台灣叩應節目中認同的語言策略探討

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(1)國立台灣師範大學英語學系碩士. 論文. Master Thesis Graduate Institute of English National Taiwan Normal University. 台灣叩應節目中認同的語言策略探討. A Study of Identity Construction Strategies in a Taiwan Call-in Show. 指導教授：蘇席瑤 Advisor: Dr. Hsi-yao Su 研究生：黃于修 Student: Yu-hsiu Huang. 中華民國一百年 1 月 January, 2011.

(2) 摘要. 本研究探討叩應節目中語言與政治立場、族群認同之關係。以目前最受歡迎的大話新聞為例，我們採用了 2008 年總統大選的前兩個禮拜叩應內容，總共 22 個段落，叩應題目與政黨、族群相關。並將這些語料，驗證於巴寇和霍爾(Bucholtz and Hall)於 2004 和 2005 提出之認同分析的架構(framework of analyzing identity) 與泰伏和透納於 1986 年提出之社會認同理論(social identity theory)。主要採用巴寇和霍爾提出的其中三個策略做為本研究的主要分類依據，分別為同化 (adequation)、異化(distinction)，以及證實(authentication)。分析結果顯示原本存在之泛綠泛藍的族群衝突，透過語言策略的應用而越發強烈。證實的策略可透過引用、反問句，打油詩，和隱喻達成。同化和異化的策略則可透過代詞、認同標記、否定動詞、被字句和言談策略達成。其中，言談策略又可進一步分為反義詞、否定標記、對比標記、反問句和語碼轉換。簡而言之，本研究證實了對同族群的成員，在語言策略上，大多以正面且肯定的面向呈現。相對的，對不同族群的成員，則是以負面且否定的面向呈現。亦即驗證了泰伏和透納的社會認同理論。. I.

(3) ABSTRACT. The thesis aims to examine the relations among language use, political stance and ethnic identity. The popular call-in show, Da Hwa News, renowned for the pungent comments attributed by the call-in audience, was selected as the research target. A total of 22 call-in sections, from May 5 to May 19, 2008, whose call-in topics were associated with political party or ethnology were downloaded from Youtube and qualitatively measured based on Bucholtz and Hall’s framework (2004, 2005) of analyzing identity and social identity theory (Tajfel and Turner 1986). Three tactics of intersubjectivity were further adopted as main categories, including adequation, distinction, and authentication. Results of the analyses revealed that the already existed ethnic contradiction between the pan-green and the pan-blue has been aggrandized through the linguistic devices. The tactic of authentication was linguistically achieved through quotations, rhetorical questions, doggerels, and metaphors. The tactics of adequation and distinction were linguistically achieved through deixis, identity labels, negative verbs, bei-constructions, and discourse devices inclusive of semantic opposites, negative markers, contrastive markers, rhetorical questions, and codeswitching. In sum, the thesis has demonstrated that the in-group members are linguistically. II.

(4) favored and out-group members are linguistically derogated. The discrepancy between the groups is aggrandized by the call-in audiences.. III.

(5) ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS. 我終於完成了這個名叫不可能的任務！這個任務是由無數次重寫和修改堆積而成的。長了這麼大，第一次體認到要認真完成一件事情原來是這麼的困難。所幸一路上有我的指導教授，蘇席瑤老師，的陪伴。時而要重整我雜亂無章的邏輯，時而要提醒我寫作的方法，時而要修改我奇怪的句子，時而要附上詳盡的解釋和說明。沒有易於常人的耐心是無法做到的。老師總是不直接給答案，而是採取引導的方式，讓我體認何謂真正的做學問，在遇到困難的時候，能找到接下去的方向。在繁瑣又冗長的修改過程中，往往只需要老師的一句鼓勵的話語，就覺得一切的努力都是值得的了。老師，謝謝您！我也要感謝兩位口試委員，張妙霞老師和陳振寬老師。感謝雖然口試當天早上還須參加另外一場口試的 Tammy 老師，仍舊非常爽快的答應了這場口試。與 Tammy 老師的結緣起於寫作課和 Discourse Analysis。那時的我直覺老師是位很嚴肅的人，沒想到是位處處都替學生著想的好老師。在我發生私人糾紛的時候，找的是 Tammy 老師；報告沒有頭緒的時候，當然也是 Tammy 老師。我的第一篇出國參加研討會的 paper，就是於 Discourse Analysis 課上的產物。老師，謝謝您！感謝口試前從未謀面的陳振寬老師，一位熱心幫助學生，彷彿只要學生隨時呼救，就會神奇似的出現的老師。不僅提供了很多有用的修改建議，更於口試的時候幫助我回答問題。一位一想到就讓人心頭充滿暖意的老師。老師，謝謝您！感謝於大綱口試幫助我的口試委員，林雪娥老師。另外，還要感謝高師大的黃志雄老師。在這顛顛簸簸的研究所路上，是我永遠的倚靠。不管是要出國發表的報告還是那修改無止盡的論文，老師總是無怨無悔的幫忙我檢查文法。就算到最後得整段重寫不採用，老師也堅持於事先幫我過目。老師，謝謝您！再者，是研究所同學們的支持與鼓勵。好心的大衛總是幫忙大家影印任何東西。小瓜，馥蘋，艾雯和 JC 一直相信我是可以做到的，來自你們的相信比任何東西都還珍貴。若少了凡妮莎，我的心情大概會一直處於糾結的狀態吧！在沮喪的時候，在需要同仇敵愾的時候，你一直都在，謝謝你！跟液晶螢幕一點關係都沒有的趙憶菁同學，讓我跟你說聲謝謝吧！一起吃飯的日子，一直需要被你鞭策的日子，一起大笑的日子，那些日子因為你而變得更加的精彩了！最後，我摯愛的家人，沒有你們，也就沒有現在的我。一個人離開家三百多公里念書，到了研究所還是頭一遭。當中的滋味，因為老爸的支持和老媽的鼓勵，而少了苦澀，多了彩色。所有關心我的鄉親和父老們，我做到了！此後人生的道路，我將走得更加認真且踏實。. IV.

(6) TABLE OF CONTENTS. CHINESE ABSTRACT………………………………………………………….. I ENGLISH ABSTRACT……….………………………………………………….. II ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS…………………………………………………........ IV TABLE OF CONTENTS…………………………………………………… V LIST OF TABLES……………………………………………………………….. VII LIST OF FIGURES…………………………………………………………….... VIII CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTOIN 1.1 Motivation………………………………………………………………………….. 1.2 The history of Taiwan and the Taiwanese language……………………….. 2. 1.3 Scope and Goal……………………………………………………………. 1.4 Organization of the Present Study…………………………………………. 6 8. CHAPTER TWO LITERATURE REVIEW 2.0 Introduction…………………………………………………………………. 2.1 The Definition of Identity…………………………………………………... 2.2 The Principles for Analyzing Identity (Bucholtz and Hall 2004, 2005)……. 2.2.1 The Emergence Principle……………………………………………. 2.2.2 The Positionality Principle…………………………………………... 2.2.3 The Indexicality Principle…………………………………………… 2.2.4 The Relationality Principle…………………………………………... 2.2.4.1 Adequation and Distinction…………………………………… 2.2.4.2 Authentication and Denaturalization………………………….. 2.2.4.3 Authorization and Illegitimation……………………………… 2.2.4.4 Interactions between Tactics………………………………….. 2.2.5 The Partialness Principle……………………………………………... 2.2.6 Interim Summary……………………………………………………... 2.3 Social Identity Theory and Identity Researches in Gender, Nationality, and Profession……………………………………………………………………. 2.3.1 Social Identity Theory………………………………………………... 2.3.2 Gender, Professional, and Nationality Identity………………………. 2.4 Stancetaking in Discourse…………………………………………………… 2.5 Style in Sociolinguistics……………………………………………………... 2.6 Footing in Sociolinguistics…………………………………………………... 2.7 A Summary of Literature Review……………………………………………. V. 1. 9 9 14 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 21 22 22 23 24 26 29 29 30.

