英語聽力字彙與尾韻熟悉度的訓練研究(Ⅱ)

行政院國家科學委員會專題研究計畫 成果報告

英語聽力字彙與尾韻熟悉度的訓練研究(Ⅱ) 研究成果報告(精簡版)

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英語聽力字彙與尾韻熟悉度的訓練研究(Ⅱ)

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中 華 民 國 100 年 1 月 31 日

ABSTRACT

This report reports results from the said NSC-funded project that examines the

potential training effects of, respectively, KK phonetic symbols and phonics on Taiwan children’s English spoken word learning. Orthographic facilitation has been recently shown to play a part even in purely phonological processes. In the learning English as a foreign language (EFL) context, two orthographic systems are often used, i.e., the English alphabet itself and the orthographic aids such as KK phonetic symbols. There are advantages and disadvantages to both. The English alphabet is the actual script being read in daily reading activities but it has also been notorious for its poor grapheme-phoneme correspondence (GPC). Phonetic symbols systems, on the other hand, enjoy perfect GPC, but at the cost of making additional learning burden for having to master an additional orthographic system. Their potential facilitation was examined in this study. As the results showed, while phonics appeared to help even with auditory word learning, training in KK system appeared to have a negative, though non-significant, effect. Length of training and the implications of this study, both theoretical and pedagogical, were discussed.

Phonological awareness, or the sensitivity to sublexical phonological structure, has been constantly shown to play an important role in beginning literacy in alphabetic languages. Good phonological awareness usually characterizes good readers and poor phonological awareness usually characterizes poor readers. In fact, the body of research in support of the causal relationship has been so substantial as to be called

“one of the more notable scientific success stories” (Stanovich, 1991, p.78; see also Adams, 1990; Lundberg, 1991; Stanovich, 1992; Torgesen Wagner, Rashotte, Rose, Lindamood, Conway, & Garvan, 1999; but see Castles & Coltheart, 2004, for a critique of the research establishing the causal relationship). Phonological awareness facilitates literacy acquisition by providing corresponding phonological units for alphabetic letters to map onto, a process critical to initial literacy and often referred to either as (orthographic) decoding or as phonological recoding (Ziegler & Goswami, 2005, p.3). Unlike many other alphabetic languages, however, English distinguishes itself as an alphabetic language with a “deep” orthography, in which the letter-sound correspondence is rather unstable. That is, in contrast to the almost one-to-one correspondence between graphemes (i.e., a letter or letter cluster corresponding to one single phoneme) and phonemes in “shallow” languages such as German and Italian, an English grapheme may have multiple pronunciations, thus complicating the phonological recoding process. Fundamental issues involved in beginning reading in English thus are not limited to that of availability of sublexical phonological units (i.e., phonological awareness) for mapping onto corresponding orthographic units but include also that of consistency in letter-sound correspondence at both the small unit, i.e., grapheme-phoneme correspondence, and the large unit such as orthographic/

phonological rime correspondence (Ziegler & Goswami, 2005). Indeed, it has been shown that it takes several years for Anglophone readers to catch up with their various shallow language counterparts in decoding accuracy (e.g., Frith, Wimmer, & Landerl, 1998; Goswami, Gombert, & de Barrera, 1998; Landerl, 2000; Seymour, Aro, &

Erskine, 2003). Frith et al. (1998), for example, tested German and English 7-, 8-, and 9-year-olds for their nonword reading, a task usually used to measure phonological recoding to rule out word familiarity effect. Significant differences were found for comparisons across language groups at all ages. The most striking difference was found for the 7-year-olds: while the German children scored around 85% correct on nonword reading tests, the English children correctly decoded only about 45% of the identical nonwords.

For Anglophone speakers, the availability issue appears less severe than the consistency one, as the former is often resolved with language development and the acquisition of alphabetic literacy, whereas the latter usually takes years and conscious

effort to overcome. The availability of larger phonological units such as onsets and rimes, hence onset-rime awareness, for example, usually results from lexical

restructuring, i.e., a finer-tuning of the phonological representations in the lexicon as a

& Goswami, 2002), thus providing support for its generally assumed status as a

“natural” subsyllabic unit. On the other hand, it is generally agreed that phoneme awareness comes only with the onset of alphabetic literacy. It has been shown, for example, that not only preliterate children but il-/ex-/semi-literate adults as well were found to be poor in phoneme awareness (e.g., Cheung, 1999; Huang & Hanley, 1997;

Lukatela, Carello, & Shankweiler, 1995; Morais, Bertelson, Cary, & Alegria, 1986).

