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Appendix I Sample Text Analysis

1. 海陸戰略板塊推擠下的台灣 Taiwan faces the test of democracy

2. 林佳龍 By Lin Chia-lung 林佳龍

3. 自十九世紀以來,亞太地區的戰略 格局長期呈現海洋與大陸勢力競爭的 態勢。

Since the 19th century, the strategic framework of the Asia-Pacific region has long displayed a competitive situation between maritime and continental powers.

4. 在後冷戰時代,蘇聯的崩解,使亞 洲陸權勢力的代言人由崛起的中國所 取代。

In the post-Cold War era, the disintegration of the Soviet Union allowed China to replace it as the predominant naval(?) power in Asia.

5. 在冷戰結束蘇聯消失後,美日中原 本基於反蘇的戰略合作,也逐漸向戰略 競爭的方向逆轉。美日中三邊由合作向 競爭的轉移,正是二十一世紀亞太戰略 局勢回復海陸勢力對壘的表現。

Following the end of the Cold War and the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the strategic cooperation among the US, Japan and China has gradually become a strategic competition. (omission) This change is a manifestation of the

Asia-Pacific strategic situation's return to confrontation between maritime and continental powers.

6. 台灣位居於太平洋與亞洲大陸,以 及東北亞與東南亞的交接口,也正好是 亞太海洋與歐亞大陸勢力的交會點,台 灣六易其主的歷史經驗,以及現在所受 到的國際制約,正反映出圍繞台海問題 所呈現的國際戰略格局。

Taiwan is situated between the Pacific Ocean and the Asian continent, and also Northeast and Southeast Asia. (cutting) This is also the meeting point of the Asia-Pacific and the Eurasian

continental powers. Taiwan's historical experience -- including several regime changes(modulation) and its current restraint by the international community -- is a reflection of the international strategic framework that surrounds cross-strait issues.

7. 正因為人人都不願意放棄台灣,所 以我們的行動自由度必然會受到牽 制,但這也意味著台灣議題有著驅動亞

Since none of the concerned parties

(modulation) are willing to forsake

Taiwan, Taiwanese people's(modulation)


太戰略平衡的關鍵作用。 freedom of action is bound to be restricted, but this is also an indication that the Taiwan issue is a crucial factor in driving efforts toward achieving a strategic balance in the Asia-Pacific.

8. 在美日中的戰略互動,「美日同盟」


In strategic interactions between the US and Japan, the US-Japan alliance represents the force of Asia-Pacific sea power.

9. 在後冷戰時代初,「美日同盟」原先

經歷一段同盟漂流過程,但隨著中國繼 承蘇聯陸權以挑戰亞太現狀的意圖日




At the beginning of the post-Cold War era, the alliance (omission) experienced a period of drift, but as China's challenge to the current Asia-Pacific situation became evident after superseding the former Soviet Union as the region's main continental power, the goals of the US-Japan alliance have become more defined.

The alliance has evolved from a security pact focused on defending Japan to taking a managing role in the Asia-Pacific region.

10. 這次的「美日安保協商會議二加二


是「美日同盟」邁向區域化與全球化的 明示,意味著透過強大的海權力量,以 形塑有利於海洋民主的亞太戰略秩序。

The US-Japan Joint Declaration on Security made last month (addition) listed cross-strait peace as an issue of joint concern. (cutting)This shows that the US-Japan alliance has broadened its vision to include the whole region, or the whole world. (cutting)This implies that with the mighty force of maritime power, the alliance wants to shape the Asia-Pacific strategic order to the benefit of maritime democracies.

11. 影響亞太戰略格局的另一個關鍵 因素是中國。

Another crucial factor in influencing the strategic framework for the Asia-Pacific region is China.

12. 在冷戰時代,因為共同反蘇而視


Anti-Russian, China was seen as an ally by the US-Japan alliance during the Cold


後不再面對外來威脅時,反而將「美日 同盟」視為敵人。

World era. However, when the Cold War ended, China instead began to view the alliance as an enemy.(modulation) 13. 中國在後冷戰時代建立「上海合作


斯等國的合作,可看出北京透過鞏固亞 洲大陸國,與亞太海洋勢力抗衡的意圖 十分明顯。

Beijing's move to inaugurate the Shanghai Cooperation Organization in Shanghai and develop cooperative ties with Pakistan, Myanmar and Russia clearly showed that it was attempting to counterbalance the maritime powers in the Asia-Pacific region by consolidating its ties with continental powers in Asia.

14. 也因此後冷戰時代的亞洲,依然回 復到冷戰海陸板塊的對峙格局。

Therefore, the confrontational situation between maritime and continental powers that existed in Asia during the Cold War continues to

exist.(modulation) 15. 以「美日同盟」為代表的海洋勢

力,與以中國為代表的陸權勢力在台海 交會。但在後冷戰時代,即使面對中國 勢力崛起的不利狀況,台灣反而成為設 定台海議程的行動者之一,主要是因為 台灣民主化所致。

The maritime forces -- represented by the US-Japan alliance -- and continental forces -- represented by China --

congregate and confront one another in the Taiwan Strait. Although we are faced with a rising China(omission), this has also made Taiwan a player in the setting of the political agenda on cross-strait issues. (cutting)This is mainly because of the progress it has made in


16. 台灣的民主不僅與後冷戰的全球 主流價值相連接,同時也讓台灣的民意 與社會力量,成為決定台灣對外關係的 要角,使國際外交政策菁英不僅無法透 過管理台灣執政者來約束台灣的未 來,同時其政策設計還要接受台灣民眾 的直接檢驗。

The democratization in Taiwan has not only linked the country to post-Cold War global mainstream values, but has also allowed Taiwanese public opinion and social forces to become an integral part of developing diplomatic ties with other nations.(cutting) This has not only made the international foreign policy elite fail to restrict the future of Taiwan by keeping the nation's leadership in check, but also the policies they designed for


Taiwan will be directly reviewed by the Taiwanese.

