臺灣布袋戲英譯初探：霹靂布袋戲劇集英譯譯注

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(1)國立臺灣師範大學翻譯研究所碩士論文 Graduate Institute of Translation and Interpretation. National Taiwan Normal University Master Thesis. 臺灣布袋戲英譯初探：霹靂布袋戲劇集英譯譯注 Translation of Taiwanese Glove Puppetry: An Annotated Translation of the Pili Glove Puppetry Series. 陳宣 Hsuan Chen. 指導教授：胡宗文博士 Advisor: Daniel Hu, Ph.D.. 中華民國 108 年 8 月 August, 2019.

(2) ACKNOWLEDGEMENT First and foremost, I would like to thank my advisor, Dr. Daniel Hu for instructing and guiding me with great insight and patience on this incredible journey. It is with his tolerance and understanding toward my slow pace and inefficient time management skills, as well as his constant support and assurance, that I was able to believe in my own capability of completing a master’s thesis and persist to the end. Completing a thesis seemed like an impossible task several months ago. However, I have been blessed with the most helpful companions along the way, supporting me, feeling my pain, providing me with comfort when I needed it. I would like to thank my dear friends, Hans, Chelsea, Domingo, Wei-hung, and Bailey, for always having my back and giving me hope when I felt trapped and stuck. Of course, I would also like to thank my boyfriend, Willis, for being the only constant in my life as he complained about work, gave me wake-up calls—literally—killed cockroaches, told jokes to make me laugh, and just being the way he is. I would also like to thank my sister and a part of me, Angela, for never asking how my thesis was going and always knowing I could make it. Most importantly, I would like to thank my family for providing me with everything and always supporting me in their own way. Finally, I would like to extend my appreciation and gratitude toward Dr. Chen Long-ting and Dr. Michael Tanangkingsing of the oral defense committee for agreeing to come to my thesis oral defense, and giving me an abundance of valuable advice, with which I was able to perfect my thesis to this much improved copy. i.

(3) 摘要布袋戲自十八世紀中葉傳至臺灣以來，歷經了許多革命性的變化，也因此成為許多專家學者研究的重點。然而，大多數文獻偏重討論臺灣布袋戲的歷史與發展，或是布袋戲中使用的臺灣閩南語，而鮮少觸及翻譯這塊領域。臺灣布袋戲經歷過豐富的歷史及政治背景而演變至如今的樣貌，蘊含複雜的文化意象，加上使用的是臺灣閩南語，因此英譯實為一難題。而目前的現代臺灣布袋戲當屬霹靂國際多媒體為龍頭，將此一民俗表演藝術與多方科技融合，形成一種新的現代產物。此篇論文將提供筆者自翻的霹靂布袋戲劇集系列一集，並附上注釋作為譯注。霹靂布袋戲以閩南語為口頭語言而國語為影視字幕，此文以翻譯國語字幕為目標，透過布袋戲國語字幕的英譯讓來自不同文化、說不同語言的朋友也能欣賞臺灣寶貴的藝術。此篇論文旨在透過筆者初步的嘗試，以期為臺灣布袋戲吸引更廣大的關注，並展現此種文化翻譯文本的可譯性，未來期望有更多學術界的專家能可更進一步研究臺灣布袋戲的英譯，讓此臺灣本土文化為國際所了解，發揚光大。. 關鍵字：臺灣布袋戲、翻譯、譯注、字幕. ii.

(4) ABSTRACT Taiwanese glove puppetry has undergone a series of impressive transformations since it first set foot on the island in the mid-18th century, given the island’s rich colonial history. Therefore, the history as well as the development of the Taiwanese glove puppetry is a topic that raised interest among many scholars, who have thoroughly studied and discussed the Chinese origin of this folk art and its unique localization in Taiwan. However, while ample research has been done on the history of Taiwanese glove puppetry, very few focused on the translation of the traditional performing art. Owing to the rich cultural reference and the complex language situation, Taiwanese glove puppetry certainly does not present an easy task for translators. This paper, therefore, gives an annotated English translation of one episode from one of the most popular glove puppetry series in Taiwan, the Pili glove puppetry series. Spoken in the Taiwanese language, the glove puppetry series employs Mandarin Chinese subtitles, which this paper aims to translate into an accessible English text. The purpose of this paper is to attract greater attention to this Taiwanese folk art and prove the translatability of such culturally challenging text. With the experience, more research can be carried out in the future to focus on the English translation of Taiwanese glove puppetry, and hopefully introduce this Taiwanese-speaking art to more audience from other parts of the world. Keywords: Taiwanese glove puppetry, translation, annotated translation, subtitle. iii.

(5) TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENT …...………………………………………………………………..i 摘要 ..………………………………………………………………………………………....ii ABSTRACT ...………………………………………………………………………………..iii TABLE OF CONTENTS ...………………………………………………………………......iv LIST OF FIGURES ...………………………………………………………………………viii Chapter 1. Introduction ...……………………………………………………………………1. 1. Research background ...…………………………………………………………………...2 2. Literature review ...………………………………………………………………………..3 3. Research purpose ...………………………………………………………………………..5 Chapter 2 I.. History of Taiwanese glove puppetry ...………………………………………….8. Origin and spread ...…………………………………………………………………...9 1. Origin ...………………………………………………………………………...…9 2. Across the strait ...………………………………………………………………..12. II.. Development in Taiwan ……………………………………………………………...13 1. Qing dynasty: mid-18th century–1895 …………………………………………...13 1.1 Historical background .....……………………………………………………13 1.2 Development of glove puppetry ......…………………………………………14 2. Japanese rule: 1895–1945 .....……………………………………………………18 iv.

(6) 2.1 Before the Second Sino-Japanese War: 1895–1937 …………………………19 2.1.1. Historical background .....……………………………………………19. 2.1.2. Development of glove puppetry ......…………………………………21. 2.2 After the Second Sino-Japanese War: 1937–1945 ......………………………25 2.2.1. Historical background .………………………………………………25. 2.2.2. Development of glove puppetry ......…………………………………27. 3. KMT rule: 1945–present ...……....………………………………………………31 3.1 Before the rise of television: 1945–1960 ……………………………………32 3.1.1. Historical background .………………………………………………32. 3.1.2. Development of glove puppetry ..……………………………………37. 3.2 After the rise of television: 1960–present ...…………………………………41. Chapter 3 I.. 3.2.1. Historical background .....……………………………………………41. 3.2.2. Development of glove puppetry ...…...………………………………48. The Huang family and Pili International Multimedia Co., Ltd. ………………..55. The Huang family ….……………………………………………………………...…56 1. First generation: Huang Ma (黃馬) ...……………………………………………56 2. Second generation: Huang Hai-tai (黃海岱) .……………………………………57 3. Third generation: Huang Chun-hsiung (黃俊雄) …..……………………………58 4. Fourth and fifth generation: The Huang brothers and their children ...………… 61 v.