For Chinese speakers acquiring EFL literacy, however, even the issue of availability could pose serious learning obstacles, as they have often been found to be poor in subsyllabic phonological awareness. Earlier studies have attributed this poverty to the lack of subsyllabic phonological information in the Chinese orthography (e.g., Bertelson, Chen, & de Gelder, 1997; Ho & Bryant, 1997; Holm &

Dodd, 1996; Tan & Perfetti, 1998). Some recent studies, however, have argued that the observed poverty may well have rooted in phonological differences, especially in syllable structure (e.g., Chen, 2006; Yamada, 2004). Chinese syllables are simple in structure and limited in number and thus can be processed holistically. Chinese speakers are therefore unlikely to derive sensitivity to subsyllabic units. An English syllable, in contrast, can be very complex and often combines with additional syllables to form polysyllabic words, thus affording a more or less unique combination for each word. This allowance for an almost one-to-one (phonological) form-word correspondence implies that there could be as many spoken forms as there are words stored in the mental lexicon. To reduce the cognitive load in processing such a huge amount of phonological information, it is natural that a child could develop a strategy to abstract from it recurring sound sequences such as onsets and rimes as grouping units for easier storage, hence later retrieval, of entries in the phonological lexicon. For children speaking alphabetic languages, such restructuring of the phonological lexicon is made possible by the child’s “thousands of words already present in their spoken lexicon” when she begins learning to read (Ziegler & Goswami, 2005, p.3). Limited by the poor English-speaking environment which in a sense defines EFL, most

Chinese EFL readers apparently do not have the luxury to possess an EFL spoken lexicon that large and their phonological lexicon, if existent at all, could very well be ill-represented. A poorly represented phonological lexicon may in turn result in the often observed poverty in phonological awareness. One important pedagogical implication is thus that training in English spoken vocabulary or, more directly, rime familiarity may facilitate Chinese EFL children in their development of English phonological awareness, hence decoding skills.

As EFL readers are, almost by definition, unlikely to have extensive exposure to a native-speaking environment as their native counterparts are, an adequate EFL spoken vocabulary may be important not only because it provides a phonological basis for lexical restructuring to take place but for other reasons as well. For one, an adequate spoken vocabulary provides an additional lexical access—a phonological route besides the visual one—in the process of written word recognition. Such dual accesses, i.e., one via the phonological lexicon and the other via the orthographic lexicon, have the advantage of allowing themselves to back up each other to ensure better success in meaning retrieval, especially when learning to read new words. For another, an adequate spoken vocabulary in EFL acquisition may be necessary to trigger the effects phonological awareness exercises on word learning. Hu (2003), for example, examined the impact of phonological memory and phonological awareness on foreign language word learning. Chinese-speaking four-year-olds were assessed for both measures in Chinese at four points across two years (T1 to T4). At T3 and T4, they were also tested for their ability to learn foreign language words. As the same words were used at both T3 and T4, moreover, the children were actually re-learning them at T4. Puzzlingly, phonological awareness was found to contribute to word learning only at T4, but not that at T3. A further analysis that regroups the children, according to their word learning performance at T3, into successful and less successful learners revealed that the effect of phonological awareness on word learning at T4 was limited to successful learners. This suggests that familiarity with words, as indicated by successful word learning at T3, appears prerequisite for phonological awareness to take effect (Hu, 2003, p.454). All these advantages—an additional lexical access, a possibly prerequisite for phonological awareness to exercise its effects, and a ground for restructuring of the phonological lexicon to take place—thus all point to the potential benefits trainings in spoken words may have for Chinese EFL children.

If indeed an adequate spoken vocabulary is essential to successful EFL spoken word learning, one immediate question would be how large a vocabulary would prove adequate for learning to read in English, as it is directly related to how many words should be taught in a spoken word training program. One practical estimate is to include most of the words to be taught in the elementary school curriculum, as

specified by the local government, which are usually limited in number. This limited number ensures feasibility of a one-year spoken word training program. As new words in English are characterized by, as discussed, new combinations of sounds, familiarity with the whole words could prove of little use unless recurring phonological patterns can be abstracted from them for later use in learning similar-sounding words. Such abstracting ability may be limited by the small sample of words, and there are good reasons why this might be the case. The first one is the issue of granularity, as proposed in the psycholinguistic grain size theory (see Ziegler & Goswami, 2005, for a review), which “reflects the fact that there are many more orthographic units to learn when access to the phonological system is based on bigger grain sizes as opposed to smaller grain sizes” (ditto, p.3). The granularity problem applies to phonology as well as to orthography. That is, if the linguistic (i.e., phonological and/or orthographic) representation of each new word has to be learned as a distinct, unrelated entry, the retrieval of a lexical item would require a random searching from a lexicon as large as the number of words having been acquired. When lexical retrieval is based on recurring phonological chunks such as rimes, however, the size of the target lexicon is greatly reduced. For example, for the most frequent 3,000 monosyllabic English words, there are only 400 rimes (ditto, p.19). This suggests that training in sublexical units may be more efficient than that in spoken words.

However, the same logic can be applied also to argue against the selection of the rime unit for training. That is, the same logic would predict that training in phonemic awareness should be even more efficient. Indeed, it has been claimed that phoneme awareness appears to be a better predictor than onset-rime awareness of initial reading skills (e.g., Hulme, Hatcher, Nation, Brown, Adams, & Stuart, 2002; Hulme, Muter, &

Snowling, 1998), though it has also been argued that it is better viewed as an issue of developmental appropriateness (e.g., Anthony & Lonigan, 2004). Moreover, trainings in phonemic awareness have been widely shown to be effective. Ehri and her colleagues (2001), for example, report a meta-analysis conducted by the National Reading Panel of studies examining the training effects of phonemic awareness. It was shown that such trainings are effective not only in improving phonemic awareness itself, with an effect size (d) as high as 0.86, but for reading (d = 0.53) and spelling (d

= 0.59) as well. Whether this applies also to a Chinese EFL learning situation is not without a doubt, though. Although there is evidence that phonological awareness training in English do lead to better EFL word reading, such trainings appear to involve not only phonemic but also onset-rime segmentation (e.g., Cheung, 1999), possibly due to L1 transfer.