17. 此次中國制訂「反分裂法」的意 圖,正是一方面因害怕台灣民主,所以 企圖以法律約束台灣民主的未來,二方 面意圖牽制「美日同盟」區域管理的能 力,尤其是其定義台海現狀的能力。

Beijing's enactment of the

"Anti-Secession" Law shows that its leadership fears Taiwan's democratic progress and wants to restrict it. (cutting) Beijing also wants to restrain the

US-Japan alliance's role in the region, especially from defining the status quo in the Taiwan Strait.

18. 但因「反分裂法」直接牽涉到亞太 海洋與大陸勢力的交鋒,以及台灣民主 的發展,所以具有影響亞太區域戰略格 局,以及民主永續發展的問題。目前美 日台在「反分裂法」一事的劇烈反應,


Since the new law directly involves the confrontation between maritime forces and continental forces as well as Taiwan's democratic development, it impacts the strategic framework in the Asia-Pacific and on the sustainability of democratic development in the region.

That is why the US, Japan and Taiwan have reacted fiercely to the matter.

19. 「反分裂法」對內也彰顯胡溫政權 的本質。一方面「反分裂法」表示中 國無意與台灣和平共存,其以國共內 戰看待台灣的史觀,也表明胡溫政權 有意忽視民主的心理。

The law has revealed to the Chinese people the nature of the Communist regime of Chinese President Hu Jintao (胡錦濤) and Premier Wen Jiabao (溫家 寶).(addition)

It also shows that China has no intention of co-existing peacefully with Taiwan and rather sees the Taiwan question as a remnant of the civil war.

20. 胡溫體制比較是個中國版的普 廷,而不是倡導新思維,結束東西對立 的戈巴契夫。

The Hu-Wen leadership is more like a Chinese version of Russian President Vladimir Putin's leadership instead of a regime that spread new ideas and ended East-West tensions during the era of former Russian president Mikhail Gorbachev.

21. 回過頭來,雖然「反分裂法」引起 亞太海陸勢力的直接角逐,但是台灣的 反應卻是決定「反分裂法」能否有用的

Taiwan's reaction to the law is going to become a crucial factor in deciding whether or not the law is going to be


關鍵因素。 effective. If the Taiwanese are united and take concrete measures to demonstrate their undaunted courage against China's military coercion, not only does it mean we have passed a significant test for democratic progress in our society but also we have constructed new civic unity.

22. 如果台灣能夠萬眾一心,以具體的 行動,展現國民不畏懼中國戰爭威脅的 意志,不僅台灣民主通過重大考驗,並 建構出新的公民團結,同時國際支持 民主的力量也才有著力點。

23. 如果台灣社會的表現是互相歸 罪,為了避免激怒中國而搖尾乞憐與自 我設限,不僅國際援手無以協助,同時 台灣民主日後會因為紅色恐怖引發的 寒蟬效應而基礎盡失。

This will also establish a foothold for international pro-democracy forces in the region. If we keep trying to blame each other or limit ourselves and beg for mercy in order not to anger China, the international community will be unable to come to our aid and the Red Terror will eventually reduce Taiwan to silence.

(modulation/adaptation) If Taiwan is

deprived of its democracy, its future will be even more tragic than Hong Kong's.

24. 一個失去民主的台灣,就會淪為比 香港都不如的悲慘命運。

25. 作者為前行政院新聞局長 Lin Chia-lung is the former

director-general of the Government Information Office.

Omission 3 Addition 2 Modulation 6 Cutting 6 Transposition 0 Paragraph change 5 Adaptation 1


Appendix II: Wang Mei-Shu Sample Text Analysis

1. 今天,2OO5 年的 2 月 28 日,我們 聚集在這裡,向世人揭櫫台灣存在的意 義;今天,我們聚集在這裡,因為這是 一個特別的日子。

On Feb. 28 (omission), we would like to declare to people around the world the significance of Taiwan's existence.

(cutting) We will make this declaration

on that day (modulation) because it is a day of special significance for Taiwan.

2. 58 年前的今天,台灣島上曾經發生 舉世震驚的大屠殺事件。因為這個事 件,台灣人民的內心蘊積了驚懼、憤怒 與無比反抗的能量,從此揭開台灣人向 威權統治正式宣戰的歷史。二二八這個 歷史事件,是我們台灣人最沉痛的歷史 記憶,是我們記取外來統治最深刻的教 訓,也是我們決心永不回頭爭取民主自 由的里程碑。

Fifty-eight years ago on that day

(modulation), Taiwan was the scene of a

terrible massacre (modulation). Because of this event, Taiwanese are still filled with fear, anger and an irrepressible energy to oppose those who oppress them. From this event on, Taiwan has declared war on tyrannical government.

