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掌聲:作為文化外交工具的台灣布袋戲 - 政大學術集成

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(1)國立政治大學亞太研究英語碩士學位學程 International Master’s Program in Asia-Pacific Studies College of Social Sciences National Chengchi University. 政 治 大. Master’s Thesis. 學. ‧ 國. 立 碩士論文. ‧ y. Nat. er. io. sit. 掌聲:作為文化外交工具的台灣布袋戲. n. a l Voice in Hand: i v n Ch U i e Taiwanese Glove Puppetry as h of Cultural Diplomacy n gacTool. Student: Stephanie Huffman Adviser: Dr. Wei Mei-chuan 06-10-2019. I. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMAS.003.2019.A07.

(2) 掌聲:作為文化外交工具的台灣布袋戲 Voice in Hand: Taiwanese Glove Puppetry as a Tool of Cultural Diplomacy. 研究生: Stephanie Huffman 指導教授: Dr. Wei Mei-chuan. 國立政治大學. 學. 亞太研究英語碩士學位學程. ‧. ‧ 國. 立. 政 治 大. 碩士論文. n. Ch. A Thesis. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. i n U. v. e nProgram Submitted to International Master’s g c h i in Asia-Pacific Studies National Chengchi University In partial fulfillment of the Requirement For the degree of Master in Asia-Pacific Studies. II. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMAS.003.2019.A07.

(3) Authorized page – available at IMAS Office.. 立. 政 治 大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. III. i n U. v. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMAS.003.2019.A07.

(4) Acknowledgement I would like to thank my thesis committee members for overseeing this research. Dr. Lai ChiaLing graciously agreed to be the chair of my committee team. Her advice on exploring museums as contact zones expanded my research and gave me a deeper perspective on the implications of my findings. Dr. Su Cho-hsin also agreed to be on my committee and assisted in securing my interview with former ambassador Lu Michel Ching-long, who provided me with data that vastly aided my research. Dr. Wei Mei-Chuan graciously served as my adviser. Her support encouraged me to reach my highest potential and greatly assisted me when I had difficulty in my research.. 政 治 大. I am grateful to my interviewees for giving me their time and answering my questions. 立. thoughtfully. Kristin Haverty took the additional time to write out her interview answers since. ‧ 國. 學. our time difference made it difficult to conduct our interview over the telephone. Ambassador Michel Ching-long Lu took time out of his busy schedule and gave enthusiastic and informative answers during our talk. Tiffanee Niitsu-Santo provided unique insight as an overseas Pili fan. ‧. and supplied images of her puppet advocacy. Dr. Robin Ruizendaal provided me with his. y. Nat. academic expertise of Taiwanese puppet culture. Kim Siebert contributed her knowledge and. sit. expertise of museums and conservation. Dr. Terry Silvio gave her expertise on Taiwanese glove. al. n. their devoted fan base.. er. io. puppetry, specifically Pili Multimedia International's puppet television and film programs and. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. On a personal note, I would like to thank my partner Joshua Samuel Brown for his enthusiastic support of my academic pursuits. His love and and home cooked meals provided me with immense support. I am grateful to the members of Thesis Club who provided moral support and friendship. I am also grateful for the numerous Pili Thunderbolt Fantasy fans who contributed their love of the series to online fan groups. Finally I would like to thank Taiwan for this educational opportunity. As a recipient of the Taiwan Scholarship, it has been a privilege to attend NCCU and it is my hope that my research greatly benefits Taiwan. This work would not have been accomplished without the aide of those mentioned above. I sincerely thank all of them. Stephanie Huffman IV. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMAS.003.2019.A07.

(5) Abstract Puppetry as a political voice has a long history in Asia. From Chinese puppeteers using their craft to satirize local officials and criticize taxation policies to troupes in Taiwan performing clandestine puppet shows in Taiwanese despite Japanese colonialist bans, puppetry has long been a means to express political opinion and to explore cultural identity. As its diplomatic participation in the international community is limited, Taiwan must seek alternative ways to engage with the world stage. The use of cultural diplomacy is a valuable and viable means to communicate, educate and create allies. Through its intrinsic ability to entertain and forge connections, puppetry is a useful form of soft power that can promote Taiwan and its interests.. 政 治 大. This research demonstrates how Budaixi1, or Taiwanese glove puppetry, can be utilized as a tool. 立. of cultural diplomacy because of its unique evolution, historical ties and its ability to attract. ‧ 國. 學. audiences from multiple cultures, classes and age groups. Through literature reviews and indepth interviews with scholars, puppeteers and Budaixi fans, this research highlights how modern puppet shows are revisioning history and providing an important space for Taiwan to tell. ‧. its story on its own terms. Puppet shows in Taiwan educate the next generation on the island’s. y. Nat. history and evolving culture while contributing to the deepening notions of Taiwanese identity.. sit. Contemporary puppet troupes are embracing new technology to broadcast their shows to global. er. io. audiences, gaining new fans abroad who in turn further widen the audience by sharing their. al. iv n C Budaixi symbolizes Taiwan's rich history U This research asserts the value of hand ifuture. e nitsgvibrant h c Taiwanese glove puppetry and its incredible potential to further broadcast Taiwan’s importance n. enthusiasm with friends and family. As Taiwan continues to define itself as the heart of Asia,. and significance to the greater global audience. Keywords: Budaixi, China, cultural diplomacy, puppets, soft power, Taiwan. There are several spellings and pronunciations for Taiwanese glove puppetry. Potehi, Zhang-zhong xi, Budai Xi are some alternative spellings I have encountered in this research. For this thesis, Budaixi is used as it was the most common spelling encountered. 1. V. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMAS.003.2019.A07.

(6) 摘要 [偶戲]自古以來於亞洲儼然成為政治發聲的其中一個方式。儘管當時日本殖民主義宣布禁 令,臺灣人仍運用偶戲表達個人政治觀點並探索文化認同,然而,仍有華人偶戲藝術工作 者在臺灣私下進行偶戲,並藉由偶戲工藝諷刺地方官員並批評政府的稅收政策。由於臺灣 當前在國際社會的外交參與受限,因此,臺灣必須尋求其他方式與世界舞臺接觸。而文化 外交確實是一溝通、教育和建立盟友的寶貴而可行的手段。偶戲除是一種有用的軟實力形 式,更可藉此發揮娛樂大眾以及增進人與人間的強力鏈結,將促進臺灣文化的推展及其他 益處。本研究將闡述 Budaixi 或臺灣獨有的手偶戲如何被應用以作為文化外交的利器,因. 政 治 大. 為它具有獨特的演進,能連結歷史,更能吸引來自不同文化、階級和年齡層的觀眾欣賞此. 立. 藝術。藉由文獻回顧與對學者、偶戲藝術工作者與和偶戲迷的深入訪談,本研究將呈現現. ‧ 國. 學. 代偶劇是如何使臺灣重新檢視歷史,並提供一個空間,讓臺灣以自己的方式講述自己的故 事。臺灣的偶戲表演教育下個世代於臺灣島上的歷史,並同時持續發展此特有文化,促進. ‧. 臺灣身份的認同。當代偶戲劇團正運用新技術對全球觀眾推展他們的表演藝術,藉由與朋 友和家人分享熱忱,逐漸藉此拓展藍圖,獲得更多的海外粉絲青睞。依著臺灣持續將自己. y. Nat. sit. 定位為亞洲的核心下,布袋戲正象徵著臺灣豐富的歷史和充滿活力的未來。本研究主張並. al. n. 重要意涵。. er. io. 強調臺灣偶戲的價值,不單進一步推展臺灣文化至全球,更藉由推展呈現潛藏的重要性與. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. 關鍵詞:布袋戲,華人,文化外交,偶戲,軟實力,臺灣. VI. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMAS.003.2019.A07.