(7) CHAPTER THREE METHOLOGY 3.1 Call-in program……………………………………………………………… 3.2 Data Collection……………………………………………………………… 3.3 Data analysis…………………………………………………………………. 32 33 39. CHAPTER FOUR DANA ANALYSIS 4.1 Devices that have achieved adequation……………………………………... 4.1.1 Deixis……………………………………………………………….... 4.1.2 Identity Labels………………………………………………………. 4.1.3 Discourse Strategies………………………………………………… 4.1.4 Interactions among Identity, Deixis, Lexicon, and Other Devices….. 4.2 Devices that Achieve Distinction…………………………………………… 4.2.1 Deixis……………………………………………………………….... 41 42 51 55 60 61 62. 4.2.2 Identity Label………………………………………………………... 4.2.3 Discourse Devices………………………………………………….... 4.2.3.1 Semantic Opposites…………………………………………… 4.2.3.1.1 Complementary Antonymy……………………………. 4.2.3.1.2 Gradable Antonymy……………………………………. 4.2.3.1.3 Directional Antonymy…………………………………. 4.2.3.2 Negative Marker………………………………………………. 4.2.3.3 Contrastive Markers………………………………………….. 4.2.3.4 Rhetorical Question………………………………………….. 4.2.3.5 Codeswitching………………………………………………… 4.2.4 Negative Verbs & Bei Construction…………………………………. 4.2.5 Interactions among Identity Labels, Deixis, Lexicon, and Discourse Devices………………………………………………………………. 4.3 Devices that Achieve Authentication………………………………………. 4.4 Results and Discussion…………………………………………………….. 127 129 134. CHAPTER FIVE CONCLUSION 5.1 Summary and Implications…………………………………………………... 5.2 Limitations of the Present Study and Suggestions for Future Research……... 137 140. REFERENCES………………………………………………………………….... 142. VI. 94 103 103 104 106 109 112 114 118 121 122.

(8) LIST OF TABLES Table 3-1. The selected dates and call-in topics…………………………………. VII. 35.

(9) LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1. The process of screening collected data…………………………………. 35. VIII.

(10) CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION 1.1 Motivation Bucholtz and Hall, in an article on identity and interaction (2005), defined identity as “the social positioning of self and other” (p.2). Viewing identity as a dynamic process altering from moment to moment in the interactional discourse to show who the speakers are in relation to others, this study explores some of the ways in which individuals divide the world into two social groups, in-group and out-group, with linguistic devices, and the relationship between the two in the call-in contents of a political TV program. Specifically, this study investigates the ways in which stances are formed and identities are revealed in terms of issues of political party and ethnology in discursive contents contributed by the audience of one of the most popular political call-in television programs, Da Hwa News, in Taiwan. The linguistic devices through which political or ethnological stances are revealed include deixis, identity labels, discourse devices, negative verbs, and bei-constructions. This study aims to relate micro-level language use to call-in audience’s stance and identity in Taiwan. The call-in context is an interesting site to research political and ethnological stance owing to its pungent and critical features towards issues of Taiwan’s controversial national status, and citizen’s ethnological 1.

(11) identity. Hence, the study contributes to sociolinguistics field in relating linguistic use to stance and identity. In addition, the study analyzes the discursive call-in contents in the political call-in program, Da Hwa News, which is a fantastic platform for receiving citizen’s opinions on political issues. However, the ethnological stance or identity of the call-in audience is rarely researched through the adoption of different language use.. 1.2 The History of Taiwan, the Taiwanese Language, and the Taiwanren marker The history of Taiwan could be traced back to four hundred years ago. After the colonization of Spain and Dutch, Chen Cheng-gong, a leader who intended to overthrow the Ching Dynasty, outcast the Dutch and set Taiwan as the base to rebel. Unfortunately, the Chen regime was defeated and Taiwan eventually became part territory of Ching Dynasty. Since then, numerous citizens from the Fujian Province, China, immigrated to Taiwan, which forced aborigines to move to the mountain areas. The languages used were dialects of Southern Min, or called “Taiwanese” nowadays (Hong 1992; Li 2002). In 1895, a war broke out and changed the relationship between China and Taiwan forever. Taiwan was ceded to Japan, the winner of the Sino-Japanese War, for fifty years according to the Treaty of Shimonoseki. Regarding Taiwan as the long term. 2.

(12) colony, Japanese administration systematically constructed the public facilities and assimilated Taiwanese’s identity to Japanese’s identity. It proclaimed Japanese as the national language and prohibited the other dialects. In addition, Taiwanese were forced to change their surnames into Japanese ones and assimilated by the gradual acculturated education (Huang 1993; Li 2002). In 1945, as one member of the loser Allies in the Second World War, Japan was forced to give up Taiwan, and returned it to China according to the Cairo Declaration, whose credibility was questioned lately. The incredible existence of the Cairo Declaration led to the controversy if the future of Taiwan should be handed to China or be determined by all citizens in Taiwan. The latter statement strengthened the Taiwanese identity independent of the China identity. However, the reality of the status quo was that the defeated Chinese, Kuo Ming Tang (KMT), was exiled by the People’s Republic of China (PRC), took over Taiwan, and dominated Taiwan for the later fifty years. During the KMT regime, the identity of the people originally living in Taiwan, including aborigines, Hakka, Southern Min, (hereafter “Taiwanren” ) was rising against the identity of KMT, the Chinese people (hereafter “Mainlander”) in the February 28 incident and the following “white terror”. So far, in this study, the phrase “Taiwanese” was used to be the replacement of the dialects of Southern Min, or the ethnology group of people living in Taiwan; while the use of the phrase “Taiwanren”. 3.

(13) emphasized the discrepancy of an individual’s identification of ethnology regardless of the individual’s born place. The misconduct of the Mainlander government to the February 28 incident caused tens of thousands of deaths and mysterious missing of ordinary citizens and the Taiwanese elite, among which included minority of the Mainlanders reprobating the KMT government’s injustice treatment to the Taiwanrens and majority of the Taiwanrens. The “white terror” represented the thirty-eight-year-long Emergency Decree, during which period other language than Chinese, the national language, was prohibited and the freedom of speech was suppressed (Li 2002; Su 2005). In 1986, the establishment of the first recognized opposition party, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), symbolized two things: uprising the status of the use of Taiwanese, and strengthening the identity of Taiwanren because the majority of the party was composed of Southern Min, who spoke Taiwanese. Renowned for claiming independence of Taiwan and identifying themselves as Taiwanren instead of Chinese, the DPP members received the greatest lift in the 2000 presidential election, in which the DPP candidate, Chen Shui-bian, won the victory. That the fifty-year government of KMT was ended and the peaceful transfer of the reins of power to the opposition party marked a successful page in the democratic development of Taiwan (Hsiau 1997; Su 2005). After the twenty years of rapid socio-political change, national. 4.