The 228 Incident is one of the most painful memories (modulation)of Taiwan's history, and was a painful lesson of what it means to fall under foreign rule. (cutting) It was also a milestone marking a point of no return in our struggle to achieve democracy.

3. 今天,我們選擇這個日子聚集在這 裡,是為了向世人正式宣告:除非經過 我們台灣全體人民的同意,沒有任何一 個國家或任何一個人,有權利決定我們 的命運與未來!

On the coming anniversary of the 228 Incident (addition) we wish to declare that Taiwan, without the agreement of the entire public, will never allow any other country or any individual to dictate its fate or its future. (transposition) 4. 台灣不是生而平等自由的。 Taiwan was not a nation that arose free

and equal. (modulation) 5. 在台灣漫長的四百年歷史裡,我們

從來不是一個獨立自由的國家,我們始 終被外來的國家和政權,包括荷蘭、西 班牙、清朝與日本所統治,我們的人 民,從來不知道自由民主為何物,從來 不曾做自己的主人。二次大戰後,日本

In the 400 years of Taiwan's history, we have never been an independent country, and have always been ruled by foreign powers or governments. (omission) The people of Taiwan have never known what it is to be free. (omission) It was


戰敗撤出他們統治了五十年的台灣,然 後是國民黨政權繼續對台灣人民展開 殖民統治。

not till the beginning of the 20th century that our ancestors came into contact with liberal intellectuals, introduced

democratic ideas and began a process of stubborn resistance to colonial

government. Although this battle ended in defeat, they managed to sow the seeds of a democratic revolution. This was the prelude to Taiwan's battle for democracy at the end of the Japanese occupation period. (addition) After World War II, the defeated Japanese pulled out their troops that had ruled Taiwan for 50 years. The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT)

(term/annotation) then took over Taiwan

and another period of colonial rule followed.

6. 從 1947 到 1987 這四十年之間,我 們手無寸鐵的人民,歷經當政者的二二

八大屠殺事件與5O、6O、7O 年代白


However, the Taiwanese remained defiant and the call for democratic revolution never ceased. Under such circumstances, Taiwan's valiant and democratic revolutionaries, despite the KMT's highly oppressive totalitarian rule, opposed and challenged the illegitimate regime. (addition) (6) Between 1947 and 1987, the unarmed people of Taiwan experienced the 228 Incident and endured the decades of the notorious White Terror.

7. 被殺的人民數萬人,被捕入獄的人 也逾數萬,他們的總刑期超過十萬年。

我們付出了幾代人的青春和寶貴生 命;我們有數萬個美滿的家庭被摧毀殆 盡。

Tens of thousands of civilians were killed, and tens of thousands were jailed, given prison sentences totalling more than 100,000 years. We paid with the youth and lives of several generations, and tens of thousands of families were ruined.

8. 這就是台灣人民爭取民主自由的血 淋淋的歷史。這就是自由的代價。

(8) This is the bloody history of how the Taiwanese people won their democracy


and freedom. This is the price of freedom.

9. 直到上個世紀末後十年,台灣才真 正蛻變成為一個民主自由的國家。

Taiwan only became a democratic and free country in the last ten years of the last century.

10. 換句話說,我們淺嘗民主自由的滋 味,也不過十幾年。

That is, it has been less than two decades since we had the first taste of democracy.

11. 儘管如此,我們依然萬分珍惜這份 得來不易的奮鬥結果。

We cherish this hard-won achievement.


12. 現在,台灣面臨到隔壁惡鄰居中

國,以七百顆飛彈瞄準我們,甚至隨時 想要併吞我們的巨大威脅;以及世界強 權美國,時常要對我們的政府指指點 點,要我們不能向左轉或者不能向右 轉。

Now we are faced with a ferocious China (omission), deploying 700 missiles targeting Taiwan, and threatening to annex the country

(omission). To make matters worse (cutting/addition), the US, the world's

only superpower, often tells us to behave ourselves. (modulation)

13. 這兩個大國,嚴重影響著台灣的生 存發展,也嚴重影響著我們的命運與未 來。

Both the US and China have a serious impact on the survival and development of Taiwan and a tremendous impact on our future. (transposition)

14. 我們深刻了解,美國基於其國家利 益的考量,必須與崛起而逐漸強大的中 國交往和利益互惠;但是我們絕不能同 意,台灣被當作一個棋子般隨意的運作 甚至被犧牲。

We understand (omission) that in view of its national interests, the US must interact with a China that is growing stronger than ever, and do so in ways that are mutually beneficial to both countries. We cannot, however, accept Taiwan's being treated as a pawn and being sacrificed in this power


15. 我們也願意,以兄弟之邦的情誼和 中國展開對話與往來;但是我們絕對不 能接受被中國併吞,成為中國的一部 分。

We are certainly(transposition) willing to associate with China as a brother nation and establish dialogue and exchange, but we can never accept China's intention to annex Taiwan and make Taiwan part of China.

16. 目前,台灣是世界第十六大貿易 Taiwan is currently the world's 16th


國,是平均國民所得超過一萬三千美元 的富裕國家,是不斷付出國際責任與人 道關懷的可敬國家,可是,我們卻依然 被聯合國拒於門外,不得加入聯合國。

largest trading nation, and a

world-famous maker of computer and IT hardware. (addition) It is a wealthy nation with a per capita income of US$13,000, a nation worthy of respect, always taking international

responsibility and showing humanitarian care. But despite this, we are still refused UN membership. (repetition omitted) 17. 讓我們不禁想問:聯合國的正義在

哪裡?聯合國的世界人權宣言還有存 在意義嗎?或者,聯合國只聽令於他的 常任理事國中國與美國等強權,而將他 們的正義與人權宣言鎖進抽屜裡?