(7) Table of Contents Acknowledgement......................................................................................................................... IV Abstract........................................................................................................................................... V 摘要............................................................................................................................................... VI List of Images..............................................................................................................................VIII Chapter 1. Introduction.................................................................................................................... 1 1.2 Research Motivation and Purpose..................................................................................... 6 1.3 Research Question............................................................................................................. 7 1.4 Research Method............................................................................................................... 7 Chapter 2. Literature Review.........................................................................................................11 2.1 Soft Power and Public Diplomacy...................................................................................11 2.2 Cultural Diplomacy and Case Studies............................................................................. 15 2.3 Museums and International Traveling Exhibitions..........................................................24 Chapter 3. Mouth and Mind: A symbolic performance evoking conversation..............................29 3.1 Budaixi as representation.................................................................................................33 3.2 Budaixi as communication...............................................................................................45 3.3 Cross-Cultural Collaborations......................................................................................... 49 Chapter 4. Rose and thorn: Contributions and challenges of Budaixi...........................................59 4.1 Contributions of Budaixi..................................................................................................59 4.2 Challenges of Budaixi......................................................................................................66 Chapter 5. Conclusion-Looking backward, moving forward........................................................ 73 References......................................................................................................................................80 Appendix........................................................................................................................................84 7.1 Kristin Haverty Interview................................................................................................ 84 7.2 Ambassador Michel Ching-long Lu Interview................................................................ 86 7.3 Tiffanee Niitsu-Santo Interview...................................................................................... 90 7.4 Dr. Robin Ruizendaal Interview ..................................................................................... 94 7.5 Kim Siebert Interview .....................................................................................................97 7.6 Dr. Terry Silvio Interview..............................................................................................105 7.7 Data from Facebook Page Fans of Thunderbolt Fantasy 東離劍遊紀......................... 110. 立. 政 治 大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. VII. i n U. v. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMAS.003.2019.A07.

(8) List of Images Image 1 Wu's NeZha participating in a traditional dance in Romania.......................................... 24 Image 2 Examples of rod, marionette, shadow and glove puppets................................................29 Image 3 Taipei Mayor Ko Wen-je at the Center for Puppetry Art................................................ 38 Image 4 GooDoo Puppet Troupe's Mystery of the Great Mind Ocean..........................................40 Image 5 One of Niitsu-Santo’s Taiwanese puppets in a baby stroller...........................................44 Image 6 Promotional material for A Sailor's Tale......................................................................... 57 Image 7 Example of Thunderbolt Fantasy fan’s memorabilia collection..................................... 62 Image 8 Pili inspired tattoo............................................................................................................ 65 Image 9 Evolution of Taiwanese glove puppetry.......................................................................... 75. 立. 政 治 大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. VIII. i n U. v. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMAS.003.2019.A07.

(9) Chapter 1. Introduction 1.1 Research Background The question of Taiwan’s sovereignty has not been definitively answered. Because of this quandary, the ongoing conflict between Taiwan and China has been long standing and contains both “significance and danger.” (Zheng, p. 203) The conflict has been described as an internal affairs issue, a fight over sovereignty by two separate states, a competition between two clashing political systems, and a “continuation of the Chinese Civil War of the 1940s.” (Zheng, p. 203) Realizing he was losing the war, Chiang Kai-shek led the Nationalists in a retreat to Taiwan,. 治 政 Mao engaged in a “new battle to form a new political identity大 for China.” (Zheng, p. 209) By the 1970s, the People's Republic of 立 China (PRC) had won the China seat in the United Nations, hoping to regroup and one day retake the Mainland. During the 1950s, Chiang and Chairman. ‧ 國. countries who recognized them as the legitimate ruler of China.. 學. leaving Chiang's Republic of China (ROC) without a UN position and a diminishing number of. ‧. On Taiwan, the Nationalists continued their rule as the only power of government. Civil unrest. y. Nat. and anti-government protest culminated in the 228 Incident. The suppression of this uprising led. sit. to thousands of Taiwanese being imprisoned and killed during the ensuing White Terror; later. er. io. martial law was installed, lasting until 1987. The lifting of martial law allowed opposing political. al. n. iv n C h einnthe budding democratic movement, culminating c h i U Square Massacre. Economic g Tiananmen parties to be legally formed. As democracy matured in Taiwan, China cracked down on its. modernization and success in Taiwan only furthered the distance between the two countries as China lagged behind Taiwan despite the economic reforms of Deng Xiaoping. As Taiwanese democracy further developed, Taiwan underwent an identity transformation that began to differentiate itself from the Mainland. Portions of Taiwan’s government continued to espouse of rapprochement with China while a growing faction called for Taiwanese independence. China, on the other hand, continued its vow of reunification. Through the years China has tried numerous attempts at reunification with Taiwan, from bombing outer islands to economic integration. World War II brought the United States into the equation which further complicated Cross-Strait Relations, changing the nature of the 1. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMAS.003.2019.A07.

(10) relationship “from one of bipolarity to one of tripolarity.” (Zheng, p. 211) Numerous social and political changes in the 1980s and 1990s prompted the growing notion of an independent Taiwan to blossom into a movement. As the Nationalist Kuomintang (KMT) party adapted to sharing political ground with the newly formed opposition party the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), China continued pushing for reunification, insisting on “one country, two systems.” (Zheng p. 213) While the struggle over sovereignty continues, Taiwan's democratically elected presidents have run the island as a de facto independent country for decades. However, with the rise of China as an economic and military power, Taiwan is experiencing an increasingly asymmetric relationship with the Mainland.. 政 治 大 Taiwan has sought to balance this asymmetry in a multitude of ways. Since the island nation 立. As pressure for reunification increases through economic interdependence and political isolation, does not have de jure independence, its capacity to participate in the international community is. ‧ 國. 學. limited. Currently it is not allowed membership into the United Nations and its inclusion in international organizations has been slowly declining. Additionally, Taiwan is denied entry into. ‧. organizations that require statehood as part of membership. These setbacks have resulted in. y. Nat. Taiwan becoming increasingly isolated. In 2018, multiple allies severed official diplomatic ties. sit. with Taiwan to ally with China, compounding the problem. As Taiwan’s political. er. io. maneuverability has become increasingly constrained, China’s integration policy has intensified. Despite this pressure, Taiwan maintains its democracy and its de facto independent status.. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. However with pressure only increasing, Taiwan must find alternative ways to engage with the. engchi. world stage to ensure that it is included in the global community.. To do so, Taiwan uses its power to interact with other countries. All countries have some amount of power. Political scholar Joseph Nye defines power as the “capacity to do things and in social situations to affect others to get the outcomes we want.” (Nye, p. 6) Power can be defined in terms of resources. These resources have an effect on behaviors which can be viewed as the “production of intended effects.” (Russell, p. 23) An effective way to differentiate power is by separating it into hard and soft categories. Hard power takes the form of economic and military resources. Soft power is encapsulated by a state’s culture, beliefs and values, and domestic and foreign policies. Soft power enhances a state’s ability to create positive attention, legitimacy and. 2. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMAS.003.2019.A07.