(14) and ethnic identities have become a central issue in Taiwanese politics. As group boundaries are often linked to language, one goal of this study is to investigate the demonstration of the callers’ consciousness of Taiwanren identity and the callers’ positioning entities as Mainlanders. The relationship between Taiwan and China in historical development complicates the identity issues among Taiwanren. Generally speaking, the Taiwanren identity was rising against the Chinese identity before and after the February 28 incident and the following “white terror” (Li 2002; Su 2005). Public opinion surveys about the Taiwanren and Mainlander identity have been conducted by the election study center in National Chengchi University since 1992. In 1992, the percentage of self-identification with Taiwanren was 17.3% while that with Mainlanders was 26.2%. In 2000, when the reins of power were peacefully transferred to the opposition party, 36.9 percent of citizens in Taiwan considered themselves Taiwanese while 13.1 percent Mainlanders. The Taiwanren identity exceeded the Mainlander identity at that time by a low ratio of 3 to 1. When it came to 2009, almost thirteen times as many people regarded themselves as Taiwanren rather than Mainlanders. The discrepancy between the two identities was further aggrandized when the subjects under survey were young people aged from 18 to 29, the percentage of who regarded themselves as Taiwanren was approximately 75% and that of Mainlanders less than 10% (Liu, 2010).. 5.

(15) So explicit is the Taiwanren identity that it can be adopted as a label to identify the group boundary.. 1.3 Scope and Goal The goal of this study is to show the relationship between language uses and identity in the call-in contents in the call-in show called “Da Hwa News.” Hosted by Zhen Hong-yi, Da Hwa News is a pan-green television program in which several politicians, scholars, and political commentators discuss or criticize the current political or social issues. Accepting citizens’ call-ins is part of the show. The program enjoys great popularity among shows of the same category such as “2100 People Speak” and “Sissy’s World” in Taiwan’s A.C. Neilsen polls. In addition, the linguistic features of the call-in contents in Da Hwa News are more salient than those in the others. To be specific, the TV rating of “Da Hwa News” is twice higher than either of the pan-blue call-in shows, “2100 People Speak” and “Sissy’s World”, which makes it influential on the audience and fascinating enough to be a study target (Li 2008). Data are collected from March 5, 2008 to March 19, 2008, during which essential political issues are discussed, including the examination of Ma’s and Hsieh’s executive ability, the aftermath of the disputable activity of the pan-blue legislators, and the nationality orientation between Mainland China and Taiwan. The reason why. 6.

(16) these sections are selected is that the call-in contents are more pungent and critical during election time than those at usual time and that the language discrepancy between in-group and out-group members is the greatest. The above conditions tend to create an appropriate circumstance to show the call-in audience’s stance or identity towards discussed issues. All call-in data are researched based on Bucholtz and Hall’s (2004, 2005) principles of analyzing identity in discourse and social identity theory’s ideas of favoring in-group and derogating out-group in the hope of revealing the call-in audience’s stances towards nationality and ethnology through language devices. As a result, the research questions of this study are as follows: (1) In terms of the tactic of identity work, adequation, how do the speakers position themselves or others? (2) In terms of the tactic of identity work, distinction, how do the speakers distinguish themselves from others? Do the linguistic devices differ from those adopted in achieving adequation? Are the pairs of adequation and distinction intertwined with or excluded from each other? (3) In terms of the tactic of identity work, authentication, how do the speakers claim their realness as Taiwanren?. 7.

(17) 1.4 Organization of the Present Study The organization of the present study is as follows. Chapter two reviews the literature related to this study, including the definition of identity, principles of analyzing identity, social identity theory, identity researches in gender, nationality, and professional, stancetaking in discourse, style in sociolinguistics, and footing in sociolinguistics. Chapter three explains the process of data collection and data analysis. In chapter four, data analysis focuses on the linguistic devices of demonstrating identity towards certain issues, and they are categorized according to Bucholtz and Hall’s framework (2004, 2005).. 8.

(18) CHAPTER TWO LITERATURE REVIEW 2.0 Introduction The first half of the section reviews the development of the concept of identity and Bucholtz and Hall’s (2004, 2005) framework of analyzing identity principles in detail. The second half of the section reviews relevant issues associated with this study, including process of identification, construction of identity, stancetaking in discourse, style in sociolinguistic field, and Goffman’s footing (1979, 1981).. 2.1 The Definition of Identity According to Benwell and Stokoe (2006), the development of identity could be diachronically divided into three major processes, including identity as a project of the self, identity as a product of the social, and identity as a constitution of the discourse. In the seventeenth century, identity was first viewed as “an instrumental project of the self”, in which self was reflected by the accumulation of knowledge and experience in the speaker’s mind. It was a commonly accepted notion then that the mind was separated from the body and knowledge was derived from observation (Taylor 1989). Until the late modern age, Giddens (1991) considers self as a conscious project of social agents and identity as a “reflexive project of the self”. However,. 9.

(19) Giddens is criticized for avoiding the issues of context and the notion of being subject to interactional discourses (Benwell and Stokoe 2006). By contrast, Hegel (1977) proposes the idea that identity is supposed to be affected by external factors such as the social world; that is, identity is an intersubjective matter and also a social product. Since the formation of identity should be associated with others in the society, the self is defined by dint of its membership of particular groups such as “adolescent”, “white”, and “working class”. A major theory of group identity is social identity theory (SIT), in which social identity is initiated and pertained through the process of recognizing the individuals themselves as members of certain groups, and the competitive phenomenon is exposed between the “ingroup” in which the individual belongs to and the “outgroup” in which the individual does not belong to (Tajfel 1982). The detailed review of SIT is in 2.3.1. Nevertheless, it is criticized for treating identity as a pre-discursive and essential matter (Antaki, Condor and Levine 1996). In addition, variationist sociolinguistics, a linguistic-based approach, holds a similar understanding of identity to that of SIT. Variationists associate social identity with language use. Thus, the distribution of linguistic variables such as accents, syntax and morphology tend to be analyzed with social factors such as gender, age, social class and group identification in the hope that their relationship will be revealed. However, variationist sociolinguistics is criticized. 10.

(20) that a certain linguistic pattern is not necessarily related to certain identity presumed by the analysts (Benwell and Stokoe 2006). So far, the reviewed theories are still more or less under the shadow of essentialism in which identity pre-exists discourse. However, Foucault (1972) considers identities as products of discourses which are resulted from social practices. On the other hand, Mills (1997) also suggests that it is actual discourse rather than the process of identification that forms the basis of subjectivity. Furthermore, Butler (1990) proclaims that identity is not only a discursive practice but also a performance and the subjects achieve their performative agencies through adopting repetitive acts or signs. Like Butler, Goffman (1959) regards identity as a contingent process in interactional discourse contexts. Gradually, identity has been analyzed from the angle of a constitution in discourse. In addition to being constituted in discourse, identity has been viewed as a fragmentary, fluid, contingent and dynamic process. The main interaction-based theories are as follows: conversation analysis (CA), a micro-level approach, focuses on examining organization of conversation sequences in order to induce linguistic rules or maxims (Sack 1984), and it is daily conversation or talks that establish who we are (Drew 2005). Hence, from the CA’s perspective, identity is bound in context in which the self is “accomplishment of interaction”. Instead of assuming identity. 11.