(7) II.. Pili International Multimedia Co., Ltd. ..….…………………………………………63 1. History ...…………………………………………………………………………63 1.1 The independence and transformation of the Pili glove puppetry series ...….63 1.2 The Huang brothers in Pili productions ......…………………………………65 1.3 Pili’s commercial success ...….………………………………………………68 2. Conventions ...……………………………………………………………………70 2.1 Genre ...………………………………………………………………………70 2.2 Magical objects and characters ....……………………………………………71 2.3 Pili glove puppetry’s timeline and geographic setting ....……………………73 3. Language ...………………………………………………………………………75. Chapter 4. Discussion and research limitations ...…………………………………………..79. 1. Discussion ...……………………………………………………………………………..79 1.1 Religious connotation ...……………………………………………………………...79 1.2 Terminology of the conventions ...…………………………………………………...81 1.3 Proper nouns ...……………………………………………………………………….83 1.4 Linguistic properties ...……………………………………………………………….87 2. Research limitations and prospect of future studies ..……………………………………89 Chapter 5. Pili Destiny: The Battle of the Immortals and Demons II: the demon destroyers. <Episode 29> The Greatest of Mankind, the Eye of the Martyr ...….…………………….…91 vi.

(8) 1. Introduction ...……………………………………………………………………………91 1.1 Background of the season ...…………………………………………………………92 1.2 Before the events of this episode .……………………………………………………93 2. Annotated English translation ...…………………………………………………………95 References ...………………….………………………………………………….…………176 Appendix ...…………………………………………………………………………………178. vii.

(9) LIST OF FIGURES Figure 3-1 ...……………………………………………………………………………….…58 Figure 3-2 ...………………………………………………………………………………….60 Figure 3-3 ...………………………………………………………………………………….62 Figure 3-4 ...………………………………………………………………………………….64 Figure 3-5 ...………………………………………………………………………………….65 Figure 3-6 ...………………………………………………………………………………….65 Figure 3-7 ...………………………………………………………………………………….66 Figure 3-8 ...………………………………………………………………………………….74 Figure 3-9 ...………………………………………………………………………………….75 Figure 4-1 ...………………………………………………………………………………….86 Figure 4-2 ...………………………………………………………………………………….87 Figure 5-1 ...………………………………………………………………………………….91. viii.

(10) Chapter 1. Introduction. Research overview This paper is divided into five sections: introduction, history of Taiwanese glove puppetry, the Huang family and Pili International Multimedia Co., Ltd., discussion and research limitations, and the annotated English translation. The first section includes an introductory paragraph concerning the background of the Taiwanese glove puppetry, followed by previous research and studies conducted in the area, and the purpose of this research. The second section informs the readers of the development of Taiwanese glove puppetry under different historical and political background. Considering this paper is aimed to familiarize readers of non-Chinese speaking cultures with Taiwanese glove puppetry, I have given a rather detailed explanation of the history of Taiwan in this section in order to provide a more comprehensive background knowledge for those unfamiliar with the culture and history of Taiwan. The third section is primarily concerned with the Huang family and Pili International Multimedia Co., Ltd. The background knowledge provided in this section about the Huang family serves as a prelude to the introduction of the Pili International Multimedia Co., Ltd. company and its glove puppetry series. The fourth section discusses some of the more prominent translation challenges I encountered and gives several examples that presented 1.

(11) difficulties in the process of translating. In the same section, I have also stated the research limitations of this paper and provided my expectations of the future studies in this area.The final section contains an explanation of the plot background of the chosen episode, followed by the full text of the annotated English translation.. 1. Research background Glove puppetry is known to be an iconic representative of Taiwanese local culture. It has such a special place in the heart of the Taiwanese people particularly because of its unique localization and its deep involvement in their lives. Over the years, glove puppetry had continued to evolve in its own way since it followed Chinese migrants from China to Taiwan, and eventually it set itself apart from the Chinese glove puppetry and became Taiwanese glove puppetry. Among the many glove puppetry masters, Huang Hai-tai (黃海岱) is one of the most renowned and a Taiwanese national treasure. His son Huang Chun-hsiung (黃俊雄) later went on to create a sensation that dominated the television industry and the entire Taiwanese audience in the 1970s with a glove puppetry TV show called The Scholar Swordsman Shi Yan-wen (雲州大儒俠史艷文). It almost seems destined that Huang Chunhsiung’s two sons, coming from a long line of glove puppetry performers, would build a glove puppetry empire a couple of decades later, which remains one of the largest glove puppetry companies in Taiwan. Largely different from the traditional glove puppetry 2.

(12) performances, this modern form of glove puppetry presentation produced by Pili International Multimedia Co., Ltd.is a blended product of glove puppetry conventions and countless bold, novel techniques and innovations. Over the years, the company has made numerous attempts at promoting glove puppetry on the international stage. However, being a local folk art, Taiwanese glove puppetry contains cultural elements that can be difficult for foreign audiences to relate to, and uses a language spoken by a small population compared to the larger languages in the world. These problems can prevent people of foreign cultures from understanding and appreciating Taiwanese glove puppetry. Therefore, this paper aims to investigate these problems and attempt to clear the obstacles by explaining the more complicated cultural differences while still producing an understandable English translation that reads smoothly.. 2. Literature review Glove puppetry is a publicly recognized Taiwanese cultural asset of great value, and sits at an unrivalled position in terms of representation of Taiwanese culture. It is thus not surprising that many studies have been conducted in this area. Due to the rise of globalization in the past decades, Pili International Multimedia Co., Ltd., one of the largest Taiwanese glove puppetry companies and a pillar of the cultural industry in Taiwan, has become a frequently studied subject in research that focus on the methods adopted by the company to 3.

(13) achieve global success and the problems encountered in the process (Chang, 2004; Tseng, 2009). Another aspect of Taiwanese glove puppetry that receives a lot of attention in the academic sphere is the history of this traditional folk art. Taiwan’s diverse colonial history in itself provides an abundant research topic. Therefore, it is not difficult to imagine a local performance art that has grown to become the icon and embodiment of Taiwanese culture is something into which many scholars are interested in digging. Many studies in this respect discuss the development and transformation of Taiwanese glove puppetry through Taiwan’s history, and how glove puppetry, as a performance art, reflects the social and political atmosphere among the people under different colonial rules (Chen, 2007; Hsieh, 2009). Some even conduct a broader study on the heritage and development of the traditional puppetry drama in Fujian and Taiwan (Chiu, 2004). Others combine the history of Taiwanese glove puppetry with other artistic aspects such as music, puppet sculpting, and props production (Huang, 2006). In 2000, Chen Mu-Shan (陳木杉) wrote a book on Taiwanese glove puppetry national treasure Huang Hai-tai and the development of Taiwanese glove puppetry in the Yunlin County, which is known for its glove puppetry heritage. Another book about Huang Hai-tai and his glove puppetry scripts was published in 2004, which includes invaluable documentation of Huang Hai-tai’s dictation of Shi Yan-wen’s general plotline1, and a record of an interview of Huang Chun-hsiung conducted by the author himself (Chang, 2004).. 1. Shi Yan-wen is a televised glove puppetry series made famous by Huang Chun-hsiung in the 1970s. 4.