We cannot help but wonder: Where is the justice of the UN? Is there any reason for the continued existence of the UN's Universal Declaration of Human Rights? Or does the UN only listen to the US, China and the other powers on the Security Council, while

(modulation)locking justice and human

rights away in a drawer?

18. 上天做我們的見證,今天我們聚集 在這裡,以祖先的靈魂在此向世人宣 誓:台灣是一個主權獨立的國家,台灣 人民是全世界最愛好民主自由的民族 之一。

As God is our witness, we swear on the souls of our ancestors (omission) that Taiwan is a sovereign, independent country, and that the Taiwanese people are one of the peoples around the world caring most for democracy and freedom.

19. 儘管聯合國的正義與人權宣言被 鎖進抽屜裡;儘管美國的立國精神「自 由與正義」時睡時醒;儘管世界民主國 家的正義時常屈服在中共強權之下,我 們依然會持續不斷地向全世界發出我 們微弱而清晰的呼喊:請尊重台灣生存 的權利!

Despite the flouting of justice and of the declaration of human rights, despite the spirit of the US' founding ideals of freedom and justice sometimes being followed and sometimes forgotten

(adaptation), despite the world's

democracies often sacrificing justice to the power of the Chinese Communist Party, and despite Taiwan's wish to become an independent nation being ignored by the world, we will continue to make our weak but clear call heard in the international community (omission).

20. 上天做我們的見證,今天我們聚集 As God is our witness, we swear on the


在這裡,以祖先的靈魂在此向世人宣 誓:台灣雖然是一個不算大的國家,卻 是我們永遠的家,是我們唯一的祖國,

是我們的心永遠想要歸去的方向,是我 們祖先的靈魂得以安息的所在。

souls of our ancestors that although Taiwan is not a very large country in terms of population and territorial area(addition), it is our home, our only motherland, the place to which our hearts will always return, and the place where the souls of our ancestors rest peacefully.

21. 我們生在這裡,長在這裡,我們的 親人、朋友與愛人,都共同在這塊土地 生活著。這裡的一草一木、風土民情和 四季如春的季節風華,都有我們共同走 過的痕跡。

We were born here, grow up here, and our family, friends and loved ones all live together on this land. The trees and the grass, the local traditions and the eternal spring all carry the traces of our common presence.

22. 在這塊土地上,我們分享著共同的 歷史記憶、共同的生命經驗,以及對於 未來的夢想與希望。

On this land, we share a common history and memory, a common life experience, and a dream and hope for the future.

23. 我們深愛著這塊養育我們的土 地,我們深愛我們的國家。

We deeply love this land which has nurtured us, and we deeply love our country.

24. 我們將以全部的生命、我們將竭盡 一切所能,捍衛我們的國家,捍衛我們 的土地和人民,捍衛我們的民主與自 由,捍衛我們現在的生活方式,捍衛我 們做為一個自由人與生俱來的權利。

We will give our lives, and we will do anything in our power, to defend our country, defend our land and our people, our democracy and freedom, our current way of life and our right to be a free people with free lives. We will never allow anyone to invade our country, take away our democracy and freedom, and destroy the warmth of our home, because this will always be our home and our land to be passed on to future generations. (addition)

25. 這樣的宣誓,將一代傳一代,將一 年持續一年;這樣的宣誓,將從台灣最 崇高的山峰傳到全世界最優美的海 濱,從每一個世界的城市傳到每一個純 樸的鄉村。

This pledge will be passed from one year to the next, and from generation to generation. (cutting)This pledge will spread from the soaring heights of Taiwan's highest mountain to the most beautiful of distant shores around the


world, from every city around the world to every simple little village.

26. 我們永不停止,除非,台灣成為一 個不受強權干涉,真正自由而獨立的國 家;我們永不停止,除非,台灣微弱而 堅定的聲音,被全世界所聽見!

We will never desist, until Taiwan becomes a truly free and independent country, free from the interference of strong powers. (cutting)We will never desist, until the world pays heed to Taiwan's weak but clear voice!

(27) As God is our witness, we make this solemn pledge on the souls of our

ancestors. (addition)

Omission 8 Addition 7 Adaptation 1

Omission of repetition 1 Modulation 8

Transposition 3 Paragraph change 0 Cutting 5

Annotation 1


Appendix III Sample Text Analysis: Example of Omitted Paragraphs for layout concerns

乘勝追擊 積極前進的戰略 Time to propose countermeasure 1. 中國通過《反分裂法》已經引發美

國、日本、與歐盟的明確反對,美國副 助理國務卿薛瑞福甚至公開批評《反分 裂法》是項錯誤。

The passage of China's "Anti-Secession"

Law has incurred definite objections from the US, Japan and the EU. US Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for East Asia Randall Schriver even publicly criticized the law as "a mistake."

