Chapter 5 Conclusion
5.2 Further Issues
SHARE[back], and the Place markedness constraints (*Lab, *Dor >> *Cor), either in the word-final or word-medial position. However, we suggested that the rankings between SHARE[back] and IDENT[dorsal], show that two cophonologies are needed. For example, there are two possible substitutes, [on] and [oŋ], for the same source [õn].
When SHARE[back] dominates IDENT[dorsal], the substitute [oŋ] is obtained. In contrast, when IDENT[dorsal] dominates SHARE[back], the substitute [on] is chosen.
Finally, three constraints are proposed to account for syllable combination in loanwords, they are, IDENT[μ], *[μμμ], and ONSET. This constraint set accounts well for the absence of forms like [k*aun.ta] ‘counter’ and [k*u.lja] ‘clear’. The former violates *[μμμ] by having three moras in the rime, while the latter violates IDENT[μ]
by changing the vowel [i] in the source form to the glide [j] in the borrowed form, yielding the deletion of the mora.
To conclude, the substitutions of Japanese segments in Taiwanese are accounted for by the high ranking of the markedness constraints. Alternative ranking of the same constraint set then explain certain variations of the corresponding segments.
5.2. Further Issues
There are some issues which were not dealt with in this thesis.
First, glottal insertion and voiceless stop aspiration are discussed in the present study with the statistics from corpus data. However, the two adjustment phenomena are not analyzed under the framework of OT.
Second, we have shown that there are variations in the substitutions of Japanese segments. However, the present study only analyzes the dominant substitute and the substitute that reveal a systematic adjustment of each Japanese segment when
developing an OT analysis. For further research, one may analyze all of the variations
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of every Japanese segment by adopting the concept of floating constraints.
Finally, while Japanese words contrast each other by high and low pitches, as in ha-si (HL) ‘chopsticks’ and ha-si (LH) ‘bridge’, Taiwanese use tones to distinguish words, as in tong ‘east’ and tōng ‘hole’. The adjustment of pitches in Japanese loanwords in Taiwanese has been of interest to researchers. However, it is still controversial whether there are correlations between Japanese and Taiwanese
supersegmentally. The complex mapping of tones of Japanese loanwords and pitches of the original sources may be better accounted for by investigating the statistics obtained from corpus data.
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