(14) Among the abundant studies conducted on Taiwanese glove puppetry, not many have looked into the language of Taiwanese glove puppetry. Since one of the most valuable features of Taiwanese glove puppetry is its spoken language and its form as a verbal art, there is some research regarding the verbal literature and performance of Taiwanese glove puppetry (Chen, 2008). However, translation, being a relatively new and marginal academic disciplinary, has almost never been mentioned in the ample studies concerning Taiwanese glove puppetry. The lack of research in the translation of Taiwanese glove puppetry may be a result of the localness of the traditional art and the culturally challenged source text. Therefore, I have decided to venture to combine my knowledge of translation and Taiwanese glove puppetry in hopes of arousing more interest and attention to the insufficiently explored area.. 3. Research purpose The purpose of this study is to give readers of non-Chinese speaking cultures a peek at the Taiwanese glove puppetry, and to look at the translation challenges presented by the culturally rich text. To achieve this goal, I have attempted to translate and annotate one Pili glove puppetry episode. The reason for choosing this particular episode is largely in association with the even distribution of the different styles of content that are typical in the series, for example, fighting scenes, scenes involving descriptions of martial arts moves, and 5.

(15) scenes with humorous dialogues. The original motivation to translate an entire episode was to attempt something that has never been done before. As an avid Pili glove puppetry viewer, I have long wondered about the translatability of its shows. Therefore, naturally, I wished to seize this chance to make an attempt myself, not just to prove it can be done, but more importantly, to experience the process for myself, and hopefully, to explain clearly the reasoning behind the choices I made. In early July, 2019, Pili International Multimedia Co., Ltd. announced that Pili Fantasy: War of Dragons (霹靂英雄戰紀之刀說異數), the remake of a 1990 season, was set to premiere on Netflix the same month. Much to my chagrin, I have missed the rare opportunity to study the first ever official English translation of the Pili glove puppetry show. However, this only goes on to prove that even for a text with such a rich cultural context that can easily come across as intimidating for unfamiliar audiences, translation is very much possible and can provide access to the initially Taiwan-exclusive entertainment for viewers from all over the world to enjoy. This study, given its form as annotated translation, will attempt to focus on identifying the cultural elements used in the source text, and drawing attention to the differences between the source text and the target text through explaining the different ways I chose to approach different problems. Apart from the main purpose, I also hope to attract more attention to the Taiwanese glove puppetry, especially from readers who have not previously learned about this Taiwanese local art. It is an art that is almost as old as the colonial history of this island, and has gone through all the 6.

(16) ups and downs with this island and the people on it. Taiwanese glove puppetry, therefore, has long been regarded as an iconic cultural asset that appropriately represents the Taiwanese spirit.. 7.

(17) Chapter 2. History of Taiwanese glove puppetry. Introduction In the first part of this chapter, a general background of the origin of the Taiwanese glove puppetry is provided in an attempt to paint a comprehensive picture of the overall transformation of glove puppetry from its dawning in China to its ever-changing forms in modern-day Taiwan. Subsequently, a brief explanation is given about when, where, and how the traditional art form made its way across the strait to Taiwan. The section that follows elaborates on the development of glove puppetry after it arrived in Taiwan. This section is divided into three parts according to the history of Taiwan: Qing dynasty, Japanese rule, and KMT2 rule. Chronologically ordered, these parts are each composed of an explanation of the historical background at the time in Taiwan, followed by a discourse on the development of glove puppetry during that period in a sense that shows how it managed to adapt to different social and political environment, especially while under political repression. Finally, a short conclusion wraps up the section by summing up the major transformations of the Taiwanese glove puppetry throughout history and illustrating how, by constantly challenging and innovating itself, it has not stopped breaking ground to. KMT, or Kuomintang, also known as the Chinese Nationalist Party, was the opposing power against the Chinese Communist Party during the era of the Chinese Civil War, and retreated to Taiwan after losing the war. 8 2.

(18) this day.. I.. Origin and spread. 1. Origin A large part of the traditional Taiwanese culture originates in China, such as the lunar calendar, local gastronomy, and folk religion. Glove puppetry is no exception. Glove puppetry is a variety of the Taiwanese traditional performing arts, which include others such as Taiwanese shadow puppetry, Taiwanese Opera, and Hakka Opera. The Taiwanese traditional performing arts is profoundly rooted in China, with the exception of Taiwanese Opera, which emerged and matured on the island. To examine the development of glove puppetry in Taiwan through the course of its colonial history, one cannot do so without first tracing back to the origin of the traditional art form. Glove puppetry is believed to have originated in China in the late-16th century. China, at the time in the Ming dynasty era, was about to undergo a pivotal change in the political scene: Ming dynasty would later see its own downfall as the Manchus founded the last imperial dynasty in the history of China, Qing dynasty. The true and exact origin of glove puppetry remains quite obscure, despite ample 9.

(19) discussions and research executed by dedicated scholars who study the history of traditional puppetry in China and Taiwan. Generally speaking, it is widely accepted that a prototypical form of glove puppetry had formed around the late Ming dynasty. This prototype, found in places all over China, involved one performer carrying all the puppets and music instruments needed for the performance with a carrying pole3, which was used to support a piece of cloth to create a simple makeshift stage (Hsieh, 2009, p. 22). This provided the performer with a high level of mobility, in that the performer was able to travel lightly with everything he needed. According to Hsieh (2009), from the literary evidence he gathered, this prototypical form of glove puppetry, also known as goulizi (苟利子), kuileizi (傀儡子), or jiandanxi (肩擔戲), literally “shoulder-carried drama,” first functioned as a type of street performance, which means it acted as a “part-time job” for the performer to earn a few coins instead of a full-time profession. This later changed as it progressed in the Fujian area, where it absorbed regional features and cultures, and became a sophisticated profession, which served different purposes. A disaccord remains, however, over the predecessor of this prototypical glove puppetry. Qiu (2004), in his study of the Fujian and Taiwan puppetry, mentioned several examples from other essays how glove puppetry could be explained as a “smaller version” of rod puppetry,. A carrying pole is a common device used to carry goods in East Asia, consisting of a horizontally positioned pole with one basket hanging off each end. It is carried by a person through balancing the pole across his or her shoulders. 10 3.