In Chen (2006), a core syllable preference in subsyllabic division was found for Chinese EFL fourth graders, who tended to process an English syllable in terms of a

core syllable plus its appendices. That is, when given a syllable of CVC structure (where C stands for consonant and V, vowel), the 4^th graders found it easier to remove or isolate the final C than the initial C, i.e., treating CV (core syllable) rather than VC (rime) as a more cohesive subsyllabic unit. As native speakers of English have been constantly shown to have an opposite tendency, i.e., they tend to find the initial C easier to segment than its final counterpart (thus evidencing to the well-documented onset-rime division), the contrasting tendency of the EFL children were interpreted as a universal preference for core syllable. If both non-core phoneme isolation and deletion, tasks that have often been employed in tapping phonemic awareness, do not seem to be problematic to Chinese EFL children due to syllable structure transfer, the reported training effect in the literature, e.g., Cheung (1999), may derive more likely from rime awareness, rather than that of phoneme awareness, as phoneme awareness tasks usually include items with both initial consonants and final consonants as target for removal or isolation.

The selection of rimes over phonemes as the training units enjoys yet another advantage. In English, though the grapheme-phoneme correspondence is rather inconsistent, a much better consistency, hence better reliability, can usually be obtained at the units of rimes (Treiman, Mullennix, Bijeljac-Babic, and Richmond-Welty, 1995). Unlike readers of shallow languages who can rely solely on grapheme-phoneme correspondence (GPC) for efficient phonological recoding, native English speakers have been shown to develop flexible recoding strategies at both the small unit level, i.e., GPC, and the large unit levels, including both whole words (e.g., Goswami, Ziegler, Dalton, & Schneider, 2001) and rimes (e.g., Brown & Deavers, 1999). The potential benefits in training in rimes are thus based on both phonological and orthographic considerations. In fact, training in rime familiarity is perhaps more efficient than spoken word training in that, for one, it could achieve, theoretically, a similar level of familiarity with the least number of words taught, an advantage especially valuable in an EFL context, where English exposure opportunities are generally limited. Rime familiarity, moreover, may equip EFL learners with the necessary phonological units corresponding to orthographic rimes, thus preparing them for later instructions in phonics to achieve best effects.

The expected rime training effects were obtained from the year one training (see for details Chen’s 2007 NSC report). As the results indicated, significant improvement occurred only to the rime familiarity group, but not to the other two groups, i.e., the control and the spoken vocabulary training group. Moreover, this differential effect was specific to auditory word learning, as there were no difference in improvement in either phonemic awareness or spoken vocabulary among the the three groups. In the present (i.e., year two) study, it had been planned that familiarity training would be

performed with an additional group in year 2, when all the subjects just began formal EFL learning, for comparison with the group having received the same training only in year 1 to see (1) whether the trainings should be conducted prior to or along with literacy instruction. Moreover, the two groups trained in year 1 would be compared again with controls to see (2) whether there is delayed effect for either training. That is, while the first year study looked at the (relative) training effects of spoken words and rime familiarity, in year 2, the timing effect of the trainings is examined. In both year one and year two, moreover, (3) whether there is a catalytic effect of word familiarity (see Hu, 2003), derived either from spoken word training or rime familiarity training, for phonological awareness to have its impact on word learning would also be examined both concurrently and longitudinally. Unfortunately, the plans had to be altered when the year two study began. This was because the trainer, who had trained all three groups in year 1, was unable to continue for having enrolled in a graduate program. As the trainer was held last on the waiting list, it had been expected that she could go on with the study. Fortunately and unfortunately, she got admitted but the graduate program’s decision came as late as September, 2009, which necessitated a change with the original plan, as the timing effect to be explored in year 2 depended on the same instructor training all the groups in year two for any comparisons to be meaningful. More specifically, different instructors would introduce an additional confound that would severely endanger the internal validity of the study.

Though a continuation study was impossible, a new study with additional factors taken into account was promising. In the present study, the impact of orthography that been recently found to play a role even in auditory processing was examined.

Orthographic Influences on Auditory Word Learning

The influence of orthography in presumably speech-based processes, such as spoken word recognition or certain phonological awareness tasks, has been widely documented in both first language (L1) literature (e.g., Bird & Williams, 2002; Ehri &

Wilce, 1979; Johnston, McKague, & Pratt, 2004; Nelson, Balass, & Perfetti, 2005) and studies with second or foreign languages (L2; e.g., Hu, 2008; Kelley, McVitt, & Esch, 2009). Core to this line of research is the hypothesis that orthography serves to anchor fleeting speech sounds with more concrete visual representations, and this should be true especially with L2 auditory word learning (Hu, 2008; Erdener & Burnham, 2005).