(11) credibility. Using persuasion and attraction are a means of “framing the agenda, persuading, and eliciting positive attraction.” (Nye, p. 13) The use of soft power is a viable means to communicate, educate and create allies. Agents of soft power include both government bodies and private actors. To use soft power effectively, targets need to include “broad public opinion and cultural attitudes.” (Nye, p. 97) Opinion is a form of power and “other forms of power are derived from it.” (Russell, p. 109) By framing public opinion and persuading cultural attitudes, countries can utilize the power of opinion. This helps them compensate for a lack of hard power resources by using soft power to gain strategic advantages. Large countries like the United States, with a large economy and. 政 治 大 at the start of the Iraq War, the ensuing conflict caused opinions of the US to be affected, 立. military, have ample hard and soft power. Though it had enjoyed the benefit of positive opinion tarnishing its soft power. Japan, constrained by international treaties on expanding its military. ‧ 國. 學. power, has focused on increasing its economic weight and strengthening its soft power. Rising powers like China are focusing on building up both hard and soft power to increase their global. ‧. standing. Smaller countries who believe their hard power to be lacking can gain more. y. Nat. international influence by effectively using soft power. Countries in East Asia are investing in. sit. soft power in hopes of expanding “their existing economic influence” as they acquire “more. er. io. sophisticated politico-cultural leverage.” (Lee, p. 4) Doing so could result in increased regional influence and potentially increased international influence. A rise in soft power of several small. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. countries can improve a region’s status in the international community.. engchi. Taiwan is constrained in its use of hard power; use of its military in a bid for independence would arouse an attack from China. With growing economic interdependence with the Mainland, Taiwan’s use of its economic power is also restrained. Improving its soft power could help balance this predicament and be used to further engage Taiwan with the international community. To its benefit, Taiwan has ample sources of soft power, especially from its democracy that gives a positive “demonstration effect” to other Asian and small countries to its civil society that is “vibrant and diversified.” (Lee, p. 117) Taiwan’s society is layered with culture that can be incorporated to create positive influences as “over time, cultures influence each other.” (Nye, p.. 3. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMAS.003.2019.A07.

(12) 85) By using its culture as a form of soft power, Taiwan is using it for public diplomacy as a form of communication and for cultural diplomacy as a form of cultural exchange. Diplomacy concerns the practical ways the global community interacts and serves two core functions, those of “representation and communication.” (Pigman, p. 88) Countries use public diplomacy to represent themselves and their interests to other countries and to those countries’ representatives and populace. Representation gives countries a voice in international relations and helps to secure an active role in global society. Communication to promote cultural and economic exchanges but also can resolve conflicts and heal relationships. The power of communication lies in its ability to “modify the interests and even the identity of the actors. 政 治 大 and beliefs. Changing beliefs relies on several factors, namely “desire, evidence, and iteration.” 立. communicating with one another.” (Pigman, p. 7) Effective communication can change opinions (Russell, p. 113) Each factor has its own value. But to change “socially important” beliefs all. ‧ 國. 學. three of these elements must be involved. (Russell, p. 113). ‧. Representation and communication help build long term relationships between nations. States. y. Nat. conduct diplomacy through a multitude of actors-governments, ambassadors, diplomats, civil. sit. society organizations and private actors. The importance of public diplomacy is illustrated by the. er. io. varying degrees that diplomatic actors play in the “social construction of international society.” (Pigman, p. 13) Cross-cultural dialogues and cultural exchanges act as a method of socialization. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. that facilitate communication and promote the ideas and beliefs a country wants others to hold. engchi. about it. These dialogues and exchanges are a type of “integrative power” helping to build respect and friendship through interactions. (Lee, p.13) Public diplomacy, and soft power, are “less threatening forms of power.” (Lee, p. 247) In an increasingly transnational world, being able to communicate without provocation is becoming more valuable. Though a small country, Taiwan enhances its global standing through public diplomacy. Smaller nations can use public diplomacy to “enhance their respect, credibility, and persuasive power in the international public forum.” (Lee, p. 120) Maintaining good relations between governments is vital but developing and strengthening relations with the foreign public is also a valuable resource. To verbalize and progress towards their objectives, countries must “invest as much in. 4. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMAS.003.2019.A07.

(13) communicating with foreign publics as with the governments that represent them.” (Leonard, p. 3) By engaging in cultural and educational exchanges, overseas public information campaigns, and collaborations with both “national and transnational non-governmental organizations (NGOs)” small countries like Taiwan can improve their representation and communication with other states and in the larger international community as well. (Lee, p. 120) As a “dimension of public diplomacy,” cultural diplomacy utilizes representation and communication as well as soft power to engage in cultural exchanges. (Ang, p. 368) These exchanges foster deeper understanding between nations by exchanging different aspects of each state’s respective culture. Aspects exchanged can include art, ideas, societal beliefs and other. 政 治 大 between each other and project positive images about themselves. (Ang, p. 366) Ideas about a 立 information about a country. By sharing its culture, countries “foster mutual understanding”. country come in numerous forms such as movies and television, books and newspaper articles;. ‧ 國. 學. some of these brands and consumer products have a national association. “Because most of the messages that people pick up about a country are beyond the control of national governments,”. ‧. the non-governmental sector has a role to play in effective diplomacy. (Leonard, p. 4) Cultural. y. Nat. diplomacy can be employed by numerous actors including governments, multilateral institutions. sit. and civil society organizations in order to build understanding and familiarity between different. al. n. benefit of the parties involved.. er. io. peoples and states. As understanding grows, beliefs are changed and relationships deepen to the. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. Contemporary cultural diplomacy “stresses culture as an ongoing process” that is relational and engages in a “co-production of meaning” through communication. (Ang, p. 377) Countries can engage in it alone or form alliances to practice cultural diplomacy as a region. Regional cultural diplomacy is a diplomatic collaboration that goes beyond the national interest by representing clusters of countries to communicate their shared interests. Smaller countries that have less of a voice in the international arena can potentially benefit through these collaborative diplomatic efforts. While cultural diplomacy is expected to advance a country’s interest, there is an additional anticipation that these exchanges contributes to a “more harmonious international order to the benefit of all.” (Ang, 370) Cultural diplomacy is a form of advocacy and is a method of “advancing the interests and viewpoints” of a state. (Freeman, p. 115) As nations build a. 5. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMAS.003.2019.A07.

(14) history of dealings and negotiations with each other, relationships are developed. Diplomacy strengthens these relationships and works to “enlarge trust and confidence between nations.” (Freeman, p. 117) As its diplomatic participation in the international community is limited, Taiwan must seek alternative ways to engage with the international community. The use of cultural diplomacy is a valuable and viable means to communicate and educate while fostering alliances. Taiwan combines its unique history with traditional and modern culture to create a “dynamic, vibrant, and evolving whole.” (Lee, p. 122) Taiwan’s culture is diverse and this is reflected in its wide array of art forms. One dynamic example is theater, an evolutionary artistic process which fosters. 政 治 大 entertaining as they might be, were (and in many cases still are) important purveyors of cultural 立 welcoming environments to express the cultural zeitgeist. “Theatricals and storytellers, as. values, morals, history, literature, and many aspects of non-formal education.” (Cohen p. 35). ‧ 國. 學. With theater’s ability to adapt to changing times, it is a valuable reflection of changes in a country’s society and culture. Taiwanese glove puppet theater can be effectively utilized as a tool. ‧. of cultural diplomacy because of its unique evolution, connections to Taiwanese history and. y. Nat. identity, and its ability to attract audiences from multiple cultures, classes and age groups. Glove. sit. puppets can entertain but they can also inform the audience about Taiwan’s transformation from. er. io. colony to democracy, its cultural diversity, its societal and religious beliefs and significantly its political situation. As Taiwan continues to promote itself as the heart of Asia, glove puppetry can. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. assist in communicating Taiwan's rich history and its vibrant future.. engchi. 1.2 Research Motivation and Purpose Due to its unique history, Taiwan is not able to fully participate diplomatically in the realm of international relations. This isolation means Taiwan must take other means in order to gain recognition from and forge relationships with other states. By using its culture as a form of soft power, Taiwan can develop influence and status that has been denied through formal diplomatic means. Taiwan is a diverse country with multiple cultures that have rich, evocative traditions. Though there are numerous at forms that represent Taiwan, this research specifically focuses on Taiwanese glove puppetry. Soon after arriving in Taiwan I discovered televised puppet shows and was immediately captivated. A Taiwanese History class allowed me to explore the historical. 6. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMAS.003.2019.A07.