(20) which is a Chinese traditional performing arts where a puppet—generally larger than the ones used in glove puppetry—would be supported and upheld with a long stick. Others like Wu (2005) and Huang (2006), however, maintained that glove puppetry was derived from the Chinese marionette puppetry, or string puppets, since Quanzhou (泉州), one of the origins of glove puppetry, was most famous for marionette puppetry at the time. There were also origin stories about glove puppetry that spread and survived to this day, which reinforce the legendary quality of the traditional art form. These stories typically describe a student during the late Ming dynasty who failed the imperial exam many times and, in his frustration, discovered or invented glove puppetry, with which he later became successful (Qiu, 2004). Regardless of what preceded the prototypical form of glove puppetry, which typically includes a main performer, a stage, glove puppets, and music4, it is generally agreed among researchers that by the mid-18th century, or mid-Qing dynasty, glove puppetry had found its home in the Fujian province and flourished in Quanzhou, Zhangzhou (漳州), and Chaozhou (潮州). Profoundly influenced by the local traditions and cultures, the purpose of the now more developed glove puppetry was commonly associated with the local folk religion, which means glove puppetry performances could be found when the local wished to reciprocate a deity’s “favor” or on religious occasions such as the birthday of a certain deity (Huang,. According to Qiu (2004), a traditional glove puppetry troupe which performs outdoors largely for religious purposes is typically composed of puppets and props, a stage, performers, and the background musicians. Perhaps the most noteworthy is that while there can be two or more performers who control the puppets, only the main performer voices the narration and all of the characters, and this remains the most important traditional feature in the modern-day Taiwanese glove puppetry. 11 4.

(21) 2006). The fact that glove puppetry, alongside its original entertainment purposes, had developed to connect with the local religion formed an even tighter bond—on a deeper level as well—between the traditional art form and the region. By this time, glove puppetry had evolved radically and had undergone a series of changes, most notably the regionalization and refinement in terms of music and dialect, marking its separation from its northern counterpart and continuing to develop and transform into the regional art form that would make the southern province a synonym for glove puppetry.. 2. Across the strait Glove puppetry was thought to have followed the footsteps of Chinese migrants to Taiwan in the mid-18th century, during the reign of Qianlong (乾隆) and Jiaqing (嘉慶) Emperor of Qing dynasty. As mentioned above in the previous paragraph, glove puppetry had already garnered wide popularity in the Quanzhou and Zhangzhou area at this time; As a result, it makes sense to think that the Chinese migrants brought the beloved art along with them when they moved to Taiwan. Now, when glove puppetry reached Taiwan, it conveniently carried with it the Quanzhou and Zhangzhou regional features, which, absorbed in the art form, had led it to become the admiration of the southeast area in the Fujian province. Therefore, the glove puppetry that 12.

(22) arrived in Taiwan already possessed more refined and mature characteristics compared to the prototypical form discussed in the earlier section (Huang, 2006). Transplanted to a land that would later go through drastic—dramatic even—historical, political, as well as cultural changes, glove puppetry, like many other aspects of the Taiwanese culture, eventually took on a much different appearance from its Chinese antecedent, shaped by the island’s multifaceted social structure.. II.. Development in Taiwan. 1. Qing dynasty: mid-18th century–1895. 1.1 Historical background The beginning of Qing dynasty’s rule of Taiwan started in 1683, when Shilang (施琅), a Qing general, drove away the Zheng power from Taiwan and conquered the island, marking the official end of the Ming dynasty. In the early days of Qing dynasty’s rule, Taiwan was not considered important in terms of domestic management, and thus little attention was paid to the island. It was not until the time of Yongzheng (雍正) and Qianlong Emperor that the Chinese people were encouraged to migrate to Taiwan. However, the Qing’s general policy 13.

(23) toward Taiwan remained passive, and only made adjustments based on the changes and needs on the mainland. The Qing government’s attitude toward Taiwan did not change until 1874, when Japan and France showed aggression with attempts to claim the island by force. It was at this point that the Qing government realized the value of Taiwan’s commercial profits and strategic importance, and subsequently started to govern and develop Taiwan in a more vigorous manner. Even in the Kangxi (康熙) Emperor’s time, when it was prohibited to move to Taiwan from the mainland, a considerable number of people migrated illegally to the island. Therefore, when the policy changed to encouraging migration under the Yongzheng Emperor’s reign, there was a surge of Han Chinese migrating to Taiwan, which reached its peak during the Qianlong Emperor’s time. This was also the time when glove puppetry was thought to spread to Taiwan, brought over by the large number of migrants. Due to the Qing government’s passive attitude, not much concern was shown about what was going on in Taiwan. Consequently, glove puppetry was able to develop freely during this period and was met with no obstruction from the island’s Manchu ruler.. 1.2 Development of glove puppetry Upon its arrival in Taiwan, glove puppetry was divided into three main branches according to the music and singing techniques implemented in the performances: nanguan 14.

(24) (南管), baizi (白字), and chaodiao (潮調). These branches were named after the background music genre that was used in each branch. It is generally understood that nanguan originates from Quanzhou, baizi from Zhangzhou, and chaodiao from Chaozhou. Back in the day, the role of music in a glove puppetry performance was more vital than the visual effect, to the extent that people often described the activity of “watching a performance (看戲)” as “listening to a performance (聽戲) (Qiu, 2004, p. 134).” In this sense, it is not surprising at all that the three main branches were classified by their music genres. The three branches, despite having different names, all belong to the nanguan system, which was thought to have originated in Quanzhou and later spread to Zhangzhou and Chaozhou. Therefore, the differences between the three branches are mainly regional; for example, chaodiao features a special local tune in its music that distinguishes it from the other two branches and resembles the Taoist music used in some Taiwanese local funerals, which led people to regard it as “unlucky” and contributed to its later slide in popularity. Also, it is worth mentioning that baizi, literally “vernacular speech,” generally refers to the performances that employed a more accessible musical style and used a language in which regional accent or dialect was incorporated, rendering it more readily acceptable to the general public, especially among the working class community. In the early days of the development of glove puppetry in Taiwan, the Quanzhou nanguan branch, the earliest to arrive in Taiwan (Huang, 2006), used to be the dominating 15.