For learners of English as a foreign language (EFL), however, not only the speech sounds but the orthography itself appears elusive, as the English writing system has been notorious for its poor grapheme-phoneme correspondence (GPC). In English, that is, the same speech sounds (phonemes) can have multiple spellings, and letters or letter clusters representing individual phonemes (graphemes) can often be read in

multiple ways. This implies that, before they are able to develop strategies coping with such letter-sound correspondence problems to take full advantage of the English orthography (see Ziegler & Goswami, 2005, for the flexible unit hypothesis, where such strategies were discussed), beginning EFL learners may have to resort to other representational means to assist their EFL speech processing. Chinese-speaking beginning EFL learners, for example, have been reported to rely on Zhuyin Fuhao (or Zhuyin for short), a transitional phonetic alphabet enjoying a perfect symbol-sound correspondence and used in Taiwan mainly to facilitate elementary school students’

acquisition of Chinese characters, for their learning of English words.

Orthography enhances word recall by providing an overlapping yet more precise word form. Its application is much wider, though, as the correspondence between orthography and the speech sounds it represents is usually more stable and exact than that between a gesture and its referent. Indeed, the traces of orthographic influence have been consistently observed in speech-related tasks such as spoken word recognition (Chereau, Gaskell, & Dumay, 2007; Hoshino & Kroll, 2008; Perre &

Ziegler, 2008; Taft, Castles, Davis, Lazendic, & Nguyen-Hoan, 2008; Ziegler &

Ferrand, 1998; Ziegler, Muneaux, & Grainger, 2003), auditory word learning (Bird &

Williams, 2002; Hu, 2008; Johnston et al., 2004; Nelson et al., 2005), sound learning (Ehri & Wilce, 1979), and also tasks measuring phonological awareness (Castles, Holms, Neath, & Kinoshita, 2003; Donnenwerth-Nolan, Tanenhaus, & Seidenberg, 1981; Ehri & Wilce, 1980; Seidenberg & Tanenhaus, 1979; Stuart, 1990; Treiman &

Cassar, 1997; Tunmer & Nesdale, 1985).

Studies on the orthographic presence in auditory processing usually employ purely auditory tasks that may or may not involve conscious manipulation of speech sounds. Performance on phonological awareness tasks presumably involving phonological manipulations such as phoneme deletion or phoneme counting (sometimes called metaphonological tasks, e.g., Adrian, Alegria, & Morais,1995;

Chereau et al., 2007; or metalinguistic tasks, as in Ventura et al., 2004) have been reliably shown to be subject to orthographic influences (see also Castles & Coltheart, 2004, for a review). Orthographically more complex words such as pitch, for example, are more likely to be counted as having more phonemes than they actually contain than their orthographically less complex counterparts such as rich (Ehri & Wilce, 1980). Similarly, when required to orally remove the sound /n/ from the heard word

bind, children appear to depend their responses, at least in part, on the stimuli’s

Orthographic influence may even be felt without conscious sound manipulation involved, as in auditory word recognition or phonological awareness tasks such as

rhyme judgment that require no metalinguistic manipulation. In rhyme judgment tasks, for example, the decision time for orthographically dissimilar pairs of rhyming words such as pie-rye has been shown to be significantly longer than that for word pairs such as pie-tie that rhyme both phonologically and orthographically, indicating the presence of orthographic interference, hence orthographic representations (Seidenberg &

Tanenhaus, 1979; see also Donnenwerth-Nolan et al., 1981). Most comprehensive support for the automatic activation of orthographic representations, however, perhaps comes from auditory word recognition studies (e.g., Chereau, Gaskell, & Dumay, 2007; Hoshino & Kroll, 2008; Perre & Ziegler, 2008; Taft, Castles, Davis, Lazendic,

& Nguyen-Hoan, 2008; Ziegler & Ferrand, 1998; Ziegler, Muneaux, & Grainger, 2003). In this line of research, various forms of priming were typically used to contrast the decision latencies for stimuli with or without orthographic primes. Chereau et al.

(2007), for one, compare the lexical decision time for target words primed by controls, phonologically overlapping words, and phonologically and orthographically overlapping words (all of which were auditory, prime and target alike) and found that while both experimental primes significantly reduce decision times, the effect was modulated by orthographic overlap.

If mental orthographic representations help with auditory processing, it follows that training in orthography should help with auditory processing. The English orthography, however, has been notorious for its poor GPC and its orthographic facilitation may be limited. One commonly used option, KK Phonetic Symbols (Kenyon & Knott, 1953), on the other hand, could be of greater use given its perfect sound-spelling correspondence. In an EFL context, the hypothesized effect may depend on age. That is, while more advanced EFL learners might benefit from its orthographic facilitation, EFL beginner might find it impeditive rather than facilitative, as they might confuse letter names or sounds with the KK symbols. This study examined the effects of the two said orthographies on beginning EFL learners’

auditory word learning.

METHOD

KK instruction and a two-stage phonics, following de Graaff et al (2009), were given to second graders in a southern Taiwan city. The same procedure for systematic phonics as described in de Graaff et al (2009) was adapted for the two experimental groups. Note that a major difference exists between the present study and that reported in de Graaff et al (2009): the instruction was given in theirs via computers,

whereas it is given here by an instructor.

Participants

Seventy-six second graders from three classes of an urban elementary school in southern Taiwan were recruited. English was formally taught beginning in grade two in the participating school. However, many of them had attended extramural language schools for English before the pretest. The three groups of students were randomly assigned to either one of the two experimental groups or the control group. There were 29 students in the KK training group; 23 in the phonics training, and 24 in the control group. Genders were balanced the three classes.

Materials

Measurement The participants were tested on the target ability, English

Schuele (2005).