(15) roots of this particular art form which later motivated me to designate it as my research topic. Budaixi, Taiwanese glove puppetry, is one of the art forms that can be used as a tool of cultural diplomacy. Because it has evolved alongside Taiwan in its transformation from colony to flourishing democracy, it is a powerful reflection of the country’s journey. The purpose of my research is to explore how Taiwan has used its culture as a form of diplomacy. It is my hope that this research will provide guidance on how theatrical culture, specifically Budaixi, can be utilized on a deeper level to further promote Taiwan’s interests to the international community. My research analyzes how Taiwan has used its culture as a form of diplomacy and soft power. Specifically I focus on how Budaixi is a useful tool of cultural diplomacy because of its deep. 政 治 大 entwined with the island’s transformation. I hope to illustrate glove puppetry’s ability to further 立 roots in Taiwan. Like Taiwan, Budaixi has undergone a unique evolution and the art form is. broadcast Taiwan’s importance and significance in the international community to a greater. ‧ 國. 學. global audience. By presenting Budaixi to a world stage, Taiwan can use individual puppeteer hands to amplify the country’s collective voice.. ‧ y. Nat. 1.3 Research Question. sit. My research addresses two questions. First I ask how Taiwanese glove puppetry can be used as a. al. er. io. tool of cultural diplomacy. Since a key aspect to this question is effectiveness, I am additionally. n. asking what are the contribution and challenges of using Budaixi as a tool of cultural diplomacy.. Ch. i n U. v. To answer these questions I have conducted literature research on soft power, public diplomacy. engchi. and cultural diplomacy. Case studies provide examples of how various forms of Taiwanese culture has been used as cultural diplomacy and why a particular cultural aspect was embraced. In-depth interviews examine how the specific art of glove puppet theater can be incorporated as a function of cultural diplomacy. An online fan group of the Pili puppet series Thunderbolt Fantasy has been analyzed for evidence of cross-cultural communication.. 1.4 Research Method To determine how Taiwanese glove puppetry can be used as a tool of cultural diplomacy I have adopted a qualitative methodology. Qualitative research is used in social sciences and is a method of observation to gain data of a non-numerical nature. This form of research focuses on 7. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMAS.003.2019.A07.

(16) the hows and whys of phenomenon occurring. To explore how often phenomenon occurs, quantitative research is used; this research method involves empirical investigation of phenomena via statistical or other numerical methods. Qualitative research techniques involve in-depth literature review, focus groups, participant observation, interviews and case studies. Because the aim of this research is to explore how Taiwanese glove puppetry can be used as cultural diplomacy a qualitative research method was chosen to enable an in-depth understanding and exploration of the topic. Qualitative research was conducted through secondary research of literature review and analysis, and in-depth interviews. Literature review focuses on soft power, public diplomacy, cultural. 政 治 大 qualitative methods to examine how different forms of Taiwanese culture have been used as a 立 diplomacy and Taiwanese glove puppetry. I have conducted exploratory case studies with. form of cultural diplomacy. Because numerous art forms exemplify Taiwan's culture, I have. ‧ 國. 學. chosen three different genres for my case studies. Cloud Gate is an example from the dance genre. Peking and Taiwanese Opera are both part of theatrical and singing genres. Nezha, the. ‧. Electric Techno Neon God, is an example from both religious art and dancing genres.. y. Nat. sit. Objects of research involved the Taiyuan Asian Puppet Theatre Museum, the Center For. er. io. Puppetry Arts, Taiwan puppet television shows such as Shi Yan-wen and the Pili puppet series including Thunderbolt Fantasy, and online activities of Pili fans. In-depth interviews were held. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. with puppet scholars, puppet museum staff, puppeteers and puppet fans. Additional research was. engchi. conducted with an analysis of an online Facebook fan group of Taiwanese glove puppetry. Interviews were conducted in person, over the telephone and through email. I have interviewed six individuals for this research. Lu Michel Ching-long served as the Taiwanese ambassador to France for sixteen years. He also served as ambassador to Haiti and as director of Taiwan's Association of Foreign Relations. Lu helped strengthen Taiwan's bilateral ties with France and Haiti, fostering cross-cultural communication and educational experiences. Now retired, Lu lectures both domestically and abroad on diplomatic issues, cross-cultural communication and how to promote Taiwan through. 8. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMAS.003.2019.A07.

(17) its multifaceted culture. As an ambassador, Lu gained a reputation for incorporating Taiwanese glove puppets into his diplomatic trips and lectures. Robin Ruizendaal is the director of the Taiyuan Asian Puppet Theatre Museum (台原亞洲偶戲 博物館). The TAPTM encompasses both a museum and theater space and has fours floors dedicated to puppetry, featuring glove, marionette, rod and shadow puppets. In addition to puppets from Taiwan, their collection includes puppets, props, costumes and stages from across the Asia region. Paul Lin co-founded the TAPTM with Ruizendaal in 2000 and the organization currently has over ten thousand Asian puppetry artifacts in its collection. They hold regular puppet exhibitions, educational workshops and puppet performances both locally and abroad.. 立. 政 治 大. Kim Siebert is the Collection and Conservation Director at the Taiyuan Asian Puppet Theatre. ‧ 國. 學. Museum. She facilitates the preservation, care and exhibition of the museum's collection. Having trained, worked and lived in multiple countries, Siebert shared her experience in conserving artifacts from diverse cultures. Siebert has a background in museum and conservation practice. ‧. with a focus on cultural heritage artifacts. She has worked with the TAPTM since 2008.. y. Nat. sit. Dr. Terry Silvio has researched both Taiwanese Opera and Taiwanese glove puppetry. She has a. er. io. particular interest in the intersection of performance traditions and media technologies. Working. al. iv n C Ethnology. Silvio has written several academic about h e narticles i Upuppetry and her book Puppets, h c g Gods, and Brands: Theorizing the Age of Animation from Taiwan will be published September n. with Academica Sinica since 2002, she is an Assistant Research Fellow in the Institute of. 2019. Kristin Haverty is a producer at the Center for Puppetry Arts (CPA) in Atlanta, Georgia, USA and a UNIMA2 councilor. Currently she is working with the Taipei Economic & Cultural Office (TECO) in Atlanta to host the Taiwanese Chen Hsi-Huang Traditional Puppetry Troupe at the CPA in June of this year. Established in 1978, the CPA is the largest non-profit organization in the US that is solely dedicated to puppetry.. 2. Union Internationale de la Marionnette International Puppetry Association 9. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMAS.003.2019.A07.

(18) Tiffanee Niitsu-Santo is an American fan of Taiwanese glove puppetry and has appointed herself an ambassador for Taiwanese culture and glove puppets. She brings her collection of glove puppets to comic, anime3 and doll conventions in the United States and introduces curious onlookers to the Pili puppet series and to Taiwan. Niitsu-Santo cares deeply about Budaixi and has made connections within the puppet fan community both in Taiwan and around the world Additional research involves qualitative analysis of an online puppet fan group. Fans of Thunderbolt Fantasy (東離劍遊紀) is a Facebook group for fans of the Pili puppet television series Thunderbolt Fantasy. Pili is a Taiwanese company and their puppets are a contemporary form of Budaixi. The group is specifically for English speaking fans of the series and has 169. 政 治 大 Analysis of posts’ subject matter立 was examined from messages dating from October 24, 2017 to. members from multiple countries. At time of analysis there were 170 subscribers to the fan page.. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. December 29, 2018.. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. 3. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. Anime is a form of Japanese animation known for its colorful graphics and fantasy themes. 10. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMAS.003.2019.A07.