(21) existing ahead of analysis, the CA analysts propose that identity is locally produced through interactional contexts and is able to be transformed at any moment (Heritage 2005). In addition to micro-empirical approaches, there are approaches that combine both macro- and micro- level methods, including narrative analysis (Sarbin 1986; Georgakopoulou 2002) and positioning theory (Bamberg 2004; Davies and Harré 1990; Harré and van Langenhove 1991; 1999). In the former, identities are constructed in narrative telling which enables narrators to evaluate themselves and others. In this way, at certain points in the story, the aspect of identity is revealed more saliently (Georgakopoulou 2002; Benwell and Stokoe 2006). In the latter, the construction of identity between speaker and audience is focused on by positioning theorists. Individuals are able to position themselves as certain characters in relation to others in certain issues or events (Davies and Harré 1990). In addition, critical discourse analysis (CDA) (Fairclough 1989; 1995) is another approach forging micro and macro contexts, in which language is a form of ideological practice that constructs identities; that is, identity is constituted through language probing into the relationship between text and conversational participants and revealing participants’ attitudes and ideologies towards discussed issues. The main ideas of CDA are that analysis should be context-bound and that only by examining the social and cultural contexts do the analysts realize the social phenomenon. No matter which the approach. 12.

(22) is, micro or macro, they are in common that a subject’s identity, which is discourse-based, is dynamic and alternative at any moment as the international discourse continues, which is one of the main ideas in this thesis as well. Among abundant sociolinguistic researches concerning identity, Lobov’s “The Social Motivation of a Sound Change” (1963) is representative and significant. The analyzed target is the English dialect of Martha’s Vineyard, an island near Massachusetts, the feature of which is called “Canadian raising”. That is, the natives tend to pronounce the diphthongs in words such as “right” and “house” as /əy/ and /əw/ instead of /ay/ and /aw/. This feature is not adopted by most of the US mainlanders; as a result, Labov argues that the native adopt the pronunciations of [rəyt] or [həws] so as to identify himself or herself as the member belonging to the island called “Vineyarder”. Although Labov’s work successfully demonstrates that some particular identity is able to be signaled with the adoption of linguistic variations, Robert Le Page is dissatisfied with Lobov’s method of connecting identity and linguistic features. In Le Page’s point of view, Labov fails to provide the explanation for the understanding of how multiple identities simultaneously appears. To compensate the deficiency, Le Page regards each analyzed utterance as an “act of identity” which can be interpreted in multiple dimensions. Moreover, he further argues that identity is dynamic through the use of linguistic devices and that the. 13.

(23) speakers are allowed a number of linguistic choices to signal their multiple identities, which distinguishes him from Labov (1977). This section summarizes definitions of identity and significant research related to identity. In order to illustrate the fluidity of identity focused by constructionists more explicitly, Bucholtz and Hall’s (2004, 2005) theoretical framework handling dynamic identity is reviewed in the following section.. 2.2 The Principles for Analyzing Identity (Bucholtz and Hall 2004, 2005) 2.2.1 The Emergence Principle Dell Hymes (1975), a linguistic anthropologist, first views linguistic action as dialogic instead of monologic, which leads to the understanding of discursive structure as emergent during the processes of performances and as a form of deliberate social displays (Bucholtz and Hall 2003). The subsequent noted anthropologists further demonstrate that performance is not mere a reflection of an underlying textual structure but also an emergent product derived from discourse in specific occasions (Bauman, 1977; Bauman and Briggs, 1990; Briggs, 1988). Likewise, several functional and interactional linguists also argue against the static view (Bybee and Hopper, 2001; Ford et at., 2002; Hopper, 1987). In their view, identity is regarded as a product emergent rather than pre-existing in the course of. 14.

(24) social and cultural interaction. The recognition of identity as emergent can be examined through the disconformities of language uses in specific encounters such as transgender performance. In Bucholtz and Hall’s research (2005), a transgender category born male in India, hijras, identify themselves as neither men nor women through the use of obscenity to distance themselves from femininity on the one hand while they use linguistic feminine system of Hindi to represent their selves on the other hand.. 2.2.2 The Positionality Principle The positionality principle disagrees with the traditional view that social behavior correlates to only macro identity categories, including class, age, and gender. Instead, language users tend to orient to local identity categories in the moment-to-moment interactions. That is, the roles of the participants in the linguistic interactions can be temporarily assumed as evaluators, listeners, or story tellers as the interactions go on. Therefore, the process of positioning is dynamic and captures the snapshot of not only subjectivity but also intersubjectivity. This phenomenon is demonstrated in an interview conducted with middle-class European American 17-year-old girls (Bucholtz and Hall 2005). Their uses of different levels of innovative quotative markers position themselves as different kinds of teenagers. For. 15.

(25) instance, one girl tends to adopt “say”, “go”, and “be like” to achieve quotative functions, while another girl uses a more youthful marker “be all”. As a result, the local identities are shown by their different choices of linguistic forms that the former is obviously not interested in pursuing trendiness; the latter seems to be more fashionable. In addition, the represented discourse enables participants to position other types of people with negative evaluations and themselves with positive ones.. 2.2.3 The Indexicality Principle Identity positions are constructed in interaction through a mechanism called indexicality. Generally speaking, the concept of indexicality associated with the speakers’ cultural beliefs and values plays an important role in bridging linguistic forms and social meanings (Ochs, 1992; Silverstein, 1985). In an ongoing talk in Bucholtz and Hall’s research (2005), repetitively quoting “hijra” is argued to be one of the indexical processes. The term not only refers to the transgender category but also carries the depreciatory meaning of impotence in Indian society. Another indexical process is shown in pragmatic concepts such as implicature and presupposition. Among the process, it is stance that provides the resourceful dimensions for the construction of identity, a type of evaluative or epistemic orientation to the ongoing discourse. In Ochs’ research (1992), linguistic forms do not. 16.

(26) connect with index identity directly but associate with it through certain stances such as uncertainty, forcefulness, and so on instead. The details of stance will be reviewed in 2.4. In addition, the uses of interactional footings and certain linguistic structures are also the expressions of indexicality. For instance, sociolinguists of style pay more attention to linguistic forms such as grammar, lexicons, and phonology in the hope of associating them with personas or identity, while language choices between different languages have been tied to identity constructions.. 2.2.4 The Relationality Principle Identity is a relational phenomenon, acquiring social meanings in relation to other participants or other identity positions in local contexts; that is, identity is constructed intersubjectively. A framework called “Tactics of Intersubjectivity” is proposed by Bucholtz and Hall (2003, 2004, and 2005) in the hope of providing a more complete picture of how and why the construction of identity is achieved. There are three pairs of tactics in this framework, including adequation versus distinction, authentication versus denaturalization, and authorization versus illegitimation. The concepts of these three pairs do not exclude from each other, but interrelate instead.. 17.