Training

Names (not sounds) of the letters covered in the project (see TABLE 1) had been reviewed with the instructor to ensure the subjects’ acquaintance with them.

Instruction was then given following the procedures specified for each of the four groups below.

There are 3 stages of instruction (with the last two adapted from de Graaff et al., 2009) for each of the three sets of materials given in TABLE 1 (i.e., 3 cycles, given, respectively, 4, 3, and 2 weeks, i.e., 8, 6, and 4 sessions). While stage A is the same for all (3) groups with all (3) sets, the three groups differed mainly in instruction

emphasis/methodology at stage B and C (Note that there were two 20-m morning sessions every week for every group):

A. Introduction to the training real words (words hereafter) in terms of both

pronunciation and spelling. Based on the phonemes involved in these words, they

were then taught (time: 15-20% of each cycle time; c. 1 session).

B. Letter (Symbol)-sound correspondence (30%-35%; c. 2-3 sessions)

(Note that in this stage, grapheme reading is always taught first. Grapheme/KK symbol cards are used for the first 2 groups. Attention had been paid to individual as well as group achievement). The goal was set that 80% of the students should be able to pronounce/spell all the designated graphemes/symbols after this stage.

1. (for EG 1): GPCs are taught by asking the students to

a. Reading: read out loud a KK symbol (e.g., /i/ for the vowel in see) presented to them.

b. Spelling: write down the symbol representing a heard sound.

2. (for EG 2): GPCs are taught and students are asked to

a. Productive: select among four different sounds the correct one.

b. Receptive: select out of four high-frequency graphemes corresponding to a sound just heard.

3. (for Control): Subjects are taught the same set of words in terms of how they are spelled, read, and used in meaningful contexts.

C. Phonics/orthographic rep. instruction (50%; c. 3-4 sessions) 1. (for EG 1):

a. Students are taught to read nonwords constituted by letters having been taught;

b. they are then asked to spelling out unfamiliar or non-words in the 7-phase procedure given in de Graaff et al (2009), as shown below.

c. finally, written unfamiliar/non words (CVC) were shown to the students, and they are asked to select one out of four possible pronunciations (with distracters differing in only one sound)

2. (for EG 2):

a. Students are taught to read nonwords constituted by letters having been taught;

b. they are then asked to read out unfamiliar or non-words in the 7-phase procedure given in de Graaff et al (2009), as shown below; Instead of hearing the nonword and providing the missing letter(s), however, the children are presented with written nonwords, hear part of it, and are asked to say the missing sound.

c. finally, written unfamiliar/non words (CVC) were shown to the students, and they are asked to select one out of four possible pronunciations (with

distracters differing in only one sound)

Procedure

The participating classes were randomly assigned to receive one of two experimental conditions or the control conditions, all with trainings taught by the same instructor. The three training groups were respectively the KK training group, the phonics training group, and a semantic teaching control group. The instruction was given in two 15-minute sessions a week (in the first period in the morning) for a total of 12 weeks. There were two participating instructors; both were graduate students enrolling in an MA program with a linguistics major. One of the instructor was responsible for one class, whereas the other was responsible for two classes. Both had been trained before the session and monitored by videotaping each class. Based on teaching content, schedule, and covered materials provided by the researcher’s, the instructor came up with feasible lesson plans for each of the twelve weeks for each group, including the objectives, materials, and procedures. The lesson plans were then discussed with the researcher, revised, and carried out from the first session on.

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

TABLE 2 gives descriptive statistics of both pretest and posttest scores on English novel name learning. A mixed 2 x 3 ANOVA was conducted, with time of test as a within-subject measure and experimental condition as between-subject measures.

There was a main effect of group, F(2, 73) = 4.52, p < .05, and an interaction, F(2, 73)

= 3.26, p >.05. The interaction between time and group occurred because the improvement was limited to phonics training only. Similar patterns were obtained when letter knowledge, phonological awareness, and/or phonological memory was entered as covariates.

The results speak favorably for the facilitation of training in phonics, but not KK phonetic symbols, on spoken word learning. Interestingly, while there was no significant facilitation of KK phonetic symbol instruction, there was a tendency to decrease in auditory word learning under the KK instruction from the pretest to the posttest. This may have resulted, as discussed earlier, from the confusion caused by the confusion between the English alphabet and the additional orthographic symbols of KK. Such confusion, however, might be a short-term effect. That is, the participants might need more time to master the mapping between sounds and the KK symbols.

Before they were able to take its full advantage, EFL learners might find it impeditive instead of facilitative. This appears to be an important topic to be further pursued.

Phonics training, on the other hand, appeared to help with the storage and recall of new auditory words by providing an additional access to the lexical entry just

established. This is consistent with the orthographic facilitation in the literature. In future studies, however, training in a longer period may be needed to compare the training effects of phonics as well as KK symbols.