(19) Chapter 2. Literature Review 2.1 Soft Power and Public Diplomacy Joseph Nye has written extensively about soft power and defines it as the “ability to get what you want.” (Nye, p. 13) Power can be separated into different aspects such as hard and soft power. If hard power is more about command and push then soft power is more about framing or pull. Hard power has the ability to obtain desired outcomes through “coercion and payment.” (Nye, p. 16) Soft power, on the other hand, achieves preferred outcomes by co-optive methods such as reframing, persuasion and “eliciting positive attraction.” (Nye, p. 20-21) Hard power often captures more attention because it is focused on compelling others to act against their own. 政 治 大 it less visible. Instead of compelling, 立 soft power works on “preference formation.” (Nye, p. 16). preferences to align with the holder of hard power. The subtlety of soft power sometimes renders. ‧ 國. 學. Scholars and politicians debate over whether hard power or soft power is more valuable. Power comes in many forms and each are important in their own way, though Russell argues that “no. ‧. one of these can be regarded as subordinate to any other.” (Russell, p. 4) However, psychological. y. Nat. research suggests that traits such as “empathy and social intelligence” are superior for gaining. sit. and employing power rather than “force, deception, or terror.” (Nye, p. 17) Soft power has had. al. er. io. just as real of an effect on history as has hard power. Countries can struggle with each other in an. n. attempt to enhance their own, and deprive competitors of, soft power. Reframing others’ beliefs. Ch. i n U. v. and ideas can reshape others’ preferences, goals and future actions. Creating “networks of trust”. engchi. allows countries to work together towards common goals. (Nye, p. 17) As the global communities’ populations, economies and communications become ever more interconnected, developing trusted networks become increasingly important. A state’s power can be measured by its “ability to alter and channel the behavior of other states.” (Freeman, p. 15) A country’s soft power can be categorized into three broad resources-culture, political values and foreign policies. To function as soft power, each resource must be interpreted positively by other nations, their agents and populace; its culture must be seen as attractive. Likewise the nation must be seen as living up to its own political values. For foreign policies to function as soft power they need to be viewed as “legitimate and having moral authority.” (Nye,. 11. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMAS.003.2019.A07.

(20) p. 84) These resources can include factors such as perceived legitimacy, cultural beliefs and institutions. Soft power can address value goals such as attaining freedom, promoting democracy or spreading the acceptance of human rights. When a government is focused on these types of value objects, soft power then becomes “superior to hard power.” (Nye, p. 84) Soft power can affect targets both directly and indirectly. Direct influence applies to the leaders, elites and power networks of other countries. Indirect influence references the public and third parties becoming influenced. They in turn affect the decisions and actions of their leaders. This form of influence is a two-step model which creates environments that enable change. A state’s effective use of its soft power can be categorized into three conditions to affect “broad public. 政 治 大 marketplace of ideas,” second, persuasion takes the form of changing attitudes on political issues 立 opinion and cultural attitudes.” (Nye, p. 97) First, communication must occur in a “functioning and third, this persuasion ensures the creation of new attitudes that influence future political. ‧ 國. 學. outcomes. Influencing opinions is an “opportunity for creating desired habits in others.” (Russell, p. 24) For soft power resources to be valuable, they need to create in others a perception that the. ‧. original country has desired qualities such as “benignity, competence, and charisma.” (Nye, p.. y. Nat. 100) Changed attitudes and newly created habits of belief lay the foundation for new interactions. er. io. sit. and relationships between peoples, cultures and nations.. Soft power in East Asian countries is “increasingly perceived as having strategic value in gaining. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. national influence and status.” (Lee, p. 5) East Asian countries are utilizing their soft power to. engchi. supplement hard power and to “achieve different national objectives.” (Lee, p. 12) By doing so, countries can potentially increase their international status and influence. Constraints to Japan’s hard power prompted the country to seek alternative means of power. “Japan was the first country in East Asia to embrace the concept of soft power as an instrument of its foreign affairs and security policy, particularly because of its constitutional constraints on the use of military hard power.” (Lee, p.12) In the sphere of soft power and diplomacy, “strategies that focus upon projecting a selected national image by exporting appealing cultural products such as animation, TV programs, popular music, films and fashion, still occupy a central place in the efforts of Japan as well as other East Asian countries.” (Iwabuchi, p. 419). 12. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMAS.003.2019.A07.

(21) Like Japan, South Korea also uses soft power as a way to supplement its hard power strengths. The Korean Wave is a form of cultural diplomacy incorporating Korean cultural products such as K-pop4, movies, television and food. “Though not fully embraced at the beginning, today the Korean Wave has become an integral aspect of Korea’s global image and marketability.” (Trolan, p. 204) With its successful modernization causing global powers to become concerned over its rapid growth, China is using its “charm offensive” in an attempt to soothe fears over its rise. (Lee, p. 12) Soft power is a valuable tool for a country whose international standing is restrained. In an “increasingly unfavorable asymmetric relationship with mainland China,” Taiwan can use soft power to help carve out more breathing room in the international arena. (Lee, p. 117) States project strength through both hard power and soft power. A nation’s power depends “not only. 政 治 大 (Russell, p. 117) Taiwan has multiple sources of soft power such as demonstrating its democracy 立. upon its numbers and its economic resources and its technical capacity, but also upon its beliefs.” to the world, a diverse society and an economy that was one of the original four tigers of Asia.. ‧ 國. 學. Since Taiwan’s use of hard power is constrained, it must place greater reliance on utilizing its. ‧. soft power. Soft power can help increase the legitimacy Taiwan needs in its struggle to gain. y. Nat. increased participation in the international community. In our current information age,. sit. embracing new media helps generate an increased public awareness and reframes the issue of. er. io. Taiwan in a manner that is beneficial to the country’s interests. Culture is a valuable tool for the country because it is a “powerful and inexhaustible source of soft power.” (Lee, p. 122). n. al. Ch. i n U. v. Taiwanese culture is an important source of power and by promoting its own unique culture,. engchi. Taiwan uses it as a tool of soft power, telling the world its story on its own terms. The power of story is a valuable asset in society and is only increasing in importance in the information age. If politics “may ultimately be about whose story wins” then “narratives become the currency of soft power.” (Nye, p. 104) Diplomacy evolved from state to state communication to more diverse engagements as governments realized the need to communicate with both their own public and to foreign citizens. These global interactions evolved over time into diplomacy, broadening into the “management of international relations by negotiation.” (Pigman, p. 4) As a form of socialization, public 4. K-pop is a genre of South Korean popular music began as a subculture and has grown into a global phenomenon. 13. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMAS.003.2019.A07.