(25) genre of the three. It was most prominent in the northern part of the island, but was generally enjoyed everywhere, most popular among the more educated or upper class community. It was not until approximately 1875, during the reign of the late-Qing Guangxu (光緒) Emperor, that the beiguan (北管) branch developed on the island and began to gain increasing attention and popularity among the public. The nanguan branch typically used more cultivated music and was considered more classy and enjoyed by the upper class and intellectuals, while the newly emerged beiguan used a mix of different musical styles from a variety of regions and often featured fast tempo and varied melody, which made it more approachable to the lower class. Apart from their differences in music styles, the most notable distinction between the nanguan and beiguan branches is the nature of the scripts used in their performances. While the stories performed by nanguan were mostly wenxi (文戲), the beiguan branch was known for performing wuxi (武戲). Wenxi and wuxi are two contrasting genres of drama: the former refers to plots that mostly consist of dialogues and verses with little to none fight scenes, and the latter tends to be action-packed and primarily features exciting fight scenes and the theme of good versus evil. Due to these gaping differences, the China-originated nanguan branch was deemed more refined and exquisite, and of higher quality in terms of artistic merit; and the locally sprung beiguan branch proved more relatable to the working class with its accessible music and thrilling plotlines, and later grew into a popular culture phenomenon. 16.

(26) Traditionally, the scripts used for the nanguan performances were known as “longdixi (籠底戲)” and the ones used for the beiguan performances were called “zhengbenxi (正本戲).” Despite their different names and genres, both longdixi and zhengbenxi were stories recorded in historical books, usually based on true history but blended with folklore, legends, and a bit of creative imagination. A primary characteristic of these stories was the recurrent theme of the moral concept of good and the promotion of traditional ethical virtues. Widely different from each other in style, the two branches naturally attracted different audiences and formed their own admirers. However, by the end of the Qing dynasty, due to the strong and growing popularity of wuxi, many glove puppetry troupes began to perform beiguan scripts, which, featuring fight scenes, matched better with the beiguan music; others simply added fight scenes to nanguan scripts. As Wu (2005) wrote in his book The Beauty of Taiwanese Glove Puppetry as a Performing Art: The point when chaodiao and nanguan converted to beiguan marked the beginning of Taiwanese glove puppetry’s transformation from a “China-oriented development” to “localization.” And as the beiguan genre became the main source of entertainment during the Japanese rule, chaodiao and nanguan puppetry troupes were also forced to change their music behind the curtain into beiguan music. (Wu, 2005, p. 67) In this way, the beiguan branch easily overtook the Zhangzhou baizi branch and the Chaozhou chaodiao branch and, eventually, as the masters of nanguan glove puppetry from 17.

(27) early generations passed away or returned to China, replaced the nanguan branch completely. According to Huang (2006), the Zhangzhou baizi glove puppetry, despite being more acceptable to the working class, died out before the decline of the nanguan branch, presumably due to the rise of beiguan branch; and the Chaozhou chaodiao branch, also replaced by beiguan, cannot be found anymore in glove puppetry performances nowadays, but is mostly used and retained in shadow puppetry.. 2. Japanese rule: 1895–1945 This section is divided into two parts: before and after the 1937 Second Sino-Japanese War. The Second Sino-Japanese War brought about major strategic changes in Japan’s policies toward Taiwan. Overall, the Japanese rule of Taiwan not only shaped the early form of the modern-day Taiwanese glove puppetry, but profoundly affected later development of glove puppetry on the island. From the mild approach to ruling Taiwan in the early stages to the intense Kominka Movement during wartime, the Taiwanese glove puppetry had had its ups and downs. As has been proven by time, however, these drastic changes did not result in the end of the Taiwanese glove puppetry. Even under the severe restrictions imposed by the Japanese government in an attempt to permeate Taiwan with Japanese culture, glove puppetry in Taiwan did not die out from the oppression, but instead managed to find its own path and 18.

(28) survive to this day, bearing with it all the diverse appearances it had taken on throughout history.. 2.1 Before the Second Sino-Japanese War: 1895–1937. 2.1.1. Historical background. As a result of the Qing dynasty’s lost in the 1894 First Sino-Japanese War, Taiwan was ceded to Japan after the Treaty of Shimonoseki was signed in 1895, thus began the halfcentury-long Japanese rule on the island. On the other side of the strait, Imperial China would later come to its end when the Republic of China was established in 1911, by which time Taiwan would have already been under the Japanese rule for 16 years. The Japanese colonization of Taiwan is usually divided into three stages according to the approaches adopted by Japan to rule Taiwan: the early years, the assimilation period, and the kominka period. In the beginning, there were two divided views in the Japanese government over how Taiwan should be ruled. The first one was “non-assimilation,” similar to the British approach, which means that Taiwan should be regarded as a foreign territory governed by different laws than the original Japanese territory, instead of being seen as an additional domestic land of Japan. The second view was assimilation, or integration, which was the exact opposite of the first view. This view maintained that Taiwan should be regarded as an 19.

(29) “extension of the Home Islands,” and therefore should be governed the way all the other Japanese territory was governed. The first approach was adopted in the early years of the Japanese rule from 1895 to 1915, which was referred to as the first stage of the Japanese colonization of Taiwan. In this period, armed rebellions led by Taiwanese locals were extremely active. Therefore, the Japanese government carried out many armed suppressions, which resulted in great numbers of casualties. Some of the largest uprisings against the Japanese government during this period include the Miaoli Incident in 1913 and the Taipani Incident in 1915. In this stage of the Japanese rule, the Japanese government was preoccupied with vanquishing the local resistant upheavals by armed forces, and adopted a relatively mild approach in regard of the local social practices, allowing the Taiwanese people to carry on with local customs and culture without much hindrance. The second stage of the Japanese rule followed, with the policy of assimilation taking the place of “non-assimilation.” The Japanese government, from 1915 to 1937, adopted the approach of the naichi encho shugi, which means the “belief of colony as an extension of the mainland,” applying Japanese laws and constitutional system to the island. After the mid1910s, as the political atmosphere shifted due to the aftermath of World War I, colonies everywhere were influenced by the idea of the Self-Determination of Nations. As a result, colonizers began to loosen the restraints imposed upon the colonies, allowing more space for colony self-governance or a more flexible system in order to quench the uprisings of the 20.

(30) colonized people. At this time, Japan was undergoing a critical change in its political structure, forming a modern democratic political system with political parties. This is historically referred to as the Taisho democracy era, and the policies carried out in Taiwan became less harsh and more open, respecting the local rise of the Self-Determination of Nations. After the Taipani Incident, there were very few armed rebellions; Instead, the Taiwanese people turned to political and social movements to advocate self-governance and equal rights to the Japanese people. Due to the generally more open policies, Taiwan saw a rise in social movements during this time, and even succeeded in gaining self-governance in 1935, when the Japanese government agreed to allow the Taiwanese people the right to establish and elect the local self-governing parliament. The only armed conflict during this period was the Wushe Rebellion in 1930, the last major armed uprising against the Japanese government, which was stemmed from the long-term oppression and exploitation of the aboriginal people in Taiwan by the Japanese authorities. Led by the Seediq indigenous groups, the uprising was counter-attacked by the heavy fire of the Japanese forces, resulting in the suicide of the leader Chief Mouna Rudao and hundreds of indigenous people, with the participating tribes almost wiped out.. 2.1.2. Development of glove puppetry. As was mentioned above, during this period, Taiwanese people were still able to enjoy 21.