2. 台灣政府不應該沉溺於這些戰略成 果、消極地批判中國立法、甚至抵制兩 岸互動,而是要乘勝追擊、採取積極的 戰略前進做法,以更積極的態度推動兩 岸和平穩定的互動架構。

Taiwan's government, however

(transposition 1), should not take delight

in these strategic gains obtained from other countries (addition 1) and passively denounce the legislation

(omission 1) or even boycott cross-strait


(paragraph change 1)

Rather, it should utilize its current advantageous position (adaptation 1) to adopt a more pro-active and progressive approach in pursuing a mutual

framework for cross-strait peace and stability.

As a matter of fact, the legislation is nothing more than the legalization of China's previous Taiwan policies and a softer summary of its past declarations.

To a great extent, the law is a

compromise between China, the US and Japan, which have expressed serious concerns over the matter. (addition 2) 3. 在三月八日中國公布《反分裂法》






4. 國務院發言人重申,美國反對任何 (omission)



5. 白宮發言人更強硬地回應中國的立 法,美國將「促請北京當局重新考慮是 否通過本法。」美國的官員特別向中國




(omission: S3-5/paragraph 2 omitted)

6. 除了美國官員之外,在中國全國人 大常委會去年底宣布要制定《反分裂 法》之後,無論是被視為親台灣或親中 國的美國學者都一致性地表達《反分裂 法》無助於維持台海的和平與穩定。

7. 甚至不少以前經常批評台灣政府的 美國學者,例如美國前駐中國大使芮孝 儉(Stapleton Roy)、前國務院官員容 安瀾(Alan Romberg)竟然都表示中國 制定《反分裂法》相當不智、與台灣現 實脫節。

(S6-7/paragraph 3 omitted)

8. 以往日本在台海議題上都顯得較為 模糊,但此次卻相當明確地表達反對


9. 三月十一日,外務省報導官明確地




法》規定的「非和平方式﹂可能對台海 安定造成的負面影響。

(S8-9/paragraph 4 omitted)

10. 美國為兩岸現狀下定義

11. 事實上,在制定《反分裂法》前,

美國與日本都已經表達嚴重關切與採 取反制措施。

12. 二月十九日,萊斯在與荷蘭外長見 面時,第一次公開針對兩岸問題表態。


議題……我們已慎重提醒各方不應試 圖片面改變想狀;這意思是中國不應試 圖片面改變現狀,台灣也不應片面改變 向狀。」


13. 萊斯在解釋片面改變現狀時,先提 中國、再提台灣,隱含現階段美國較擔 憂中國《反分裂法》的立法可能片面改 變現狀。

14. 這完全改變了自二○○三年十二月 布希總統批評陳總統可能改變兩岸現 狀以來的美國台海政策說法。

(S10-14/paragraph 5 omitted)

15. 持平而言,《反分裂法》祇是中國 過去對台政策宣示的法律化,而且是中 國較為溫和的政策宣示總和,這應該很 大程度上是中國對美國與日本嚴重關 切的妥協。

S15/first sentence of paragraph 6 omitted

16. 首先,整個《反分裂法》十項條文 中,祇有八、九條是針對台獨問題,其 他部分都是中國對兩岸立場的表述,甚


和平統一」的積極做法,這顯然與立法 宗旨相違背。

(16) First of all, of the 10 articles in the Anti-Secession Law, only Articles 8 and 9 target Taiwanese independence issues and the rest are the statements about Beijing's stance on cross-strait issues, aimed not at "anti-secession" but at promoting peaceful unification.

(omission 2)

17. 其次,《反分裂法》第八條提出,在

三種情況下中國將以非和平方式解決 台海問題,這三種情況包括台灣從中國 分裂出去的事實、導致台灣從中國分裂 出去的重大事變、及和平統一的可能性 完全喪失。

(17) (omission 3) The three

pre-conditions include the fact that if the

"Taiwan independence" secessionist forces should act under any name or by any means to cause Taiwan's secession from China, or if major incidents

entailing Taiwan's secession from China should occur, or that in the event the possibilities for a peaceful reunification should be completely exhausted.

18. 事實上,這三項條件定義非常模 糊、全部是政治性宣示,完全沒有達到 透過立法明確劃定對台灣政策紅線的 目的。

(18) In fact, these conditions are very ambiguous and simply a political

declaration. (cutting) They fail to draw a red line to regulate China's Taiwan policy.

19. 有人說,這給中國領導人很大的詮 釋空間,對台灣相當不利。

(19)Some have claimed that the enactment of the law leaves China's leadership too much room for


interpreting the timing of waging war against Taiwan (modulation 1), which is disadvantageous to Taiwan.

20. 然而,當初中國立法的目的即是要 明確地表達兩岸問題的立場、甚至釐清 中國的紅線,避免兩岸誤判而引發戰 爭。

(20) However, Beijing's initial purpose of enacting the law is to clearly state its stance on the cross-strait issue and even clarify the red line already drawn

(addition 3) in order to avoid a war

caused by misjudgment on both sides.