SLEF-EVALUATION OF THE PROJECT RESULTS

The results of the present study carry important implications both theoretically and pedagogically. Theoretically, it confirms the facilitative effects of orthography in remembering even auditory words. The role of orthography needs to be further examined for its assistance in English word learning. Although phonics has been found to play a major role in reading acquisition, its role in auditory word learning was, to the best knowledge of the researcher, never investigated. The value of phonics as a teaching method is thus extended to word learning as well. Pedagogically, it means that in the word learning instruction, more attention needs to be paid to orthographic aids. Students should be instructed in not only phonological but also orthographic forms. Indeed, if word learning is defined by establishing (and strengthening) the association between linguistic forms and semantic content, an additional orthographic access would provide an additional, even if backup, access for lexical retrieval. Given the limited items used and the consistent relationship between orthography and sounds in this study, however, whether phonics is as useful when learning words with

inconsistent GPC still needs to be examined.

References

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Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

Anthony, J. L., & Lonigan, C. J. (2004). The nature of phonological awareness:

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Evidence from children and adults. Journal of Experimental Child Psychology,

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Ehri, L. C., Nunes, S. R., Willows, D. A., Schuster, B. V., Yaghoub-Zadeh, Z., &

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Goswami, U., Gombert, J. E., & de Barrera, L. F. (1998). Children’s orthographic representations and linguistic transparency: Nonsense word reading in English, French, and Spanish. Applied Psycholinguistics, 19, 19–52.

Goswami, U., Ziegler, J. C., Dalton, L., & Schneider, W. (2001). Pseudohomophone effects and phonological recoding procedures in reading development in English and German. Journal of Memory and Language, 45, 648–664.

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Experimental Child Psychology, 71, 39–44.

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Education, 15, 239–257.

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Psycholinguistics, 16, 463–487.

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instruction. In S. A. Brady & D. P. Shankweiler (Eds.), Phonological processes

in literacy: A tribute to Isabelle Liberman (pp. 150–165). Hillsdale, NJ:

Erlbaum.

Metsala, J. L., & Walley, A. C. (1998). Spoken vocabulary growth and the segmental restructuring of lexical representations: Precursors to phonemic awareness and early reading ability. In J. L. Metsala & L. C. Ehri (Eds.), Word recognition in

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Storkel, H. L. (2002). Restructuring of similarity neighborhoods in the developing mental lexicon. Journal of Child Language, 29, 251–274.

Torgesen, J., Wagner, R. K., Rashotte, C. A., Rose, E., Lindamood, P., Conway, T., &

Garvan, C. (1999). Preventing reading failure in children with phonological processing difficulties: Group and individual responses to instruction. Journal

of Educational Psychology, 81, 579–593.

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orthography, Journal of Experimental Psychology: General, 124, 107–136.

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Awareness to Chinese-English Biliteracy Acquisition. Journal of Educational

Psychology, 98, 542-553.

Wang, M., Koda, K., & Perfetti, C. A. (2004). Language and writing systems are both important in learning to read . Cognition, 93, 133-137.

Yamada. (2004). An L1-script-transfer-effect fallacy: a rejoinder to Wang et al. (2003).

Cognition, 93, 127-132.

Ziegler, J. C., & Goswami, U. C. (2005). Reading acquisition, developmental dyslexia and skilled reading across languages: A psycholinguistic grain size theory.

Psychological Bulletin, 131, 3-29.

TABLE 1

Vowels consonants words nonwords Set

1

i, e /, / s, p, y, t, n /s, p, j, t, n/

sit, pen, yes sen, sip, pit, pes, pis, pip, tis, yep, nep, nip, nit, nis, etc.

Set 2

i, e, ee /, , i/

s, p, y, t, n, b, g, r; /b, g, r/

see, bee, tree, green

pee, tee, nee, ree, etc.

Set 3

i, e, ee, a_e /, , I, e/

s, p, y, t, n, b, g, r, m, k; /m, k/

name, game, make, take

sape, nape, bape, tate, nate, pate, mee, kee etc.

TABLE 2

Pretest and Posttest Group Means and Standard Errors (in parentheses)

Group Pretest Posttest

KK Training 16.66 (1.14) 14.17 (1.31)

Rime Familiarity 10.57 (1.28) 13.30 (1.47)

Spoken Vocabulary 10.79 (1.25) 11.75 (1.44)

出國開會心得報告

會議名稱：

Seventeenth Annual Conference of the

Society for the Scientific Study of Reading

開會時間：民國九十九年七月七至十日 開會地點：德國柏林(Berlin) Seminaris CampusHotel Berlin

發表人：陳世威

服務單位：國立成功大學外國語文學系

致謝：

感謝國科會九十八年度計畫案<<英語聽力字彙與尾韻熟悉度的訓練研究(Ⅱ)> >

(NSC 98-2410-H-006 -072 -)給予個人的資助得於參加於本年度於德國柏林舉辦 的第十七屆閱讀的科學性研究2010年年度會議，並於該會議中發表論文。該會議 為認知心理學領域中三大主要國際會議之一，半數以上口頭論文發表者都來自於 世界排名前五十名大學，發表的研究成果亦反映了最新的研究趨勢。

參加會議經過：

從七月七日到十日這四天的會議期間，來自世界知名大學的四百多名學者共聚會 議大樓，在每天三個時段、每個時段五個平行場次(parallel sessions)已口頭發表 最新研究成果。在口頭發表論文之外，另有每天一場次，共三天三場次、約一百