(27) 2.2.4.1 Adequation and Distinction The term “adequation” describes the fact that the individuals in the same group are sufficiently similar rather than identical in their positions towards certain issues. Hence, adequation is contrastive with the traditional view that identity is rooted in one another’s equation or likeness. The examples of adequation can be found in the discourse of lesbians and gay men (Robin Queen, 1998) or a speech given by President George W. Bush to win American’s support for the war against Iraq (Hodges, 2004). In the former situation, the participants’ sexual orientations are determined with tropes, the understanding of which depends on shared knowledge towards lesbians and gay men, while in the latter situation, Bush’s juxtapositioning “Al Qaeda” and “Saddam” tends to produce the adequation between the two items. On the other hand, the concept of “distinction” emphasizes the differentiations of identity relations. For instance, in the interaction happening in the Tongan market, the Tongan seller’s using centralized New Zealand-like vowels creates the distinction with other Tongans who are regarded as underclass for their vowels are never centralized (Besnir, 2004). Another example takes place in a conversation between “kotis”, a lower-middle-class gay identity, and “hijras”, a lower-class community in India, in which Kotis make fun of Hijas’ using dirty language and show off their upper-class personalities with polite verbal forms in Hindi (Hall 2005).. 18.

(28) Both tactics are concerned with two semiotic processes of ideology, “erasure” and “highlighting” (Gal and Irvine 1995, Irvine 2001, Irvine and Gal 2000, Goodwin 1994). Erasure focuses on the invisibility of sociolinguistic phenomena. Opposite to erasure, highlighting pays attention to the salience of specific phenomenon. As a result, when it comes to the adequation, similarities between interlocutors are highlighted while the distinction or differences are erased.. 2.2.4.2 Authentication and Denaturalization The second pair of tactics, authentication and denaturalization, are concerned about the constructions of the credible or incredible identities respectively. “Authentication” focuses on the agentive processes to assert realness. For example, interlocutors are able to authenticate the identity of their language through nationalistic rhetoric which owns the power to index the speakers as the members in the group embracing the identity of nation-state. Another example lies in a narration analyzed by Bauman (1992), in which the narrator authenticates not only the story but also his identity as the teller by describing that “I don’t remember that now, just now at the moment---his daughter told my father this story”. That is, the narration can be traced back to its provenience, not invented in the air instead. The counterpart of authentication is denaturalization, which focuses on the. 19.

(29) situations in which the authenticity of an identity is questioned or challenged because of the perception of identity rupture. For instance, in a drag queen performance analyzed by Butler (1990), the understanding of denaturalization is demonstrated in the form of the drag queen’s producing dirty language abhorred by the female. In addition, the drag queen switches the image of “kneeling” in religious ceremonies into a fellatio one. Another example illustrates “nerdiness” in superstandard English (Bucholtz, 2001), including careful articulation of alveolar stops and formal lexicons.. 2.2.4.3 Authorization and Illegitimation The concept of authorization focuses on identities which involves the affirmation of institutional power. In Bush’s speech which attempts to arouse the electorate’s supports to the war against Iraq (Hodges, 2004.), though the first-person plural pronouns are used several times to refer to different targets they aim to conflate the Bush Administration with the United States. The force of conflation is successful due to Bush’s presidency. As a result, he speaks on behalf of the nation. Likewise, his presidential authority offers him the ability to create the identification between Saddam Hussein and Al Qaeda. Opposite to authorization, illegitimation focuses on the ways identities are denied, dismissed or ignored by structures of institutional powers. For example, Joseph Park. 20.

(30) (2004) analyzes the message in the answering machine which is left by American students who attempt to mock their Korean friend’s accents. The Americans laugh at the Korean’s standard Americanized pronunciation because they do not consider it the usual Korean realization of the word. That is, although the Korean student pronounces a word right, the American students still illegitimate it because their “shared national language ideology of Koreaness” considers it inappropriate.. 2.2.4.4 Interactions between Tactics The three pairs of complementary tactics aim to snap a clearer picture of the process of constructing identity. According to Bucholtz and Hall’s discussions (2003, 2004 and 2005), identities are intersubjectively constructed. Although the relationality principle is divided into three dimensions, they shall not be regarded as mutually exclusive. Instead, the three different dimensions sometimes overlap one another, and two or more tactics might appear in conjunction either deliberately or accidentally in certain contexts.. 2.2.5 The Partialness Principle With the concept that identity is dynamically constructed in social behavior, identity is naturally viewed as partial. That is, in discourse or any interactional. 21.

(31) activities, the construction of identity is the result of negotiations or others’ representations. Hence, no matter whether identity is constructed deliberately or accidentally, the understanding of identity is the process of taking certain stances towards sociocultural events at one moment and discarding them at the next moment. This is why the understanding of identity can only be partial instead of fully conscious.. 2.2.6 Interim Summary The above principles attempt to propose a framework for analyzing identity, including emergence, positionality, indexicality, relationality and partialness principles. When it comes to identity positioning, identity is regarded as the emergent instead of pre-existing product, and it should be intersubjectively associated with local sociocultural contexts rather than the broad social categories such as gender only. Identity can also be indexically produced through linguistic strategies, including implicatures, stances, styles, and lexicons. In addition, the understanding of identity is partial, which might come from interactional negotiations or others’ representations.. 2.3 Social Identity Theory and Identity Researches about Gender, Nationality, and Profession. 22.

(32) This section focuses on social identity theory, and the construction of identity in authentic data relates to gender, nationality and professional.. 2.3.1 Social Identity Theory The heart of social identity theory is self-categorization, which depicts humans’ attempt to categorize the world into two groups, us and them, while social identity is one’s self-awareness or self-knowledge that s/he belongs to a certain organization or group. Or, it can be defined as “the part of an individual’s self-concept which derives from his knowledge of his membership of a social group (or groups) together with the value and emotional significance attached to that membership” (Tajfel, 1978). According to social identity theory, the discrepancies between two groups will be aggrandized than the actually existing ones, and the characteristics of in-group will be perceptually favored (Tajfel and Turner, 1986). Brewer and Brown (1998) further argue that not only in-group favoritism but also out-group derogation should be pointed out. Generally speaking, individuals tend to show favoritism to in-group qualities on the one hand, and derogate out-group qualities on the other. It is the positive characteristics that are exaggerated in the former, and the negative features are aggrandized in the latter, in which way the superiority of in-group is emphasized. However, favoring in-group and derogating out-group need not occur at the same time.. 23.

(33) In either way, the group differentiation is enhanced.. 2.3.2 Gender, Professional, and National Identities Traditionally, it is considered that what people talk reflects who they are; however, it is possible that people construct who they are by what they talk through the adoption of the linguistic resources (Cameron 1997). In the following, the construction of gender, yuppie identity, and Hong Kong identity will be reviewed in order. According to Ochs (1992), the relation between language and gender is performed through social activities. In Cameron’s research (1997), the casual conversation between five men is analyzed to show that these men tend to display masculinity with gossip. Through the contents of gossip, they identify several non-present males as gays, which regards themselves, heterosexual men, as a contrast group. However, their attempt is contradicted with the one of the informal features in women’s talk, cooperation, the marks of which contain latching, simultaneous speech, and repetition (Coates 1989). As to the construction of female identity, Holmes (1997) analyzes conversational excerpts in everyday conversational interaction to conclude that the female identity is demonstrated by the female speaker’s adopting phonological variants such as aspirated /t/ and the standard variant of (ING),. 24.