(22) diplomacy helps a nation persuade other countries to accept new ideas and beliefs about itself and its relationships with others. Public diplomacy has several dimensions-daily communications between states, strategic communications involving symbolic events that can be tied to individual states or shared history and long-term cultural exchanges. All three dimensions enable “broad socialization processes” that involve both representation and communication. (Lee, p. 45) Representation shapes perceptions of a country and is a “core diplomatic function.” (Pigman, p. 7) Likewise, communication is also a core function of diplomacy and can potentially alter the “interests and even the identity of the actors communicating with one another.” (Pigman, p. 7) Both have the ability to maintain and forge relationships, resolve conflicts, promote social engagements and enhance economic exchange.. 政 治 大 In a sense, public diplomacy has been practiced as long as countries have been talking to one 立. other. Communication evolved into diplomacy that created frameworks for “harmonizing the. ‧ 國. 學. competing national interests of the parties without unnecessary resort to force.” (Freeman, p. 14) As technology advanced, communication became more complex. In the current information age,. ‧. technological advances enable a deeper level of connectivity. Television, films, the internet and. y. Nat. social media have transformed the manner in which countries and their diplomatic actors. sit. represent themselves by “changing how they are able to be seen and perceived by global. er. io. publics.” (Pigman, p. 11) Advances in technology have enabled a more instantaneous and deeper level of connectivity between countries and their populations. New technologies combined with. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. a more interconnected world have resulted in increased diversification among diplomatic actors.. engchi. In addition to governments, private actors are utilizing new technology to “send and gather information through interaction with the global public.” (Pigman, p. 211) Communication between states takes various forms in today’s postmodern age as goods, services and labor flow across borders more rapidly than at any other point in history. Culture, with its accompanying knowledge, ideas and beliefs, is too crossing borders, resulting in an increasing number of cross-cultural exchanges. These activities create a “broader range of processes” providing non-governmental actors more opportunities to engage in diplomacy. (Pigman, p. 5) A wider array of processes enable more diverse public diplomacy strategies that can be “targeted specifically to the desired audience, whilst running a greater likelihood of viewers perceiving the. 14. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMAS.003.2019.A07.

(23) promotional objective directly.” (Pigman, p. 124) New processes include websites, social networks and multiplayer online games, which allow for communication to occur across geographical boundaries. Technology has become more varied but representation and communication continues in this “burgeoning field of digital diplomacy.” (Ang, 379) Public diplomacy facilitates relationships between nations, regions and “evolving transnational relationships.” (Lee, p. 252) Building and maintaining such relationships are vital to modern statecraft. Such relations build “mutual respect, deference, and understanding between states.” (Freeman, p. 135) Maintaining these relations can create positive long-term relationships between countries. Such committed relationships helps “win recognition” of a country’s “values. 政 治 大 public diplomacy to improve their global reputation and to assist in communication with other 立 and assets.” (Leonard, p. 11) Smaller countries with underdeveloped hard power can develop. states. For East Asia, public diplomacy is a valuable resource. Countries such as Indonesia,. ‧ 國. 學. China, South Korea, Taiwan and Japan have embraced public diplomacy in the form of “societyto-society relationships” which in turn help strengthen each countries’ soft power. (Lee, p. 261). ‧. Public diplomacy led by private actors is “particularly critical” where governments struggle with. y. Nat. legitimacy issues. (Lee, p. 261) In the case of Taiwan, who lacks widespread official diplomatic. sit. recognition, public diplomacy has provided a means for the country to remain a valuable player. er. io. in international relations. Taiwan has seen successful efforts with its “international public relations” and lobbying efforts, resulting in an “imaginative approach” in advancing its soft. n. al. power. (Lee, p. 255). Ch. engchi. i n U. v. 2.2 Cultural Diplomacy and Case Studies Culture is an important resource of power and cultural diplomacy is a “key component of the contemporary cultural policy landscape.” (Ang, 365) By utilizing cultural diplomacy, countries use their culture as a tool of soft power to communicate, educate and create new allies. As a subset of public diplomacy, cultural diplomacy employs representation and communication in cultural exchanges that can further a country’s attractiveness and legitimacy. Culture is one of the prime differences between “peoples, governments, firms and other organizations” and it is the aim of cultural diplomacy to bridge these differences. (Pigman, p. 180) By sharing one’s culture with other states, a country can diffuse negative stereotypes and create positive. 15. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMAS.003.2019.A07.

(24) associations. For a cultural diplomatic tool to be effective it must “have a sophisticated grounding in the history and culture” of the country. (Freeman, p. 112) A nation’s culture can increase its soft power. “In some contexts, culture can be an important power resource. Culture is the pattern of social behaviors by which groups transmit knowledge and values, and it exists at multiple levels. Some aspects of human culture are universal, some are national, and others are particular to social classes or small groups. Culture is never static, and different cultures interact in different ways.” (Nye, p. 84). 政 治 大 “achieve strategic imperatives” in international relations. (Lee, p.11) Private actors act as third 立 A state’s cultural attractiveness can be used by governmental agencies and private actors to. parties that can perform representative and communicative acts outside government bounds.. ‧ 國. 學. Sharing these aspects of attractiveness builds familiarity between disparate states and creates a level of comfort between them. Affinities of values or interests between nations can create a. ‧. compatibility as “important as the exercise of hard power to achieve a nation’s desired. y. Nat. objectives.” (Lee, p.11) Cultural exchanges may advance a state’s power but they also go “far. sit. beyond narrow national interest” by creating a trust foundation between peoples than transcends. er. al. n. into a country’s society.. io. borders. (Ang, p. 368) If maintained, these new beliefs and levels of trust then become embedded. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. Cultural exchanges serve different functions in diplomatic relationships. When countries have had strained or even absent relations, cultural diplomacy acts as a “universally acceptable vehicle for rapprochement.” (Ang, p. 368) By establishing an atmosphere of cooperation, cultural exchanges establish a platform for communication. When relations are initially being established, or if two states are entering a thaw period after an “extended period of tension or alienation,” cultural diplomacy represents an “essential precursor to communication and negotiation,” especially when contention exists over complicated issues. (Pigman, p. 185) Once relationships are established, the role of cultural exchanges changes as they become a means of “sustaining mutual understanding between two peoples and governments.” (Pigman, p. 185) The resulting increased familiarity between cultures, peoples and governments contributes to present and. 16. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMAS.003.2019.A07.

(25) future relations. Established relations still benefit from cultural diplomacy. Cultural exchanges maintain and sustain established mutual understandings. One manifestation for bringing cultural diplomacy to a wider audience is the exchanges that involve artistic and creative productions. Art represents culture and could be considered the “greatest single source of the impressions that people abroad form of a nation-state.” (Pigman, p. 185) It is one of the earliest indicators of difference that children learn in school and carries an association of authenticity. Cultural features including “music, paintings, national costume or dress” are compared and contrasted with those of one’s own country. Information dissemination through educational programs, media and modern entertainment influence belief “through the. 政 治 大 authenticity and information. Successive generations learn about other countries through 立 potency of iteration.” (Russell, p. 113) Artistic works and performances communicate. socialization. Cultural diplomacy establishes these learning opportunities to create “familiarity. ‧ 國. 學. between peoples and cultures.” (Pigman, p. 185). ‧. Individual states using cultural diplomacy are one strand in a larger web of “ intersecting cultural. y. Nat. relations.” (Ang, p. 372) Small and larger players, both governmental and private actors, make. sit. up this larger global web. Within the web, nations collaborate with each other to promote. er. io. regional cultural diplomacy. A country can move outside solely promoting its own national interest by joining efforts with other countries who have similar interests and goals. When. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. several states collaborate by “strategically investing in popular culture” they can target other. engchi. nations and regions as a unified region. This can help raise opinions about individual states but also regional areas by generating “new intercultural understandings.” (Ang, p. 379) Cooperation of this nature can benefit smaller nations or those with diminished power. Regional cooperation can improve the “targeting, timing, and substance” of an individual state’s advocacy. (Freeman, p. 120) Multiple sources can potentially project a smaller state’s culture, enhancing both individual and regional soft power. With Taiwan’s diplomatic isolation, it is necessary for the country to create new connections to the global community. By telling its own story on its own terms, Taiwan has the potential to shape current and future generations’ beliefs about the island. Combining cultural art with online. 17. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMAS.003.2019.A07.