八十篇的海報論文發表，即使為海報論文，其作者亦不乏國際知名學者，其論文

的質與量可以想見。在口頭論文方面，其平行場次依不同主題，結合不同次領域 的學者研討，包括閱讀困難症相關議題、閱讀的電腦模擬、罕見語言閱讀、語言 構詞意識的影響、音韻處理能力與閱讀等傳統核心議題。除此之外，值得一提的 是，亦開始加入教育訓練與家庭、學校環境影響的議題。顯示在理論之外，該會 議對於實際應用的開始重視。可以想見的是，這些議題的轉向，應該會在未來帶 動一股新的研究方向。

與會心得：

本次會議在議題上有明顯的轉向，傳統對於音韻處理能力對閱讀能力的影響已為 語言構詞意識的影響取而代之。對於心理發展階段的重視也逐漸加強，亦即不只 問某種能力是否有所影響，同時也開始問此種能力在何發展階段有影響。此外，

拜電腦科技迅速發展之賜，對於計算模擬的方法亦似有回歸主流的趨勢。然而，

電腦顯影技術所帶來的研究可能性依然方興未艾，許多研究結果得已更加鞏固或 須另起爐灶。許多知名學者的探討性研究亦激發許多前瞻議題的潛力。然而在這 林林種種的新舊議題與研究技術發展下，依然要回歸到自已的利基，提供學界不 同的研究面向。新議題的發表讓研究能更嚴謹，如何在新舊之間取捨，又是另一 議題。

結語：

參與此次會議讓我有更多的研究靈感，也越清楚自己能為基礎閱讀領域的可能貢 獻所在。人際上的拓展也開啟了未來跨領域與國際合作的可能性。這些經驗相信 對於個人為來的研究都會有莫大助益。

攜回資料名稱及內容：

本次會議以環保為念，顧僅提供網上版本的議程與論文摘要集。請詳見官方網站:

http://www.triplesr.org/conference/10conf.php

SSSR 2010 Conference Abstracts

perception should affect sensitivity to syllable stress patterns in speech. Method: Dyslexic and non-dyslexic adult participants made same-different judgments about the position of syllable stress in pairs of 4-syllable words. In Experiment 1, participants heard the same word pronounced twice, either with correct or incorrect syllable stress placement (eg. “MIlitary” - “miLItary"). In Experiment 2, participants compared stress placement across two different words (eg. “MIlitary” - “SEcondary”). Participants also received non-speech psychoacoustic measures for amplitude envelope onset (rise time), frequency and intensity discrimination, and standardised tests of IQ, phonological

awareness, reading and spelling. Results: Compared to controls, dyslexics had marked deficits in their ability to perceive syllable stress patterns both when auditory on-line processing was sufficient to answer correctly (eg.

“MIlitary” vs “miLItary"), and when they had to abstract and compare syllable stress patterns across different words (eg. “MIlitary” vs “SEcondary”). Dyslexics had significantly higher auditory thresholds for rise time and frequency, but not for intensity. Prosodic sensitivity to syllable stress was significantly related to rise time and frequency

thresholds, and to literacy and phonological measures. Conclusions: We conclude that auditory processing difficulties in dyslexia are associated with reduced sensitivity to syllable stress, impaired phonological awareness and poor outcomes in literacy.

Top

Aleck Shih-wei Chen (National Cheng Kung University, Taiwan); Jensen Chia-sen Tsou - Measuring Phoneme Awareness in Chinese-speaking Children

Chinese-speaking children learning English as a foreign language (EFL) have been found to tend to subdivide an English syllable into a core syllable (CV) plus appendices, i.e., any consonants preceding or following the core syllable. This implies that not all items traditionally measuring phoneme awareness are equally valid for this

population. More specifically, it may be only items requiring segmentation of the core syllable that are measuring true phoneme awareness in Chinese-speaking EFL children. Fifty-one Chinese-speaking EFL second graders were

measured for their performance on various EFL literacy tasks at two time points four months apart. The results showed that T1 performance in core syllable items, which require removal or isolation of the initial consonant from a CVC syllable, is highly correlated with both T1 (concurrent) and T2 (longitudinal) measures of English nonword reading (respectively .71 and .70) and spelling (respectively .63 and .69), all ps < .001. Performance on non-core-syllable items requiring segmentation of non-core-syllable phonemes, in contrast, is not correlated either concurrently or

longitudinally with either English nonword reading or spelling, all ps > .10. The results suggest that only core syllable items should be used in phoneme awareness tasks when Chinese-speaking subjects are involved.

Top

Candise Chen (University of Maryland, College Park)Min Wang; Hua Shu; Han Wu; Chu Chu Li - Development of tone sensitivity in young Chinese children and its relation to reading

Purpose - This study examined the development of tone sensitivity in Chinese children and its relation to reading acquisition. There are three types of tones in Mandarin. The four lexical tones (LT) attach to the same syllable but carry different semantic information (/ma/1 “mother”, /ma/2 “linen”). Tone sandhi (TS) is tonal alteration in connected speech in which Tone 3 becomes Tone 2 when followed by another Tone 3 (/hen/3 “very” + /hao/3 “good” =