(31) their own customs and go about their lives with minimal constraint from the officials. In this sense, it is safe to say that glove puppetry enjoyed a certain degree of freedom in the early stages of the Japanese rule, and thus some revolutionary changes of the Taiwanese glove puppetry took place during this time. This does not mean, however, that there were absolutely no restrictions over the glove puppetry performances. There were restrictions concerning the time and the content of glove puppetry performances. Performances were not allowed after 11 o’clock in the evening, mainly due to the noise and public security reasons; and the content, or the scripts, of the performances was required to undergo examinations and be approved by official institutions before being performed, with politically sensitive content and pornographic material censored (Hsieh, 2009, p. 86). In his study of the history of Taiwanese glove puppetry, Hsieh (2009) provided several examples where puppetry troupes were required to change their scripts because they did not fall within the rules. By the mid1920s, due to an upsurge in the glove puppetry performances’ tendency to contain satirical elements about the society and politics at the time, including criticizing the social system and encouraging national consciousness, the Japanese police started to prohibit these performances, and thus there was more censorship than before. It was also during the 1920s, however, that the legendary Taiwanese glove puppetry master Huang Hai-tai (黃海岱) started adding fantasy elements to his scripts adapted from historical novels, which would later be known as jianxiaxi (劍俠戲). 22.

(32) The early years of the Japanese rule saw the emergence of two types of glove puppetry scripts: one was gucexi (古冊戲), literally “old book drama,” which was adapted from old Chinese novels written in previous times, also known as xiaoshuoxi (小說戲), literally “novel drama;” The other was jianxiaxi, literally “sword hero drama,” which was similar to gucexi in that both types were adaptations of old Chinese novels, but was more inclined towards the fantasy fiction side of the spectrum. Now, continuing its previous development in the Qing dynasty, the glove puppetry scene saw a new trend that was set by the widely popularized beiguan branch. As the demand for this source of entertainment gradually increased, the puppetry troupes had to hunt for new material to perform. Therefore, the troupes started to take historical novels and adapt them into scripts, which brought about the existence of gucexi. According to Hsieh (2009), the exact time of when gucexi appeared was unidentifiable; however, it is generally believed that it emerged during the early years of the Japanese rule in Taiwan, part of which overlapped with the early years of the Republic of China. When gucexi was not enough to satisfy the audience, jianxiaxi came into play. Jianxiaxi typically featured individuals, or heroes, who practiced exaggerated or fictional martial arts and fought against crime and evil to promote justice and restore order. These fictional martial arts were mostly based on actual martial arts moves such as swordplay and qinggong (輕功)5, but were added with fictional fantasy. Qinggong, literally “light martial arts move,” is a martial arts move that allows the person to swiftly “float” or “fly” over objects. 23 5.

(33) elements that were often exaggerated for dramatic effects. One iconic Taiwanese glove puppetry master to dominate jianxiaxi was Huang Hai-tai. His legacy lived on through his successors, who would create game-changing shift in the Taiwanese glove puppetry industry and become a sensation among the Taiwanese people in the time to come. According to Hsieh (2005), the emergence of jianxiaxi was an attempt at the localization of the glove puppetry script, and because of the flexibility of the storylines, the same script can be adapted differently depending on different writers. Thus, the emergence of jianxiaxi represented the starting point when the Taiwanese glove puppetry started to develop in a much different direction from the glove puppetry in China. At this time, apart from the emergence of gucexi and jianxiaxi, several other phenomena in the glove puppetry scene are also worth mentioning. Zidixi (子弟戲), literally “disciple drama,” refers to performances given by the troupes composed of members of business families and wealthy families. These troupes were mostly volunteers who only performed at local events in their free time. Not only did they take no monetary reward, but they often had to use their own money to arrange the performances. It is commonly believed that zidixi only existed in the Taiwanese Opera, but as indicated in historical evidence, it is clear that zidixi in glove puppetry appeared as early as the early 20th century during the Japanese rule (Hsieh, 2009, p. 89). Another phenomenon was the emergence of neitaixi (內臺戲), literally “indoor stage 24.

(34) drama.” This type of glove puppetry performance was held indoors, as is suggested in its name. It is often compared to waitaixi (外臺戲), literally “outdoor stage drama,” or yetaixi (野臺戲), “field stage drama,” which was held outdoors, often at the public square in front of a temple. The most distinctive characteristic that distinguishes neitaixi from waitaixi, apart from the performance venue, is the purpose of the performances. Waitaixi, having existed practically since the dawn of glove puppetry, was mainly held for religious purposes; for example, in celebration of a deity’s birthday. Neitaixi, on the other hand, first emerged during the Japanese rule and, held in theatres, possessed a more commercial quality in the nature of its purpose.. 2.2 After the Second Sino-Japanese War: 1937–1945. 2.2.1. Historical background. In the 1930s, as militarism began to gain dominance in Japan, Japan had quickened the pace in its invasion of China, and it seemed that the tensions between the two opposing Asian powers had never run so high. During this time, the Japanese government adopted an extreme approach toward colonizing Taiwan. Most notably, three main policies were promoted in Taiwan: the Kominka policy, the policy of industrialization, and the policy of the Southern Expansion. At the core of this change in Japan’s approach to ruling Taiwan was the Kominka 25.

(35) policy, or the Kominka Movement, which aimed to Japanize the Taiwanese society and instill the Japanese spirit into the local people or, in other words, “make Taiwanese people become the subjects of the Japanese Emperor.” The Kominka policy could be divided into four major areas: reform of the local religion and social practices, the “national language movement,” the “name-changing program,” and the “volunteers’ system (Ching, 2001, p. 92).” The Taiwanese people were forced to give up their folk religion and even burn their ancestors’ spirit tablets, and convert to Shinto, worshipping Shinto temples. The Japanese language was taught from the beginning of the Japanese rule, but was now reinforced in the education system, with the original Chinese language being removed from the curriculum. Taiwanese people were also required to change their names into Japanese names, wear Japanese clothes, and live in Japanese-style houses. In 1942, the voluntary military system was employed in Taiwan. Three years later, conscription was implemented all across the island, which resulted in a large number of casualties of Taiwanese soldiers and great damage in Taiwanese economy. In 1941, in response to the outbreak of the Second Sino-Japanese War, commonly marked by the Marco Polo Bridge Incident, the Japanese government founded the Komin Hokokai (皇民奉公會) in Taiwan, which was an organization that aimed to enforce the Kominka policy island-wide. This action was to ensure that the Taiwanese people would devote themselves completely to the Empire of Japan during wartime, with the purpose of making Taiwan the command post for its 26.

