure to.
Devos further added that it makes the international students be perceived as contemptuous and resentful when they refuse to adapt or cannot adapt.
The ability to socialize is another factor. International students experience new and unfamiliar cultural environments; thus their abilities to succeed socially are limited.
Making friends is an important factor in this successful socialization and adaptation.
Unfortunately, host students neither make themselves available nor make an effort great enough to create a bridge for international friendship. In addition, host nationals generally recognize that international students have language difficulties but hosts are often insensitive to the need of the international student for conversation (Bochner, Hutnik, &
Furnham, 1985; Furnham & Alibhai, 1985). Cunningham’s (1991) survey of 53 Canadian universities indicated two categories of barriers to integration: barriers related to international students themselves and barriers related to the institutional community.
Their lack of familiarity with the educational and social systems was listed as a barrier.
They tended to stick to co-nationals. International students placed so much importance on academic achievement that many spent little time on social activities. Lack of cross-cultural awareness and sensitivity among all university constituents and the local community was listed as a barrier.
In Australia, there is a lack of interaction between local and international students.
The locals find it uncomfortable and the international students opted out of social relationships because of the incompatibility of values in social activities (Volet & Ang, 1998; Edgeworth & Eiseman 2007). A comparative study of three ethnic groups in New Zealand universities, by Beaver and Tuck (1998) found that overseas students’ desired interaction with local students, were concerned about social isolation, and believed heterogeneous classes facilitate the achievement of their personal learning goals but the local group known as Pakeha students, those of European descent, did not share the same
sentiment and placed significantly greater value on homogenous classes and less value on opportunities for social interaction with foreigners.
Financial pressures or restrictions hindered some international students from joining in social gatherings and parties (Cunningham, 1991). This might create tension while the person learns the best ways in which to utilize the money available (e.g., grocery shopping, transportation options, movies, and so forth). Financial problems were the most frequently reported problems in 1988 and 1999 surveys in Canada. Nearly 52%
of all students reported problems with obtaining money for living expenses and 48%
reported problems obtaining money for tuition. In a study by Boyer and Sedlacek (1986) at the University of Maryland, College Park, 24% of international students reported the hardest part of adjusting to college was meeting the financial expenses. Walker (1999) findings from studies suggest that international students are experiencing considerable financial hardships. These include government and institutional policies such as differential tuition fees, and right-to-work restrictions. Lyakhovetska, (2004) interviewed 10 students studying at Pacific University in Canada and also found consistency with Walker that students feel insecure financially with high tuition and limited financial aid;
they are restricted in seeking employment in most cases and have limited access to employment, factors which create additional financial hardships.
The need for institutional support is a factor that directly affects international students academically. Fifty-nine percent of administrators (international student advisors and the heads of international offices) who responded to Cunningham's survey (1991) indicated that unless there was a problem, their institution did not care about international students. Lyakhovetska, (2004) found that the majority of participants felt their needs in academic programming, social interaction, community sensitivity, support services, institutional policies, and the role of international students in internationalization were not fully met and improvements would enable them to have better educational and social experiences. De Vita (2000) discussed challenges students face as a result of lack of institutional support which include the practical issues of travelling to the UK (from the nuts and bolts of arranging visas to orientation difficulties).
Coupled with institutional support is the school culture. International students are confronted with an educational culture, both at lecturer and system levels, that
31 undervalues their prior learning experiences. In Australia research has shown that the academic adjustments that international students make are generally the most challenging and enduring, with teaching approach, classroom culture, academic expectations and classroom interactions with local students (Burns, 1991; Mullins, Quintrell, & Hancock, 1995). Mullins et al. (1995), in their study of three South Australian universities found that the student participants held the perception that lecturers and academic staff gave international students less attention than local students. In the US both Story (1982) and Shana (1997) found that international students have great difficulty adjusting to the school culture and it affects their academic performance. Some teachers view them as academically incompetent for not expressing or defending their views in class. Other research in the US concluded that issues related to language acquisition and competence as well as pedagogic issues expected to arise from differences in teaching and learning styles, attitudes to participation in classes, and conventions on how to structure and reference written work, all affect the foreign students’ adaptation (De Vita, 2000).
The living conditions of students seem to have a significant impact on their adjustment. Of the campuses surveyed by Cunningham (1991) only 21% indicated they had an on-campus housing policy for international students. Most of the campuses allocated housing to international students on the same basis as Canadian students.
Lyakhovetska, (2004) also finds that absence of priority housing policy creates adaptation hardships for foreign students. Edgeworth and Eiseman (2007) in their study found that the particular residences and composition of the residences that international students were allocated to had a profound influence on the quality of their social and academic adjustment experience. In the worst-case situations, students felt alienated and anxious in their living arrangements. John Clammer in an article on international education pointed out that with this expansion of numbers of foreign students to Japan, some fairly severe problems have become apparent which include adaptation to culture especially the absorption of the very high cost of living in Japan, and access to housing The absorption of foreign students and their acceptance as social equals is one of the great tests of the internationalization in Japan.
Another concern of international students is the choice of food offered in dining halls and food courts in campus facilities. They would like more cultural variety of food
and more vegetarian selections. Alazzi and Chiodo (2006) in their research interviewed 8 foreign students attending universities in US and found that they all had conflicting norms and expectation of the food. Many other researchers (Dillard and Chisolm, 1983;
Edgeworth & Eiseman, 2007; Heikinheimo & Shute, 1986 among others) have found foreign students complain of the type of food of the host country but none have made any significant conclusion on food as a serious factor. It should be a factor looked into more deeply.