/hen/2/hao/3 “very good”). The neutral tone (NT) is tonal alternation on the second syllable of a disyllabic word and pronounced with lower pitch and shorter duration (/xue/2 “study” + /guo/4 “-ed” = /xue/2/guo/ “studied”). Method - Participants were 19 3-year-old, 43 5-year-old, and 40 7-year-old native speakers of Beijing Mandarin. Measures included an expressive vocabulary test, onset, rime, and LT oddity, and TS and NT awareness tasks. Reading

assessments, administered to only 7-year-olds, included single character recognition, two-character word recognition, and sentence comprehension. Results - Three-year-olds performed above chance only in TS. Five and 7-year-olds performed above chance in all phonology tasks. Vocabulary and onset and rime (composite z-scores) predicted

character reading; onset and rime and LT predicted word recognition; onset and rime, LT, and TS and NT (composite) predicted sentence comprehension. Conclusion - Three-year-olds have developed sensitivity to TS. Awareness to onset, rime, LT, and NT emerges at age 5. Early development of TS may be due to phonotactic properties of the Tone 3 sandhi. NT involves tense marking auxiliaries which may require morphosyntactic knowledge that develops later.

Onset, rime and tone awareness contribute to reading achievements in 7-year-olds.

Top

Hsiu-Fen Chen (Special Education Center, National Taiwan Normal University); Li-Yu Hung; Hsin-Yi Chen; Yu-

Huei Huang; Sheng-Min Cheng; Su-Jan Wong - Reading interventions outcomes for students with LD in Taiwan: A

國科會補助計畫衍生研發成果推廣資料表

日期:2011/01/31

國科會補助計畫

計畫名稱: 英語聽力字彙與尾韻熟悉度的訓練研究(Ⅱ) 計畫主持人: 陳世威

計畫編號: 98-2410-H-006-072- 學門領域: 英語教學研究

無研發成果推廣資料

98 年度專題研究計畫研究成果彙整表

計畫主持人：陳世威 計畫編號：98-2410-H-006-072-

計畫名稱：英語聽力字彙與尾韻熟悉度的訓練研究(Ⅱ)

成果項目 ^{實際已達成}

數（被接受 或已發表）

預期總達成 數(含實際已

達成數)

本計畫實 際貢獻百

分比

單位

備 註 （ 質 化 說 明：如 數 個 計 畫 共 同 成 果、成 果 列 為 該 期 刊 之 封 面 故 事 ...

等）

期刊論文 0 0 100%

研究報告/技術報告 0 0 100%

研討會論文 0 0 100%

論文著作 篇

專書 0 0 100%

申請中件數 0 0 100%

專利 已獲得件數 0 0 100% 件

件數 0 0 100% 件

技術移轉

權利金 0 0 100% 千元

碩士生 0 0 100%

博士生 0 0 100%

博士後研究員 0 0 100%

國內

參與計畫人力

（本國籍）

專任助理 0 0 100%

人次

期刊論文 0 1 0%

研究報告/技術報告 0 0 100%

研討會論文 1 1 100%

論文著作 篇

專書 0 0 100% 章/本

申請中件數 0 0 100%

專利 已獲得件數 0 0 100% 件

件數 0 0 100% 件

技術移轉

權利金 0 0 100% 千元

碩士生 0 0 100%

博士生 0 0 100%

博士後研究員 0 0 100%

國外

參與計畫人力

（外國籍）

專任助理 0 0 100%

人次

其他成果

(無法以量化表達之成

果如辦理學術活動、獲 得獎項、重要國際合 作、研究成果國際影響 力及其他協助產業技 術發展之具體效益事 項等，請以文字敘述填 列。)

無

成果項目 量化 名稱或內容性質簡述

測驗工具(含質性與量性) 0

課程/模組 0

電腦及網路系統或工具 0

教材 0

舉辦之活動/競賽 0

研討會/工作坊 0

電子報、網站 0

科 教 處 計 畫 加 填 項

目 計畫成果推廣之參與（閱聽）人數 0

國科會補助專題研究計畫成果報告自評表

請就研究內容與原計畫相符程度、達成預期目標情況、研究成果之學術或應用價 值（簡要敘述成果所代表之意義、價值、影響或進一步發展之可能性）、是否適 合在學術期刊發表或申請專利、主要發現或其他有關價值等，作一綜合評估。

1. 請就研究內容與原計畫相符程度、達成預期目標情況作一綜合評估

□達成目標

■未達成目標（請說明，以 100 字為限）

□實驗失敗

□因故實驗中斷

■其他原因 說明：

本研究為前一年度的延伸，然此一時機研究有賴於訓練者必須與前年度一樣為同一人。然 而該訓練者於 98 年 9 月因錄取研究所而必須退出。該員為備取最後一名，而按往年經驗錄取 機率甚低。幸運的是，同一主題仍有其他因素待研究，故研究主題仍同，而因素則更改為文 字系統的影響。變更後方向請詳報告內容。

2. 研究成果在學術期刊發表或申請專利等情形：

論文：□已發表 □未發表之文稿 ■撰寫中 □無 專利：□已獲得 □申請中 ■無

技轉：□已技轉 □洽談中 ■無 其他：（以 100 字為限）

3. 請依學術成就、技術創新、社會影響等方面，評估研究成果之學術或應用價 值（簡要敘述成果所代表之意義、價值、影響或進一步發展之可能性）（以 500 字為限）

The results of the present study carry important implications both theoretically and pedagogically. Theoretically, it extends the role of phonics to auditory word learning, which was, to the best knowledge of the researcher, never investigated.

Pedagogically, it means that students should be instructed in not only phonological but also orthographic forms.