(34) pragmatic particles such as “you know” and “sort of”, and attenuators such as “quite” and “just”. As to the construction of yuppie identity, Zhang (2005) proposes that the Chinese yuppies’ adopting the “cosmopolitan” variable is part of the practices that distinguish the yuppies from other social groups. The “cosmopolitan” variable is defined by Zhang as the use of full tone instead of a neutral tone. Every stressed syllable has a full tone with a fixed pitch value or one of the four Mandarin tones, while a weakly stressed syllable has a neutral tone whose pitch is determined by the tone of its preceding syllable (Chao 1968, Norman 1988, Qian 1995). The discussion above is associated with gender and professional identity, and what follows is concerned about constituting the identity of nationality. With the use of personal pronouns and code-mixing, a shared “Hong Kong identity” is constructed in Tsang and Wong’s analysis (2004) of the comic discourse in a Hong Kong stand-up comedy. The use of the first-person plural “we” by the performer aligns himself with most of the audience, Hong Kong people, to construct a Hong Kong identity with them, and position himself more as a spokesperson or a sociocultural critic. On the other hand, the performer’s code-mixing between Cantonese and English indexes affiliation to Hong Kong identity because code-mixing itself is an aspect of the Hong Kong society.. 25.

(35) 2.4 Stancetaking in Discourse Sociolinguistics focuses on the achievement of stancetaking by examining the phonological, morphological, and lexical choices, and how the sets of linguistic choices link to the cultural styles or identities through stancetaking (Eckert 2000; Kiesling 2005). That is, stance is the internal psychological state linking linguistic forms and social identities (Fox 2001; Johnstone 1995; Kärkkäinen 2006). According to Irvine (2009), stance concerns the speaker’s evaluation and assessment to objects in discourse. The commonly discussed types of stance include epistemic stance which concerns the speaker’s degree of commitment to a proposition as shown in “The moon might be made of green cheese”, affective stance which concerns the speaker’s feelings about an utterance as shown in “It’s disgusting to think that the moon might be made of green cheese”, and the third kind of stance concerning a speaker’s self-positioning in relation to an interlocutor as shown in “Who are you tell me what the moon is made of?”. Likewise, in DuBois’ approach (2007), stance is a social actor’s public acts, which is accomplished by the tendency whether he or she aligns himself or herself with other subjects or not in the interaction after evaluating the targeted figures or issues. Hence, the social actors tend to be cast into certain categories by aligning themselves with certain attitudes, which is part of the claims of social identities (Antaki and Widdicombe 1998). From the above definitions of stance,. 26.

(36) evaluation and appraisal seem to be main dimensions of stancetaking. The concept of evaluation ranges from the speaker’s stance toward the entities, to his/her viewpoint on propositions, to his/her feelings about utterances. The process of evaluating a proposition often involves comparativeness between the proposition and a norm; hence, linguistic features associated with evaluation include comparative adjectives, negation and adverbs of degrees; the language of evaluation includes markers of subjectivity such as conjunctions and speech-reporting structures (Hunston and Thompson 2000), all of which are examined in this study as strategies of taking stance to the discussed issues in the hope of revealing the speakers’ ethnological identities. In the following paragraph is the discussion of the intertwined relationship between stance and identity. From sections of 2.1 and 2.2, it is suggested that the concept of identity is defined as a social product or a constitution of the discourse (Benwell and Stokoe 2006). The projection of identity in interaction is also the demonstration of interpersonal relationships. That is, linguistic variations are used not only to position speakers toward identity categories such as class, gender or race, but also to take up personal stances (Alexandre 2009). What’s more, it is habitually taken stance performed in linguistic differences that tends to differentiate census-like groups. That is, identity is indicated by repeated patterns of stancetaking. Hence, the expression of. 27.

(37) identity enables individuals to be similar to or different from other individuals in a particular social group (Kiesling 2009). In a similar approach, Och (1992) also indicates that a variety of social identities are able to be pieced up through learning stance which is associated with learning the speaker’s intersubjective positions and relational implications in the interactional or moment-by-moment discourse. Moreover, the motivation of identification processes is claimed by Alexandre (2009) to be a desire to fix social categories for the sake of various forms of advantages gained by the stance taker. This is another main focus of this study for the speakers to differentiate from others by taking stances or revealing identities in the issues of ethnology and political party. Next, the significant researches of demonstrating identity through stancetaking are presented. In Johnstone’s “Linking Identities and Dialect through Stancetaking” (2007), Pittsburgher interviewees deploy several stancetaking strategies to claim that embracing the competence of the Pittsburghese dialect is part of the essential elements of being a Pittsburgher, including the use of local pronunciations. Likewise, in Eckert’s (1989, 2000) works, stance, identity and phonology are linked by a Detroit high school students’ adoption of different variants of vowels. The local identity is created through this semiotic activity.. 28.

(38) 2.5 Style in Sociolinguistics The emergence of styles takes place when the features of stancetaking are repeatedly adopted (Bauman 2004). Through styles, it is possible for stancetaking to be linked with social identity (Eckert 1989, 2000). In Kiesling’s (2005) research related to immigrants in Australia, a set of phonological features are argued to be a representation of a face-saving stance called “authoritative connection”, including final High Rising Tone (HRT) in words and frequent use of pronunciation of word final –er. According to Kiesling’s analysis, this stance is particularly associated with subordinate groups, including the Greek and Lebanese speakers. The repeated adoption of stancetaking features forms an immigrant style; furthermore, the subordinate members’ using these stancetaking strategies identifies themselves as immigrants.. 2.6 Footing in Sociolinguistics Footing concerns individuals’ interactional positions. It is defined by Goffman (1981) as participants’ taking up alignment to the audience or themselves, on which the interpretations of the subsequent utterances are based. Under all conditions, individuals hold certain positions when they are interacting with others. Basically speaking, the demonstration of footing is associated with not only participants’. 29.

(39) alignment but also the degree of affiliation or identification shown towards the uttered statements (Goffman, 1979, 1981; Cowper 2003). In Goffman’s opinions, footing manifested through the systematic verbal and nonverbal cues and markers indicates the “participation framework” or the participant’s relative footing in a conversation. Several linguistic and paralinguistic devices are implied to be indications of a change in footing. At the level of prosody, the alterations might take place in pitch, volume, rhythm, stress, or tonal quality. As the grammatical level is concerned, repeating words in a strident pitch of an utterance might function as satirical while footing shift might be executed through employing pronominal reference, deixis, hedges, qualifiers, adages, sayings and direct or indirect reported speech. As to the discourse level, the participant’s footing is altered in giving up a speaking turn, in which situation an animator footing can probably be changed into a recipient footing (Goffman 1979, 1981).. 2.7 A Summary of Literature Review In this section, based on “Discourse and Identity” written by Benwell and Stokoe (2006), identity is diachronically treated as a project of the self, a product of the social, to a constitution of the discourse. Next, the attention is shifted to Bucholtz and Hall’s (2004, 2005) principles of analyzing identity, which is the main framework of the. 30.