21. 更進一步說,兩岸現狀的詮釋權既 不在中國、也不在台灣,如美國助理國 務卿凱利(James Kelly)去年四月二十 一日在國會作證時所說,兩岸現狀是美 國下定義。

(21) Furthermore, the right to interpret the status quo lies neither with China nor Taiwan. Just as former US assistant secretary of state for East Asia and the Pacific (addition 4) James Kelly pointed out on April 21 last year in his testimony on Taiwan before the US House of Representatives, "the US does not support independence for Taiwan or unilateral moves that would change the status quo as we define it." (addition 5) 22.而且,這三項條件比起二○○○年的

中國對台政策白皮書的動武條件更為 寬鬆;該白皮書規定,如果台灣無限期 拒絕通過談判和平解決兩岸統一的問 題,中國不排除對台灣使用武力。

(22) Besides, these three conditions for waging war against Taiwan are even more flexible than the ones mentioned in the white paper on Taiwan policy

released by China's State Council

(addition 6) in 2000. (cutting 1) The

white paper stipulates that China will not rule out the use of force if Taiwan

indefinitely refuses to resolve the issue of cross-strait unification through negotiation.

23. 在《反分裂法》中,中國使用非和 平手段的條件已經較以往更為含糊與 溫和。

In the Anti-Secession Law, the

conditions for Beijing (transposition 2) resorting to non-peaceful means have become even more ambiguous and milder than ever.

24. 為了緩和美國與其他國家的反對 態度,中國甚至在《反分裂法》中都不

(24) To mitigate objections from the US and the rest of world, Beijing even dared




not mention any wording related to "use of force" and replaced this with the wording "non-peaceful means."

25. 第三,關於採取非和平手段的條件


會對台採取非和平手段,同時採取非和 平手段還必須由國務院與中央軍委共 同決定、並及時向全國人大常委會報 告。

(25) Third, regarding the conditions and procedures for adopting non-peaceful means, the Anti-Secession Law clearly stipulates three conditions for adopting non-peaceful means against Taiwan.

(cutting 2 and addition 6) To do so, the

State Council and the Central Military Commission (CMC) shall decide on and execute the non-peaceful means and other necessary measures and report to the National People's Congress Standing Committee.

26. 對中國這樣的獨裁國家而言,以上 的對台動武條件與程序無疑都是對中 國領導人的約束,而不是單純的背書。

(26) For an autocratic country such as China, the above-mentioned conditions and procedures doubtless serve as restraints on China's leadership rather than simply an endorsement of their decisions. (addition 7)

27. 在過去,祇要政治與軍事實力容 許,中國中央軍委便發動武力統一台灣 的戰爭,不需要國務院的共同決定,更 不需要及時向全國人大常委會報告。

(27) In the past, if political and military power permitted, the CMC could wage war on Taiwan to forcefully push unification without a collective decision by the State Council or having to report to the National People's Congress Standing Committee.

28. 中國的目的 並無達成 (subtitle not translated) 29. 總而言之,中國希望以制定《反分

裂法》展現遏制台獨的決心,並且做為 反對美國介入台海問題的重要籌碼;中 國的目標恐怕沒有達到,反而造成反效 果。

30. 《反分裂法》激起台灣民意的反彈 與國際社會的一致性譴責,中國被迫採 取較溫和的《反分裂法》版本。




31. 《反分裂法》扭轉台灣在國際戰略 局勢的劣勢,台灣更應該珍惜得來不易 的戰略成果,利用此契機乘勝追擊、採 取戰略前進的積極性做法,奠定兩岸和 平穩定互動的新局面。

32. 台灣民意對《反分裂法》的反彈與



(S29-32/paragraph 11, 12 omitted)

33. 首先,美國政府雖然反對中國制定


採取過激的反應,以免造成兩岸互動的 惡性循環或局勢惡化。

34. 如果台灣有過激的反應,美國可能 反過來表達對台灣的不滿。

35. 與其如此,政府不如低調反應、讓 民間充分表達不滿,繼續透過美國譴責


對台灣做出實質的讓步,例如要求中國 不杯葛台灣加入國際功能性組織、在沒 有前提的情況下恢復兩岸對話與協商。

(S33-35/paragraph 13 omitted)

36. 《反分裂法》扭轉台灣的劣勢 37. 其次,在三月四日胡錦濤發表的四 點意見中,中國的態度很明顯比過去緩 和很多。

38. 特別是第四點,胡錦濤明確希望陳 水扁能遵守「四不一沒有」的承諾,這 是胡錦濤與陳水扁第一次隔空對話,而 且首度稱呼陳水扁為「台灣當局領導



(S36-38/paragraph 14 omitted)

39. 去年底《反分裂法》草案的提出已 經為台灣扭轉過去二年多來台灣在國 際戰略局勢的劣勢,逼迫中國採用較為 溫和的《反分裂法》版本。

Last year, Taiwan's weak position on the international scene, which had lasted two years or so, was reversed when China proposed the Anti-Secession Law. As a result (addition 9/cutting 3), China was forced to adopt a milder version of the


Anti-Secession Law.

40. 然而,《反分裂法》的制定才是台 灣的戰略機遇期起點:在國際社會對台 灣的支持與中國對台灣的妥協與期待 情勢下,如果台灣能夠順應有利的戰略 局勢而採取積極的戰略前進做為,而不 是消極地抵制中國《反分裂法》做為,

相信未來兩岸關係的格局將會完全不 同於過去四年多的對抗格局,有機會逐 步建構陳水扁提倡的兩岸關係。

Nonetheless, the enactment of this law is strategically opportune from a long-term perspective. If Taiwan can utilize this advantageous situation and adopt an active strategy in response, instead of adopting a passive approach in boycotting China (omission), the prospects for cross-strait relations will be completely different from the confrontational approach that has been adopted by both sides over the past four years. Last but not least (cutting and

addition), there is a chance that we can

gradually construct the mutual

framework for cross-strait peace and stability that President Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) has proposed.