(26) networks broadcasts Taiwan to a wider audience, potentially creating a larger community that is emotionally invested in its future. Communicating the plight of Taiwan to a larger global audience can increase the number of people invested in Taiwan’s political struggles and goals. Maximizing its soft power is a valuable strategy to advance and protect Taiwan’s long-term interests and goals, both as a nation and as a member of the international community. The combination of a unique history with both traditional and modern societal factors enables Taiwan to sustain a dynamic and vibrant culture. Taiwan is a “significant, responsible, and constructive player in East Asia and the world at large” and its rich culture can help increase its importance to not only the East Asian region but to the international community. (Lee, p. 135). 政 治 大 like a glove.” (Lee, p. 249) Specifically, Taiwanese glove puppetry can be utilized as an effective 立 The ideas of soft power may have initially been formed by Western scholars but it “fits East Asia form of cultural diplomacy because not only has puppetry had a long history in Asia, it is deeply. ‧ 國. 學. part of Taiwanese culture. From Asian puppeteers using their craft to satirize local officials and criticize taxation policies to troupes in Taiwan performing clandestine puppet shows despite. ‧. Japanese colonialist bans, puppetry has long been a means to express political opinion and to. y. Nat. explore cultural identity. As a form of cultural diplomacy, Budaixi represents an inherent. sit. connection to Taiwan’s historical cultural heritage but also to its present multiethnic culture.. er. io. Using an art form that is so bound to identity as a form of cultural diplomacy assists Taiwan in projecting not only its history and culture to the world but also its very identity. As a sense of. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. Taiwan identity grows, puppet theater is increasingly seen as an “expression of Taiwanese. engchi. grassroots culture.” (Fushiki and Ruizendaal, p. 13) Through its intrinsic ability to entertain and forge connections, puppetry is a useful tool that can effectively promote Taiwan and its interests. Three case studies were examined to see how aspects of Taiwanese culture has been used as cultural diplomacy. The cultural arts have expressed political movements, sentiments and tensions throughout history, reflecting the zeitgeist of their times. Cloud Gate Dance Theatre is associated with the art of theater and dance. Both Peking and Taiwanese Opera represent the genres of theater and singing. The third case study focuses on a deity and analyzes his journey from traditional Chinese roots to his current status as part of Taiwan’s popular culture. The Chinese god Nezha has been transformed into a Taiwanese pop cultural icon who travels the. 18. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMAS.003.2019.A07.

(27) world encouraging others to join him in dance and is an example of religious art and dancing genres. These art forms are examples of Taiwan’s multifaceted culture. They have acted as symbols and as ambassadors of Taiwan. Cloud Gate Dance Theatre is considered the first professional contemporary dance company in Taiwan. Established in 1973, Lin Hwai-min made a name for the company by developing a unique dance style that fuses elements of multiple cultures including Chinese, Taiwanese, Japanese and Western cultures. Cloud Gate refers to a ritual performed for the Yellow Emperor in ancient China. The fusion of dance styles reflects the hybrid nature of Taiwanese culture, making it an apt symbol to promote Taiwan abroad. With its integration of diverse elements,. 政 治 大 that is significant in the Chinese diasporic society.” (Chao, p. 9) In addition to domestic success, 立 including traditional and modern dance styles, Cloud Gates has created a “unique dance style. Cloud Gate has toured internationally to countries such as the United States, Canada, Germany,. ‧ 國. 學. Mexico, Russia and China. Its overseas tours have brought awards and acclaim with some regarding Cloud Gate as the “most important cultural export the Republic of China has made in. ‧. the past twenty years.” (Chao, p. 10) By taking Cloud Gate on tour abroad, Lin acts as a private. y. Nat. actor bringing Taiwanese identity and culture to a larger international audience.. sit. The evolution of Cloud Gate reflects Taiwanese society’s own cultural and political. er. io. transformations. The integration of Eastern and Western cultural aspects laid a foundation of cultural characteristics that later saw the “emergence of Taiwanese identity and nationalism.”. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. (Chao, p. 11) Both themes of culture and identity are regularly explored in Cloud Gate. engchi. productions. By synthesizing multiple cultures present in Taiwan, Cloud Gate creates a “complex picture of a diasporic culture” through its dance performances. (Chao, p. 60) This complex picture is an integration of multiple cultures that represents Taiwan’s multiethnic population. Premiering in 1978, Cloud Gate’s Legacy production told the story of Chinese immigrants arriving in Taiwan. The socio-cultural significance of the dance performance was highlighted in its features of lineage succession, the Taiwanese characteristics incorporated into the dance, and the “spirit of struggle and the community of solidarity embedded” throughout the performance. (Chao, p. 82) Though Legacy initially focused on Chinese nationalism, Cloud Gate Dance Theatre’s focus has evolved into one of Taiwanese nationalism. This shift in tone affects how. 19. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMAS.003.2019.A07.

(28) successive dance performances have been interpreted. Earlier productions of Legacy used the ROC national flag and sang the national anthem to indicate Mainland China was the homeland. Later productions featured ancient maps of Taiwan and headings of “Taiwan, Our Native Land” to indicate that the idea of homeland had shifted to the island state. (Chao, p. 101) Cloud Gate also has participated in academic events to further cross-collaboration within the dance world. New Trends in Dance was an international conference held in Taiwan in 1992 and was co-hosted by Cloud Gates’ Dance Foundation and sponsored by the Ministry of Education and the Council for Cultural Planning and Development of Taiwan. Nine countries participated in the event which included dance performances, lectures, presentations and academic papers.. 政 治 大 forms as well as the development of new, cross-cultural forms within a global context.” (Wang, p. 立 Themes covered included methods for the “preservation and transformation of traditional dance. 54) At the conference Francis Tao, Dimensions Dance Theatre’s founder, credited Cloud Gate as. ‧ 國. 學. the “first turning point for dance in Taiwan.” (Wang, p. 54) Cloud Gate both promotes diversity and reflects contemporary trends. Lin’s original piece Cross the Black Water was discussed. ‧. during a conference panel and was praised for its “cross-cultural performance.” (Wang, p. 56). y. Nat. International dance conferences hosted in Taiwan have led to greater dance scholarship. In 1998. sit. the International Dance Theory and Technique Workshop was held in Taiwan and sponsored by. er. io. the Bureau of Cultural Development and Planning and was considered a “promising development” in the world of dance scholarship. (Wu, W., p. 135) Workshops were instructed by. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. Western and Taiwanese dance scholars, reflecting the cross-cultural nature of the event.. engchi. Theater has expressed political movements, sentiments and tensions throughout history, reflecting the zeitgeist of their times. Two operatic forms in Taiwan reflect the island’s political transformation from colony to democracy and both have been used as forms of cultural diplomacy. During the reign of the Nationalists, the Republic of China sponsored international tours of Peking Opera hoping to strengthen its sovereignty claims to the whole of China. Labeled a “national essence” that was believed to “embody the essence of the Chinese national spirit,” Peking Opera illustrated that the ROC were the rightful guardians of traditional Chinese culture and helped to legitimize their regime. (Guy, p. 47) Peking Opera became a tool of international diplomacy for the ROC government and accompanying goodwill tours encapsulated the regime’s. 20. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMAS.003.2019.A07.