(40) study. In addition, a key theory of group identity, SIT, is reviewed to pave the way to the categorization of collected data, and several identity researches concerning gender, nationality, and professional are paid attention to. Finally, concepts related to identity in sociolinguistics are reviewed including stancetaking, style and footing.. 31.

(41) CHAPTER THREE METHODOLOGY. This chapter outlines the methodology of the study. Section 3.1 presents the introduction of the most popular call-in program, Da Hwa News. Section 3.2 presents how the identity-oriented data are selected. Section 3.3 presents data analysis. The collected data are categorized according to the identity framework developed by Bucholtz and Hall (2003, 2004).. 3.1 Call-in program The data adopted in this study is from the popular TV call-in program, Da Hwa News. The origin of call-in programs, renowned as a platform of the host’s receiving audience’s calls to listen to their opinions towards the policy, society or even country, could be traced back to 1992, when the first underground radio call-in program was established. At that time, the mainstream media were still controlled by the government, which made it impossible for citizens to speak their opinions out loud. Hence, under the circumstance where speech right was suppressed in a way popularized the underground call-in programs (Chen 1994). Not until 1993 was the cable TV legalized. Jumping into the bandwagon, the first TV call-in program, “2100. 32.

(42) People Speak”, was born in August, 1994 (Yang 1997). The record of the long- term high viewer rating was smashed by the later grass-rooted call-in program, “Taiwan sound”. However, it was not until 2006 that “Da Hwa News” won the landslide victory in viewer rating. From then on, though the number of viewer rating was a little bumpy after the legislative official election, the viewer rating of “Da Hwa News” was twice as much as that of “2100 People Speak” on the whole (Chen 1994, Yang 1997). The popularity, on a hunch basis, may be partly derived from the linguistic features attributed to group distinction of the call-in contents. The language use is also one of the main issues of the study.. 3.2 Data Collection According to Wu (2001), the viewer rating would increase when the elections were approaching, which marked the significance of the call-in individuals’ opinions because they were exposed to more audience than the usual. The Presidential election was held in March 20, 2008. The call-in programs were downloaded for 14 days from the website, YouTube, which was a platform for uploading and sharing films. The corpus of the study consisted of 28 hours of call-in programs. However, after the deduction of the discussion among the host and guests, and of the call-in sections with call-in topics related to other than national identity and political party, the actual. 33.

(43) length falls to 4 hours, 13minutes and 20 seconds. During the call-in time, the discussed topics are always shown on the screen, and the call-in contents are from the audience in front of the television instead of the host and guests. As to the process of screening collected data, only those discussed topics associated with nationality and political parties were selected. In topic 1, no identity labels were found. Thus, it is excluded from the study. However, topic 2 was chosen for the national identity labels, Taiwan and China. After being screened by the above steps, the 22 selected sections were summarized in the table 3-1.. Topic 1 (2008.3.5): 不讓勞工來?那讓甚麼人來?不敢說? 不讓農產品來?那甚麼可以來?有講? The laborers are rejected. Who is allowed? The agriculture products are prohibited. What is allowed?. Topic 2 (2008.3.11): 一中市場後台灣製=中國製你要? 一中市場醫師,律師也拒絕? After the one-China market, is the made-in-Taiwan equal to the made-in-China? Do doctors and lawyers also refuse the one-China market. 34.

(44) policy?. 28-hour collected data (March 5~ March 19, 2008) the discussion among the host and guests. call-in contents from the audience. topics with national identity topics with political party (4 hr 13min 20 sec) Figure 1. The process of screening collected data. Table 3-1. The selected dates and call-in topics Nationality Identity: Date. call-in topic. 2008.3.5. 挺馬中國有前途?! 喝台灣血? 台灣人政權下流? Does people’s supporting Ma lead to the prosperity of the People’s Republic of China? Is it equal to drinking Taiwanren’s blood? Does Taiwanren’s government deserve to be depreciated as obscenity?. 2008.3.10. 馬經濟政策拿掉一中幾乎就空了? 承認學歷外國人不能考證照? 馬胡說? Without the one-China market policy, are Ma’s economic policies equal to none? According to Ma, foreigners can’t attend certificate examination but their academic backgrounds will be admitted?. 2008.3.11. 一中市場後台灣製=中國製你要? 一中市場醫師,律師也拒絕? After the one-China market, is the made-in-Taiwan equal to the made-in-China? Do doctors and lawyers also refuse the one-China market policy? 35.

(45) 2008.3.11. 經濟緊靠中國=胰島素台灣=糖尿病人? 香港回歸中國為何富越富貧越貧? Is Taiwan analogized as the diabetes patient when its economy is tied to China? After Hong Kong returned to China, why are the rich richer, the poor poorer?. 2008.3.15. 有和平協定仍鐵腕鎮壓西藏台灣要? 一中市場追求經濟政治統一你要? With the peace agreement, PRC still suppresses Tibet? Is it what Taiwan wants? The one-China market policy is equal to the unification of economy and politics, do you accept that?. 2008.3.16. 勞工,農產品,學歷來馬又要統一誰還抗衡? 簽了和平協定中國仍鎮壓西藏台灣? After the acceptance of the labor, agriculture products, academic backgrounds, Ma still pursues unification. Who will play the role of counterbalance? After the peace treaty, China still suppresses Tibet, how about Taiwan?. 2008.3.17. Freddy:一定逆轉勝! 靠這關鍵 5 天? 鎮壓西藏中國今說是“清潔衛生” 恐怖? According to Freddy, the turning point of the election will come in five days? According to China, the incident of suppressing Tibet is reported to the cleaning activity?. 2008.3.17. 中藏和平協議有用? 馬的和平協定你要? 被屠殺西藏沒有選擇台灣卻還要一中市場? Is the peace agreement between China and Tibet practical? Will you accept the treaty proposed by Ma? 36.

(46) 2008.3.18. 台灣兩岸人民決定馬,溫說法一致? 西藏被血腥鎮壓馬竟幫中國講話? Is Ma’s saying accordant to Wen’s that Taiwan’s fate should be determined by citizens of two countries? In the Tibet suppression incident, Ma speaks for China?. 2008.3.19. 鎮壓西藏像 228 馬要把台灣往中國送? 魯肇忠:兩岸共同市場一定拖垮台灣馬聽到? The Tibet suppression incident is like the 228 incident. Is Ma going to give Taiwan to China? Does Ma hear Lu’s statement that Taiwan is destined to be doomed under the cross-strait common market policy?. Political Party: Date. call-in topic. 2008.3.6. 6:2? 年輕人偏愛馬? 謝急起直追? 挺文化挺棒球謝馬誰「帶種」? 6:2? Do young people prefer Ma? Is Hsieh catching up? As to culture and baseball, who pays more attention to them?. 2008.3.6. 賭盤 80 萬降至 15 萬票長昌可能逆轉勝? 入、返聯都要投贊成! The presidential bet has decreased from 800 thousand to 150 thousand. Is it possible for the Hsieh camp to gain the final victory? Vote for both referendum proposals!. 2008.3.7. 高捷通車了謝馬執行力誰好? Kaohsiung MRT has been done. Whose ability of executive administration is better, Hsieh or Ma? 37.