Modulation 1 Cutting 4 Addition 10

Paragraph change 1 Omission 13 Adaptation 1


Appendix IV Transcription of Interview

Interviewee A

Interview undertaken on 2005/03/23

Q: How long have you been working in Taipei Times?

A: I’ve been working for 5 years… But now I work on part-time bases. I started as a full-time translator in 2000.

Q: So do you only translate?

A: Well, basically yes. But we take turns to translate the captions of each day…

Q: How do you get this job?

A: Exams. A friend of mine told me about this job vacancy… I was gonna go to the bilingual page ‘cuz I just got a TEASL degree when I came back in Taiwan. So I had exams, translation exams both ways… from English to Chinese and Chinese to English. Then they got me in the translation section instead.

Q: And how big is the translation section?

A: Now we have 6 people, including the section chief…

Q: As far as I know, there are at least 3 foreign translators in the team?

A: Yeah, but all of them has got really good Chinese… X has been working as a professional translator for over a decade…Y majored in Chinese… and the chief won translation award before. In fact most of the people working (in Taipei Times) are with language majors. Only a few did journalism. Language is still the most important thing to get a job here. The translators especially, are hard to find. There are always lots and lots coming to the interview and exams but very few can make it.

It’s really important to get someone good enough… so as to keep up with the pace with all others. We (translators) are always under the deadline pressure… every day around 6 or 7 (pm) we have to get the editorial translation done to meet the


Q: So how is the workload?

A: Well… it really depends. It’s fine in the afternoon but tends to get busy in the evening. 8 or 9 (pm) is usually the busiest time of the day. We get in the office around noontime or around 1 (pm). We don’t get off until 10 or even later, so that’s kinda bad for personal life… so that’s why I am now working on a part-time basis.


Q: And why you’ve got all in-house translators?

A: To control the quality of translation. We translate and then the copy-editors do the proof-reading. But before we pass the translation to the copy-editor’s desk, we proof read our stuff first; the section chief also does the proof reading. And then the copy-editor will pass the translation.

Q: Can you explain again the process?

A: The deputy editor-in-chief chooses the texts to be translated. He delegates the tasks every day or every other day. And then when we get the texts we’ll call the author…. get the authorization paperwork done then start translating. The

translation has to go through the section chief and then the copy-editors. Finally it goes to print.

Q: So what’s the source of the texts?

A: we have both readers’ contribution and translations. The former of course…

(doesn’t have to be translated) because it’s written by foreign readers in Taiwan.

And these letters are no more than 300 words. For the translations, the usual sources we have are the commentaries from major printed media.

Q: Do you have any backup or reserve?

A: We do but not much…. Because the layout is fixed and we need to have an article of a specific length; that’s why we have to work together sometimes… (Q: why?) When we don’t have an article for a space that day, we have to get something translated in a very short time and sometimes we have to work together to get an article translated in time. That’s when you see an article translated by more than one person…. But sometimes that’s because the Chinese texts are too long. And for special occasions or events we have to translate specifically… like the 228 incident and elections.

Q: How do you translate? I mean there are different strategies, like adding things, annotation, cutting long sentences…?

A: Basically I try to stay close with the original. But sometimes the author is not a good writer…. Then we are forced to cut up the long sentences. So we have this blacklist of writers… sometimes the team will suggest the deputy not to choose them.

The copy-editors have their own styles too…. What they do is to smooth out the translation, but that really has to do with their personal styles and preferences. (For translators) We try to stay as close as possible (with the source texts).


Q: There are some Chinese writing styles, like putting arguments in numbers… what do you do to handle this sort of material?

A: In English we don’t writing that way. So we usually change that a bit. For me I always try to stick to the original. Besides the copy-editor are gatekeepers… making the translation more like a written piece. Yet for me it is very important to keep the way the original looks. As for how the translation is, it is for the readers’ to decide.

I don’t think translator can put their own interpretation or adaptation into the texts, let along their personal stances. Even if the stance of the text is different from the translator’s, it is important that the translators do their job faithfully.

Q: So what about some cultural-laden expressions or concepts in Chinese?

A: I will quote the originally directly and add a short explanation behind it, or do something like “a Chinese saying goes…” (In) this way the readers can understand what is said while the translation stays close to the original. Only when it’s very difficult expression that I use adaptation instead of direct translation.

Q: So what’s the interaction with the copy-editors?

A: They will come to us if they have questions with the translation. (what sort of problems?) Usually it’s about the context… ‘cus not all the copy-editors are good in Chinese or the events in Taiwan… some of them don’t know Chinese. So they’ll have to check by themselves or come to us. Copy editors are working in a different section. They’re responsible for the international news, they also do the checkup for other pages…. So the proofreading for translation is only a part of their job. If there’s any argument, most likely is that the copy-editors are not clear about the Taiwanese events and do some personal interpretation. And sometimes they go like,

“okay, it’s translation but sounds stupid in English…” But it sounds okay in Chinese!

So at this moment we will explain what’s said in the original to them.

Q: What kind of translation is most likely to be altered by the copy-editor?

A: Well they don’t really “correct things” like the grammar or stuff like that… they do the proof reading and change small things that they think should make the translation read even better… But there are cases where they made mistakes… there’s one time that the copy-editor changed a sentence from positive to negative… which was just the opposite of what the author said… In the end we corrected that on the website.