Psychological factors affecting international students
The psychological adaptation factors refer to feelings of well-being and satisfaction of the student in their host countries. In moving to another country for the first time, international students experience profound psychological problems that are unique in their nature. There is loss of social support and status, loss of familiar cues, loss of certainty, and self-worth. As a consequence, they often feel less confident and tenser, tend to take less time off, become preoccupied with academic demands, and may even become confused over how to live day to day. Adaptation to the cultural values, norms, and behaviors of the dominant group generally causes unavoidable psychological distress for international students. As a consequence, threats to cultural identity, powerlessness, feelings of marginality, sense of inferiority, loneliness, hostility, and perceived alienation and discrimination become major mental health risks (Rutter & Tienda, 2005).
Farrokh's (1988) study of 13 international graduate students at University of British Columbia in Canada revealed that a range of social and personal needs had to be satisfied: security, support, self-worth, self-acceptance, competence and autonomy, identity and belonging, love, fulfillment and meaning in life. Nebedum-Ezeh’s (1997) study of ten African students at institutions of higher education in Western Massachusetts revealed that African students felt isolated and disconnected from domestic counterparts.
Others indicate loneliness and isolation. Ishii's (1997) study of five international graduate students at University of British Columbia found overwhelming feelings of nervousness, fear, loneliness, feelings of inadequacy, and invisibility. Ishii's study also emphasizes students feeling small and losing self-confidence and some even felt shame and depression. This shifted their priorities from academic success to survival and struggle to
33 feel “normal” just as “Canadians.” International students reported that loneliness and cultural displacement undercut self-confidence as they felt detachment from both their home and host countries (Garrod & Davis, 1999).
Chapman and Pyvis (2006) conducted research on students in Australian universities. A major dilemma shared by the Hong Kong professional doctorate students was how to develop a ‘sense of belonging’ - their various forms of identity (international student, university student, doctoral student, offshore student) into one form of student identity -and being offshore students they feel that they were not part of the university community. Leong & Sedlacek (1986) discuss how most international students deal with stress in isolation. The students may estrange themselves from potential sources of social support such as cultural and sports groups. They isolate themselves from others who can help them learn about the new environment and from co-nationals with whom they can discuss similar problems. Amoh (1995) drew the same conclusion that foreign students isolate themselves from host nationals some because of more serious problems. Alazzi and Chiodo (2006) described it as a crisis in which the foreign students feel isolated and stress themselves trying to prove their capability despite their lack of participation. They conclude that generally the foreign students suffer from stress and anxiety trying to fit in and develop a sense of belonging; such stress often leads to a feeling of inadequacy and a loss of self-confidence.
Stereotyping, prejudice or racial discrimination is serious psychological factors.
Different students will encounter different prejudices in the form of stereotypes depending on their own specific stigmatized characteristics. This tendency to think of members of other cultures in terms of stereotypes (i.e., the excitable Arabs; the amorous French; the touchy Italians; the lazy Latinos; the volatile Hungarians; the materialistic Americans; and so forth) can be another stumbling block to their adaptation. In their study on foreign students at a Canadian university, Heikinheimo and Shute (1986) found 91% of foreign students feel themselves victims of racial discrimination. The students feel service workers and teachers are less polite and less helpful to them, and that testing and grading favored Canadian students. Sodowsky and Plake (1992) examined the acculturation of students studying in the U.S. from various countries and continents and have found a great deal of perceived prejudice to these students from Americans. Likewise,
Spencer-Rogers (2001) pointed out the negative attributions ascribed to international students by host national peers and instructors describing them as withdrawn, insular, and socially inhibited. The international students were stereotyped as educationally inadequate or behaviorally inappropriate in classroom settings.
These psychological issues can be viewed under the term culture shock. Oberg (1960), who is also credited with coining the term “culture shock”, in his research found that students develop a trauma when placed in a new and unfamiliar culture. They have lost their day-to-day social interactions, rules, language, cultural conventions, and norms which create a certain traumatic stress and anxiety – culture shock. Oberg (1960) described six aspects that accompany and affect culture shock:
1) Sense of loss and feelings of deprivation (in regards to friends, status, profession and possessions; decrease of social interaction);
2) Strain (anxiety as a result of the efforts to make the necessary adaptations);
3) Ejection (being rejected by and/or rejecting members of a new culture due to stereotyping);
4) Confusion (mixed feelings in role, values, feelings and self-identity);
5) Surprise and distress after becoming aware of cultural differences; and
6) Feelings of being less important or capable (low self-esteem; perceived inability for not being able to cope with the new environment due to language limitations).
The levels of anxiety, stress and rejection vary from one individual to another and from culture to culture. However, there is not enough research yet to explain for whom the shock will be more or less intense (men/women, less educated individuals, university or college students, etc.); what determines which reaction a person is likely to experience;
how long will they remain in a period of shock; and so forth. Nevertheless, culture shock is not always an unpleasant experience. De Vita (2000) concludes in his study that the emotional and affective issues of culture shock (homesickness, isolation, etc.) do affect the international students’ adaptation.
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