(47) 2008.3.8. 承認中國學歷婦女,青年同意嗎? DPP 民調只差 6%. 謝 14 天能逆轉勝? Will women and the youth agree the admittance of China’s academic background? Does DPP’ survey show 6% differences? Will Hsieh sin the battle in 14 days? 2008.3.8. 謝馬誰能給女性幸福? 誰帥? 誰可靠? 一中市場找沒工? 找沒ㄤ? 美夢? 惡夢? Who can give women happiness, Hsieh or Ma? Is the one-China market policy a sweet dream or a nightmare?. 2008.3.9. 總統辯論謝馬治國能力誰好? 74%不同意承認學歷 55%反一中市場百姓憂? Based on the presidential debate, whose executive ability is better, Ma or Hsieh? Seventy four percent of citizens disagree to admit foreigners’ academic background and fifty five percent of citizens are against the one-market policy.. 2008.3.10. 辯論表現馬降謝升會逆轉? 承認學歷外國人不能考證照? 馬胡說? Based on both candidates’ presentation in the debate that Ma’s support rate is decreasing and Hsieh’s is increasing, will the result be different? Is it possible to admit foreigners’ academic background but forbid their taking certificate tests? What is Ma talking about?. 2008.3.12. 衝台灣維新館硬闖謝辦公室用腳踹門帶走物品馬營藍委難道是強盜? Break in Hsieh’s headquarter, kick the office door, take documents away, are KMT’s legislators robbers?. 2008.3.13. 藍營道歉如此強硬真心? 選後? 3/4 國會+馬總統甚麼是做不出 38.

(48) 來? Is the pan-blue meant for the apology? What can’t be done after the pan-blue controls the majority of the congress and wins the presidential campaign? 2008.3.15. 藍:四立委硬闖是陷阱? 真道歉? 反戴帽、擊掌藍營「剽竊」? 年輕人同意? Based on KMT, are the four legislators being set? Is this a real apology? Does KMT plagiarize DPP’s creativity to wear caps upside down and give me five in the parade? Will young people agree to the act?. 2008.3.16. 316 黃金周剪刀交叉謝會逆轉勝嗎? 台聯台南主委挺馬馬:識時務! 恐怖? Does Hsieh have the chance to win the battle? Ma praises the support from the Tainan’s chairman of Taiwan Solidarity Union.. 2008.3.18. 一中市場勞工害怕? 相信馬的話? 謝:現在正值黃金交叉逆轉成真? Are the labor afraid of the one-China market policy? According to Hsieh, he has the chance to win the battle?. 3.3. Data analysis The relevant portions of the discursive data from call-in contents were downloaded from Youtube, a public website platform for uploading and downloading videos, transcribed into Chinese script, and translated into English. When the speaker has shifted into a language different from the one he or she has been speaking, angle brackets labled with T (<T T>) (T stands for Taiwanese) are used (Du Bois, 39.

(49) Schuetze-Coburn, Cumming, and Paolino 1993). The data were analyzed at the levels of linguistic devices, stancetaking, and nationality and ethnological identities. This study examined instances of the adoption of certain linguistic devices related to stancetaking. The tactic of authentication was linguistically achieved through quotations, rhetorical questions, doggerels, and metaphors. The tactics of adequation and distinction were linguistically achieved through deixis, identity labels, negative verbs, bei-constructions and discourse devices including semantic opposites, negative markers, contrastive markers, rhetorical questions and codeswitching.. 40.

(50) CHAPTER FOUR DATA ANALYSIS. In this chapter, I analyze how the caller’s ethnological identities and political stances (among which are stances toward nationality) are illustrated through intersubjective tactics (Bucholtz and Hall 2004, 205), including adequation, distinction, and authentication. The tactics are achieved by linguistic devices such as deixis, identity labels, and discourse devices. In the following, Section 4.1. analyzes the devices that achieve adequation. Section 4.2 analyzes the devices that achieve distinction. Section 4.3 discusses the devices that achieve authentication. Finally, Section 4.4 summarizes and concludes the findings in this chapter.. 4.1 Devices that Achieve Adequation Adequation is a relational phenomenon, which emphasizes the similarity between groups or individuals (Bucholtz and Hall 2005). In this study, several linguistic devices are found to have achieved adequation, and they further show the callers’ stances to the discussed issues. The devices are discussed in the following sections according to the frequency of occurrence. Each call-in is regarded as a unit and the number of units with a certain linguistic device is divided by the number of all. 41.

(51) call-ins in the collected data to acquire the device’s occurrence frequency. In this section, the frequency of the instances of adequation is 13.6%. From the most frequent to the less frequent, the order of discussion will be deixis (9.7%), identity labels (8%), and other discourse devices (7.8%).. 4.1.1 Deixis The term “adequation” emphasizes the similarity between groups or individuals (Bucholtz and Hall 2005), so only the plural, not the singular, pronouns such as “我們 (wo-men)”, “你們 (ni-men)” and “他們 (ta-men)” are discussed as group boundary markers. In our data, the instances of the adequation with the adoption of deixis can be categorized into three parts: the use of “我們 (wo-men)”, the use of “我們 (wo-men)” and “他們 (ta-men)”, and the use of “你們 (ni-men)” or “他們 (ta-men)”. To begin with, the callers tended to align themselves with certain groups with “我們 (wo-men)”, which is a demonstration of stance (DuBois 2007). When “我們” is used as self-reference, it denotes a collective meaning of “a group of people including the speaker” (Leech and Svartvik 1978). According to Quirk et al. (1985), the canonical deictic functions of “我們” can be categorized as follows: the inclusive authorial function in serious writing, the editorial function in formal writing by a single individual, the rhetorical function related to the hearer (e.g., you) in the. 42.

(52) collective sense of the nation or the party, and the “我們” related to a third person (e.g., he or she). Following Lakoff’s (1990) taxonomies, depending on what referents “我們” refers to, “我們” can be further divided into the audience-inclusive and the audience-exclusive “我們”. To an audience, the two categories indicate a sense of being included and excluded respectively in the speaker’s use of “我們”. Here, the term "audience" in the study involves those who watch the program, the program host and the panelists. In this way, the local identity categories of the callers such as evaluators or story tellers are able to be positioned (Bucholtz and Hall 2004) as in Extract 16. In this extract, the caller positioned himself as a historical evaluator analyzing the issue whether the KMT are qualified enough to be the government in power. The call-in topic is shown in the parenthesis as the theme of the discussion.. (1) March 17 (Freddy:一定逆轉勝! 靠這關鍵 5 天? 鎮壓西藏，中國今說是「清潔衛生」。恐怖? According to Freddy, the turning point of the election will come in five days? According to China, the incident of suppressing Tibet is reported to the cleaning activity?) 1 2 3 4 5 6. 我們來看重點，誰夠格當台灣的總統？我們先說國民黨：跟日本戰輸了，台灣還給我們，交給民軍，本來台灣人民有機會由住民來自決，決定自己的前途，但是交託中國暫時來管。結果剛好那時候被共產黨打得走投無路，跑來台灣，結果被佔領，搬了一個中華民國來這裡。我們沒有其他的辦法來決定自己的命運，命運就徹徹底底變成這樣，變成中華民國。所以誰有資格？當然是謝長廷。因為國民黨是延續那邊過來的，是中國國民黨，也不是這邊正 43.