(36) Southern Expansion Doctrine and the ultimate goal of establishing the Greater East Asia Coprosperity Sphere.. 2.2.2. Development of glove puppetry. Of all the aspects that the Japanese government attempted to change in the Taiwanese society with the Kominka policy, the reform of the local religion and social practices struck the Taiwanese glove puppetry the hardest, seeing as the reform included a ban on Chinese drama and music (Wu, 2005, p. 98). As a result, many glove puppetry troupes were forced to either disband or move out of the island and seek opportunities elsewhere, and the Taiwanese glove puppetry was faced with an unprecedented threat. When Taiwan saw its first ban on the local drama and theatre that put the survival of glove puppetry at great risk, Huang Te-shih (黃得時), Taiwanese author, researcher of Taiwanese literature, and member of the Association of Taiwan Literature and Arts, proposed to the Japanese authorities that glove puppetry was a representative art of Taiwan and thus was worth preserving. The Japanese Committee of Entertainment, after watching a performance of the Taiwanese glove puppetry, agreed to “improve” this traditional art and recreate a new type of glove puppetry featuring Japanese elements and spirit, turning it into a medium for the Japanese government to promote and distribute its propaganda (Hsieh, 2009, p. 101). At this point, due to the necessary changes it had to make to survive under the political 27.

(37) suppression, the Taiwanese glove puppetry had taken on a new look. In order to comply with the policy, major changes were made about the traditional Taiwanese performance. To be exact, there were four: music, puppet costumes, stage props, and language (Hsieh, 2009). To start with, western music was used in the place of the prohibited Chinese music. This was the first time in the history of Taiwanese glove puppetry that foreign music was being used instead of Chinese music. It had such a revolutionary influence on the future development of glove puppetry because the modern glove puppetry implements a wide variety of music, and, almost like a blessing in disguise, foreign music was first employed in this traditional art under the suppressing policies of the Japanese government. Another change in the appearance of glove puppetry performances was the puppets’ costumes. The law initially required that all puppet costumes be changed into Japanese clothes. Huang, however, suggested that the style of the costumes should be determined depending on the context of the scenes. In other words, he proposed the idea that the puppets should be wearing Chinese clothes where it was appropriate, and Japanese clothes where it was necessary. Therefore, there was now a mix of puppet costumes of different styles in the Taiwanese glove puppetry scene, which was another revolutionary change, since the glove puppetry afterwards featured a wide range of costumes of various styles. The third change that happened during this time was the stage props. Before this, most of the stages set up for glove puppetry performances were simple wooden stages. There were 28.

(38) a couple of variations, but it was not easy to carry around. It is interesting to note that when glove puppetry was first introduced to Taiwan, the stage composed of only a carrying pole and a piece of cloth. Through time, the stage evolved and became more exquisite, and thus required more effort to carry. Now, during the Japanese rule, the stage was designed to be separated into several pieces for more convenient transport (Hsieh, 2009, p. 111). One of the things that almost every colonist government in the history of the world is keen on changing is language. Language, while serving as a tool of communication, is also a symbol and representation of a people, and an important part of self-identity. Thus, language became ever so crucial with the Japanese government during this time of war. The government’s promotion of the Japanese language had always existed since the Japanese took over Taiwan, but with the Second Sino-Japanese War having begun, and as a part of the Kominka policy, the Japanese government was promoting the Japanese language in a more rigorous manner than before. Under these circumstances, the puppets of the Taiwanese glove puppetry, who had been speaking Chinese dialects since they arrived on the island from China and were by this time speaking what would be known as the Taiwanese language, or minnanyu (閩南語), were now demanded to speak another language. Taiwanese was still, however, generally allowed in glove puppetry performances, as long as some basic Japanese or daily usage was included (Lu, 1991, p. 419). This was a change that did not live on to the future development of the Taiwanese glove puppetry. Decades later, when glove puppetry 29.

(39) continued to shine on the island, Taiwanese was still being used, and people were still most comfortable with this pairing of the Taiwanese language and Taiwanese glove puppetry. To recreate and control the glove puppetry performances, the Japanese officials established two organizations to manage the matter. By this point, the Taiwanese glove puppetry was completely serving the purpose of political propaganda. However, Taiwanese people were still finding ways to secretly enjoy the entertainment. As Huang Hai-tai said in his spoken biography, when the authorities were present, they would put up the Japanized version of the performance, with the scripts about the stories of Japanese patriotism and puppets with Japanese clothes; and when the authorities left, they would immediately change to performing their own scripts, and the audience would love it (Hsieh, 2009, p. 108). This, of course, came with the risk of being caught and punished. To these puppetry troupes, though, it was worth the risk. As the Taiwanese glove puppetry proved its tenacious nature in the face of many obstacles throughout history, many more difficulties were yet to come. In 1945, when the war was over, Taiwan faced an entirely different political power, and so did the Taiwanese glove puppetry. Fortunately, even in a different political climate ruled by a different regime, this long-standing traditional art was able to continue adapting to its fast-changing surroundings and survive the hardships.. 30.

(40) 3. KMT rule: 1945–present This section is divided into two parts by the emergence of television in Taiwan. This approach of arranging this section is due to the critical role that technology played at this time of the development of the Taiwanese glove puppetry. The first part addresses the history of Taiwan under the KMT rule from the end of World War II and Second Sino-Japanese War to 1960, the decade during which television was starting to emerge in Taiwan, marked by the first formal broadcasting of Taiwan Television Enterprise, Ltd. in 1962. The first terrestrial television station in Taiwan, Taiwan Television Enterprise, Ltd., or more commonly referred to as TTV, was also the first to broadcast the Taiwanese glove puppetry series that would later become a huge sensation that overtook the entire island: The Scholar Swordsman Shi Yanwen. Since the popularization of television, technology has continued to evolve and affect the lives of many. As the source of entertainment became ever more diverse and complex, what with the spread of foreign cultures from other parts of the world, glove puppetry, a relatively much more traditional entertainment, had to—yet again—find its own path to adapt to the ever-changing society, at the same time catering to the political restrictions and requirements of the government. In this process of constant adapting, however, innovation and modernization were almost inevitable. This resulted in a division between the more traditional-style glove puppetry, referred to as the classical glove puppetry, and the more 31.