(29) attempt to woo the international community. It was fitting that a cultural performance was used to make an argument for legitimacy since both the ROC and PRC “based at least part of their claims to legitimacy on cultural grounds.” (Guy, p. 54) These international tours had the goal of “advancing people-to-people diplomacy and entertaining overseas Chinese.” (Guy, p. 55) Cultural diplomacy of this form increased in importance as the ROC began losing international allies. As official diplomatic channels diminished, less formal ties increased in value allowing Taiwan to avoid isolation by finding outlets in the global community where it could still participate. Taiwan Legislator Li Gongquan captured this sentiment when he remarked, “the international situation has made it very difficult. 政 治 大 abroad, Li surmised that, “all promotion of national opera will help enable it to share the 立. for us to advance diplomatically.” (Guy, p. 59) Stressing that Peking Opera should be promoted responsibility in the cultural exchange effort.” (Guy, p. 59) As Taiwan became more. ‧ 國. 學. diplomatically isolated the importance of these tours to create cultural exchanges remained highly significant and overseas tours continued through the 1980s and 1990s.. ‧. y. Nat. As Taiwan became more liberalized and a “Taiwanese consciousness” began taking shape, the. sit. political climate shifted, resulting in the devaluation of cultural art forms derived from the. er. io. Mainland. (Guy, p. 4) Taiwanese Opera, also known as Gezaixi, originally did not enjoy government support and, as Taiwan’s “only indigenous opera form”, it was suppressed by the. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. Nationalist government. (Guy, p. 6) Though the Nationalists regarded Taiwanese Opera with. engchi. suspicion, its popularity on the island steadily increased, eventually becoming the “most popular theater genre in Taiwan.” (Chang, p. 111) The KMT’s policies of suppressing Gezaixi as an outsider art helped create a sense of otherness and of a separate Taiwanese identity. As Taiwanese identity and nationalism grows, Gezaixi has become an “identity symbol tightly bound to politics.” (Chang, p. 112) As Taiwanese identity matures, it is Gezaixi that steps into the symbolic spot once held by Peking Opera. President Lee Teng-hui helped legitimize Gezaixi by attending a Ming Hwa Yuan performance and afterwards declaring it was the “best that he had attended in 50 years.” (Chang, p. 125) The new political economy of Taiwan has taken emphasis away from Chinese culture and transferred attention to indigenous cultures and art. 21. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMAS.003.2019.A07.

(30) forms. Much like the Nationalists financial support of Peking Opera troupes, the Democratic Progressive Party founded the first public Gezaixi troupe in 1992. With government support came funding that allowed troupes to organize existing scripts, interview aging Gezaixi performers and compose new Gezaixi plays based on Taiwanese history. As Taiwan continues to refine its identity through cultural and political reforms, Gezaixi helps give legitimacy to the Taiwanese identity by presenting Taiwan’s unique history and cultural traditions to audiences both at home and abroad. Peking and Taiwanese Opera both survived Japanese colonization. Peking Opera thrived under KMT rule; Gezaixi endured in the shadows. While Peking Opera has wilted under Taiwan’s democracy, Gezaixi has flowered. “Governments. 政 治 大 agendas, which shows the real-world belief in the power of cultural forms to shape their 立. have long used and promoted music and other performing arts to advance political and social environments.” (Guy, p. 7) The politics and ideologies that have shaped Taiwan since World. ‧ 國. 學. War II is reflected in both art forms and both have been used as cultural diplomacy.. ‧. The god Nezha has transformed from a traditional Chinese deity into a Taiwanese pop culture. y. Nat. phenomenon who has spread far beyond Taiwan’s borders. Although still considered “one of the. sit. most important gods in Taiwanese folklore,” Nezha’s societal role has transitioned from more. er. io. traditional religious duties at temples to performing at secular celebrations and promotional events in Taiwan and abroad. (Yuan, p. 28) Oversized Nezha costumes are worn around the. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. world as performers are project this god as a symbol of Taiwanese culture. This form of cultural. engchi. diplomacy is helping to raise awareness of Taiwan’s history and political plight while making valuable cross-cultural connections. Originally, the god featured prominently in annual Welcoming God festivals; positioned at the front of the parade, a performer wearing a Nezha costume led revelers along a route, visiting temples and religious shrines along the way. As technology evolved, neon lights were incorporated into the costume and techno music accompanied his dance routines. These technological upgrades led to him being renamed the Electric Techno Neon God. The hybridism of techno music and dance steps created an “innovative cultural product that is favoured by modern audiences.” (Yuan, p.31) Nezha has transformed into a pop culture symbol so popular with the younger generation that they “even regard Nezha as a national icon.” (Sheng, p. 391). 22. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMAS.003.2019.A07.

(31) Nezha was broadcast to a wider audience at the 2009 World Games held in Kaohsiung when forty Nezha dancers performed during the opening ceremony. In addition to dancing, the gods also rode motorcycles, reflecting the connection between Nezha, his magical ring and the motorcycle riders who pray to him for protection. By participating in events abroad, the Dancing Nezha has become a positive symbol that promotes Taiwan. The Nezha dance movements were a “new kind of performance” that quickly became popular in Taiwan; this popularity gradually spread to the international level. (Sheng, p. 405) One notable performance was a Techno Nezha dance to US singer Lady Gaga’s Bad Romance at Dodger Stadium in Los Angeles in 2010. The hybridization of Nezha’s traditional roots and his modern adaptations have “enabled his character to be disseminated and further refined as a new icon of Taiwanese identity in international events.” (Sheng, p. 405). 立. 政 治 大. Private actors are utilizing cultural diplomacy to “send and gather information through. ‧ 國. 學. interaction with the global public.” (Pigman, p. 211) Wu Jianheng’s world tour with a Nezha costume illustrates this point. Beginning in 2011, Wu traveled to seventy two countries in three. ‧. years promoting Taiwan. Wu's 17 kg Nezha dances with sunglasses, neon lights and ROC flags.. y. Nat. Taiwan has been embroidered on the front of the costume, reflecting the aesthetic changes the. sit. god has undertaken as it has been transformed into a symbol of Taiwan. Of his inspiration, Wu. er. io. comments in his Nezha compilation video that many people in the world do not know about his “beautiful country” so he “made it my mission to change that.” (Wu, J.) In Wu’s video Nezha. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. appears as a cultural ambassador, celebrating multiple cultural practices and creating numerous. engchi. cross-cultural collaborations. Dancers from Brunei, Thailand, Romania, Macedonia and Nicaragua dressed in their respective traditional cultural costumes to perform with Nezha. Dancers wearing oversized costumes from the Dominican Republic, Guatemala and Slovenia joined Nezha for dancing. Nezha performed local dances in Kenya, Thailand, Latvia and Swaziland. Collaborations of this nature are an example of how “traditional cultural diplomacy” can be combined with modern technology to develop deeper understanding and bonds between cultures. (Ang, 379) As of this writing Wu’s video has been viewed 694,353 times.. 23. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMAS.003.2019.A07.

(32) 政 治 大. Image 1 Wu's NeZha participating in a traditional dance in Romania. 立. ‧ 國. 學. The hybridity of the Techno Nezha represents the merging of the old and the new and helps explain why this deity is “best able to represent Taiwanese identity” more than other deities or folk symbols. (Sheng, p. 407) By using its culture as a tool of soft power, Taiwan can broadcast. ‧. its beliefs and ideals to audiences. The god Nezha has been transformed into a “new symbol of. y. Nat. Taiwanese culture.” (Sheng, p. 407) His iconic appearance is memorable and helps shine a. sit. spotlight on Taiwan’s culture. Nezha statues still guard Taiwanese temples but the god’s role has. al. n. performances and much needed attention to his country.. Ch. en. hi. er. io. expanded tremendously. He has achieved fame and headlines, bringing joy with his. i n U. v. g cExhibitions 2.3 Museums and International Traveling As discussed there are many paths that cultural diplomacy can take. One significant route is traveling via the global network of museums, places where “different cultural visions and community interests are negotiated.” (Clifford, p. 8) Communicating one’s cultural visions and interests to other states is an integral part of cultural diplomacy. Museums offer an opportunity for countries to have communication and representation outside their borders. Clifford cautions that theses institutions are not a final destination for culture. Rather, museums acts as contact zones for culture. These zones are a form of “contact approaches” involving systems “entering new relations through historical processes of displacement.” (Clifford, p. 7) In a museum different cultures coexist and their power dynamics can be negotiated by curators and 24. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMAS.003.2019.A07.

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