Q: So you don’t do that on the next day’s paper?

A: No. It’s too obvious… and besides doing it on the website is easier and faster.

There were times that the author got really angry… and then the deputy


editor-in-chief had to explain what happened to the author.

Q: Next I’d like to ask more specifically about some strategies… First, I found all the titles are different?

A: that’s for sure… cuz we only translate the text, not the title… it’s like wire stories.

Copy-editors make them, like a new title. Most articles don’t have headlines… the editors make them instead. So we adopt the same strategy.

Q: Okay, so do you add or take away stuff when you translate?

A: It depends on styles of the writer. If there’re too many structural defects these changes are more likely to take place. When you add something… that’s because the original is not clear… and at this time we use parentheses… but we try to stay away from this. Because any addition is risk of the copyright violation… after all, the added stuff is not written by the author. And we have to think about the authors.

That’s why we are very cautious in the addition in translation.

Q: What’s the translation section like?

A: Our team is comparatively a peaceful team (laugh). We don’t have conflicts that much… we just have to deal with the deadline pressure. Overall it’s quite a nice team. But we don’t have that many opportunities to speak up. In some way we just do the translation. And we take the orders to translate some terms…. (for example?) Hmm, like CCP we always translate that as CPC…. And mini three links (we translate that as) small three links… It’s said that this is the style of out newspaper…. But overall because the translation team is thought to be the ones with the best English ability, so I think we’re quite well-respected.


Appendix V Table of Sample Texts

Author Translator(s) Source Translation Published date Antonio Chiang


Lin Ya-ti

Ping Guo Rih Bao

(Apple Daily 蘋果 日報)


Apollo Chen 陳學聖

Eddy Chang

Zih You Shih Bao

(Liberty Times 自 由時報)


Chang Hsi-mo 張錫模

Perry Svensson Nan Fang Kuai Bao (South News, 南方快報)


Chang Yen-hsian 張炎憲

Ian Bartholomew

Jhong Guo Shih Bao (China Times,



Chen I-shen 陳儀深

Lin Ya-ti

Jhong Guo Shih Bao (China Times,



Chin Heng-wei 金恆煒

Daniel Cheng

Tai Wan Rih Bao

(Taiwan Daily, 台 灣日報)


Chin Heng-wei 金恆煒

Lin Ya Ti

Tai Wan Rih Bao

(Taiwan Daily, 台 灣日報)


Chin Heng-wei 金恆煒

Daniel Cheng

Tai Wan Rih Bao

(Taiwan Daily, 台 灣日報)


Chiou Chwei-liang 邱垂亮

Perry Svensson

Zih You Shih Bao

(Liberty Times 自 由時報)


Chiu Hei-yuan 瞿海源

Daniel Cheng and Lin Ya-ti

Ping Guo Rih Bao

(Apple Daily 蘋果 日報)


Hsu Yung-ming 徐永明

Perry Svensson

Nan Fang Kuai Bao (South News,




Huang Tien-lin 黃天麟

Perry Svensson Nan Fang Kuai Bao (South News, 南方快報)


Huang Tien-lin 黃天麟

Lin Ya-ti Nan Fang Kuai Bao (South News, 南方快報)


Jeremy Lu 呂政達

Eddy Chang and Lin Ya-ti,

Jhong Guo Shih Bao (China Times,



Ku Chung-hwa 顧忠華

Lin Ya-ti

Zih You Shih Bao

(Liberty Times 自 由時報)


Ku Er-teh 顧爾德

Daniel Cheng

Sin Sin Wun (The Journalist, 新新



Lai I-chung 賴怡忠

Perry Svensson

Zih You Shih Bao

(Liberty Times 自 由時報)


Lin Cheng-yi 林正義

Daniel Cheng and Lin Ya-ti

Jhong Guo Shih Bao (China Times,



Lin Cheng-yi 林正義

Daniel Cheng

Jhong Guo Shih Bao (China Times,



Lin Chia-lung 林佳龍

Daniel Cheng and Lin Ya-ti

Zih You Shih Bao

(Liberty Times 自 由時報)


Paul Lin 林保華

Perry Svensson Nan Fang Kuai Bao (South News, 南方快報)


Paul Lin 林保華

Perry Svensson

Nan Fang Kuai Bao (South News,



Paul Lin 林保華 Perry Svensson Nan Fang Kuai Bao (South News, 南方快報)


Paul Lin 林保華 Lin Ya Ti

Zih You Shih Bao

(Liberty Times 自




Su Yi 蘇禕 Eddy Chang

Zih You Shih Bao

(Liberty Times 自 由時報)


Tseng Chien-yuan 曾建元

Perry Svensson and Lin Ya-ti

Da Ji Yuan Shih Bao (大紀元時報)


Tung Chen-yuan 童振源

Daniel Cheng

Sin Sin Wun (The Journalist, 新新




Chien-chuang 王健壯

Paul Cooper

Sin Sin Wun (The Journalist, 新新



Wang Mei-hsiu 王美琇

Ian Bartholomew, Daniel Cheng and Perry Svensson

Nan Fang Kuai Bao (South News,



Wu Shuh-min 吳樹民

Perry Svensson

Zih You Shih Bao

(Liberty Times 自 由時報)




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