(41) modern-style glove puppetry, known as jingangxi (金剛戲), or the “invincible body drama;” While the latter gained increasing popularity over the years, the former was struggling to maintain the tradition. Today, in modern Taiwan, without the hindrance of political agenda, Taiwanese glove puppetry was finally set free to develop on its own. However, while we should applaud the successful modern glove puppetry that was derived from jingangxi, widely popular among young people and many other communities, it is also important to realize the importance of preserving the classical version of this precious traditional art, which possesses such incredible cultural value.. 3.1 Before the rise of television: 1945–1960. 3.1.1. Historical background. To understand the political environment of Taiwan after World War II, one could not do so without addressing the complex provincial conflict that has always been a fundamental part of the political undercurrents on the island. Generally speaking, inhabitants of the Han Chinese ethnicity on the island of Taiwan are composed of two large communities: one being the Chinese immigrants that moved to Taiwan during the Qing dynasty, the other being the Chinese immigrants that came to Taiwan along with the KMT government during the 1940s after World War II. When the Chiang Kai-shek-led KMT administration crossed the strait in 32.

(42) 1949, the inhabitants, who had already been residing on the island and had gone through the Japanese rule, were by this time repelled by the KMT government over the first four years of its rule, and were referred to as benshengren (本省人), literally “people of this province.” On the other hand, people who only moved to Taiwan after 1945 from China, mostly along with the KMT government’s retreat to the island, were known as waishengren (外省人), literally “people of other or foreign provinces.” Due to the disappointment that most Taiwanese people felt towards the KMT administration, as well as social uprisings such as the February 28 Incident, the divide between the two communities only widened over time. With the Second World War ending, Japan, being a member of the Axis, became one of the defeated countries and formally surrendered in 1945, marking the official end of the Second Sino-Japanese War. While the Taiwanese people, upon being freed from the Japanese reign after half a century, celebrated the end of the Japanese rule and welcomed the KMT government, the KMT government was preoccupied with the Chinese Civil War going on in China. Soon after the KMT government established the Taiwan Provincial Administrative Office in Taiwan in September 1945, however, the Taiwanese people began to realize the incompetency and corruption of the KMT government and military forces. Two years later, the February 28 Incident took place, which, initially a regional riot in Taipei that started with an accidental killing of a Taiwanese civilian as the authorities confiscated cigarettes from a middle-aged woman, eventually expanded into an island-wide uprising against the ruling 33.

(43) administration. The incident resulted in a great number of civilian casualties caused by the military and police suppression of the KMT government, and planted the seed of the idea of Taiwan independence, which would rise in the following decades. In 1949, two years after the February 28 Incident, the Chinese Communist Party successfully drove the KMT forces out of the mainland, and established the People’s Republic of China. Meanwhile, the defeated KMT forces and government withdrew to Taiwan, with an ambition to make Taiwan the base for its plan to restore the mainland. The rule of the KMT government thus affected Taiwan profoundly on a political, social, and cultural level. Politically, under the anti-communism climate, the KMT government declared martial law upon withdrawing to Taiwan and issued strict anti-communist policies, marking the beginning of the White Terror in Taiwan, which referred to the period of martial law that lasted for 38 years. During this time, people were strongly encouraged by the government to report any individual suspected to have involved in communist activities, who was to be persecuted after going through simple or no judicial process. Unfortunately, anti-communism also became a means, or rather, a mask, for the KMT government to eliminate dissidents, including those who believed in the Taiwan independence ideology. Many of the victims were among the intellectuals and elites of the Taiwanese society. Socially, people were so scared of being reported that there was no longer trust among the society, and grew cautious even around those closest to themselves, such as family, friends, and classmates. There were 34.

(44) many cases where people would simply “disappear” for no reason, and people who were falsely accused of engaging in rebel groups or organizations were tortured into confessing to crimes they did not commit. Many of the imprisoned were social activists and actively participated in social movements, organizations, or student councils, which gave the government a reason to deem their ideologies radical. Culturally, among all the things the KMT government changed in Taiwan, one was language. By this point, due to the Japanese language policies, the majority of Taiwanese people spoke Japanese. The other language most widely used was the Taiwanese language (taiyu, 台語), also known as minnanyu. When the KMT government took over Taiwan in 1945, naturally, they prohibited the use of Japanese and instead promoted the use of Mandarin, the official language of the Republic of China that was based on the Beijing dialect. In the beginning, the government’s main goal was to eliminate the Japanese language on the island. Therefore, in order to ensure that Mandarin became the “national language” of Taiwan, the government restored the use of the Taiwanese language, which most people still spoke. In schools, because teachers were not familiar enough with Mandarin, most still spoke a mix of Taiwanese and Japanese. When the KMT government moved to Taiwan in 1949, however, they reinforced this Mandarin language policy and started to ban the Taiwanese language in various aspects of the daily life. The Taiwanese language thus suffered a severe blow and was heavily stigmatized due to the false stereotype promoted by the government: Mandarin was regarded as superior to Taiwanese, 35.

(45) and people who could not speak Mandarin well were often ridiculed and discriminated. This “national language movement” lasted as long as the martial law, which would eventually end in 1987. Under the oppression of the dictatorship supported by the single-party system, the Taiwanese people experienced an unprecedented violation of human rights and deprivation of freedom. During this time, fear of being imprisoned or executed with fabricated criminal charges permeated the Taiwanese society. The “anti-communist and anti-Russian (反共抗俄)” doctrine promulgated by the KMT government, an essential part of the political propaganda during the 1950s and 1960s, affected the entire island. In the year 1950, Taiwan started to practice local governance, which was a governmental response to the request proposed by the February 28 Incident Committee in 1947, and the results of the first local elections formed the majority of the local political powers today. Despite the oppression from the single-party government, the Taiwanese society was still brimming with non-party movement, including demonstrations and protests organized by many non-party activists. Due to the government’s prohibition against assembly and association, most of these nonparty activities and organizations were held and founded secretly. These underground operations included non-party associations and magazine publishing agencies established by Taiwanese intellectuals, who frequently criticized the KMT government for their policies and corruption. Among these associations and activists, many held the ideology of Taiwan 36.

(46) independence and were actively engaged in promoting the establishment of Taiwan as a sovereign state. This high-pressure environment naturally had its influence on the glove puppetry in Taiwan. Apart from the political environment, the language movement also affected glove puppetry greatly. With previous experience of adapting to political demands, Taiwanese glove puppetry was eventually able to survive under this new set of policies that were really not so different from the Kominka policy of the Japanese government.. 3.1.2. Development of glove puppetry. After the War ended, the Japanese left Taiwan, and so did all the suppressing restrictions and bans that came along with them in the first place. Performances of glove puppetry—with puppets speaking Taiwanese and no longer wearing Japanese clothes—could be seen everywhere, and people were welcoming the arrival of the KMT administration. For a brief period of time, the Taiwanese glove puppetry resumed its previous beiguan style (Huang, 2006, p. 133). As mentioned in earlier passages, at this point of the development of glove puppetry in Taiwan, due to the lack of scripts to perform, puppetry troupes had adapted historical novels into scripts, some even added fantasy elements to them, which were called jianxiaxi. Now, in this period, glove puppetry script would undergo another important evolution, which laid the 37.